who was involved in the moral reform movement

Contraception was legal in the United States throughout most of the 19th century, but in the 1870s a social purity movement grew in strength, aimed at outlawing vice in general, and prostitution and obscenity in particular.[17] Composed primarily of Protestant moral reformers and middle-class women, the Victorian-era campaign also attacked contraception, which was viewed as an immoral practice that promoted prostitution and venereal disease.[18] Anthony Comstock, a postal inspector and leader in the purity movement, successfully lobbied for the passage of the 1873 Comstock Act, a federal law prohibiting mailing of "any article or thing designed or intended for the prevention of conception or procuring of abortion" as well as any form of contraceptive information.[19] Many states also passed similar state laws (collectively known as the Comstock laws), sometimes extending the federal law by outlawing the use of contraceptives, as well as their distribution. Comstock was proud of the fact that he was personally responsible for thousands of arrests and the destruction of hundreds of tons of books and pamphlets.[20]

Birth control movement in the United States

The birth control movement in the United States was a social reform campaign from 1914 to around 1945 that aimed to increase the availability of contraception in the U.S. through education and legalization. The movement began in 1914 when a group of political radicals in New York City, led by Emma Goldman, Mary Dennett, and Margaret Sanger, became concerned about the hardships that childbirth and self-induced abortions brought to low-income women. Sanger, in particular, simultaneously sought to connect birth control to the organized eugenics movement, regularly appealing to the authority of eugenic scientists Karl Pearson, Charles Davenport, and others in her Birth Control Review from the early 1920s [1] Such figures sought to prevent population segments they deemed genetically 'undesirable' from reproducing. While seeking legitimacy for the birth control movement partly through the approval of organized eugenics, Sanger and other activists also worked on the political front. Since contraception was considered to be obscene at the time, the activists targeted the Comstock laws, which prohibited distribution of any "obscene, lewd, and/or lascivious" materials through the mail. Hoping to provoke a favorable legal decision, Sanger deliberately broke the law by distributing The Woman Rebel, a newsletter containing a discussion of contraception. In 1916, Sanger opened the first birth control clinic in the United States, but the clinic was immediately shut down by police, and Sanger was sentenced to 30 days in jail.

A major turning point for the movement came during World War I, when many U.S. servicemen were diagnosed with venereal diseases. The government's response included an anti-venereal disease campaign that framed sexual intercourse and contraception as issues of public health and legitimate topics of scientific research. This was the first time a U.S. government institution had engaged in a sustained, public discussion of sexual matters; as a consequence, contraception transformed from an issue of morals to an issue of public health.

Encouraged by the public's changing attitudes towards birth control, Sanger opened a second birth control clinic in 1923, but this time there were no arrests or controversy. Throughout the 1920s, public discussion of contraception became more commonplace, and the term "birth control" became firmly established in the nation's vernacular. The widespread availability of contraception signaled a transition from the stricter sexual mores of the Victorian era to a more sexually permissive society.

Legal victories in the 1930s continued to weaken anti-contraception laws. The court victories motivated the American Medical Association in 1937 to adopt contraception as a core component of medical school curricula, but the medical community was slow to accept this new responsibility, and women continued to rely on unsafe and ineffective contraceptive advice from ill-informed sources. In 1942, the Planned Parenthood Federation of America was formed, creating a nationwide network of birth control clinics. After World War II, the movement to legalize birth control came to a gradual conclusion, as birth control was fully embraced by the medical profession, and the remaining anti-contraception laws were no longer enforced.

The practice of birth control was common throughout the U.S. prior to 1914, when the movement to legalize contraception began. Longstanding techniques included the rhythm method, withdrawal, diaphragms, contraceptive sponges, condoms, prolonged breastfeeding, and spermicides.[2] Use of contraceptives increased throughout the nineteenth century, contributing to a 50 percent drop in the fertility rate in the United States between 1800 and 1900, particularly in urban regions.[3] The only known survey conducted during the nineteenth century of American women's contraceptive habits was performed by Clelia Mosher from 1892 to 1912.[4] The survey was based on a small sample of upper-class women, and shows that most of the women used contraception (primarily douching, but also withdrawal, rhythm, condoms and pessaries) and that they viewed sex as a pleasurable act that could be undertaken without the goal of procreation.[5]

Although contraceptives were relatively common in middle-class and upper-class society, the topic was rarely discussed in public.[6] The first book published in the United States which ventured to discuss contraception was Moral Physiology; or, A Brief and Plain Treatise on the Population Question, published by Robert Dale Owen in 1831.[7] The book suggested that family planning was a laudable effort, and that sexual gratification – without the goal of reproduction – was not immoral.[8] Owen recommended withdrawal, but he also discussed sponges and condoms.[9] That book was followed by Fruits of Philosophy: The Private Companion of Young Married People, written in 1832 by Charles Knowlton, which recommended douching.[10] Knowlton was prosecuted in Massachusetts on obscenity charges, and served three months in prison.[11]

Birth control practices were generally adopted earlier in Europe than in the United States. Knowlton's book was reprinted in 1877 in England by Charles Bradlaugh and Annie Besant, with the goal of challenging Britain's obscenity laws.[12] They were arrested (and later acquitted) but the publicity of their trial contributed to the formation, in 1877, of the Malthusian League – the world's first birth control advocacy group – which sought to limit population growth to avoid Thomas Malthus's dire predictions of exponential population growth leading to worldwide poverty and famine.[13] By 1930, similar societies had been established in nearly all European countries, and birth control began to find acceptance in most Western European countries, except Catholic Ireland, Spain, and France.[14] As the birth control societies spread across Europe, so did birth control clinics. The first birth control clinic in the world was established in the Netherlands in 1882, run by the Netherlands' first female physician, Aletta Jacobs.[15] The first birth control clinic in England was established in 1921 by Marie Stopes, in London.[16]

Comstock and his allies also took aim at the libertarians and utopians who comprised the free love movement – an initiative to promote sexual freedom, equality for women, and abolition of marriage.[21] The free love proponents were the only group to actively oppose the Comstock laws in the 19th century, setting the stage for the birth control movement.[22]

The efforts of the free love movement were not successful and, at the beginning of the 20th century, federal and state governments began to enforce the Comstock laws more rigorously.[22] In response, contraception went underground, but it was not extinguished. The number of publications on the topic dwindled, and advertisements, if they were found at all, used euphemisms such as "marital aids" or "hygienic devices". Drug stores continued to sell condoms as "rubber goods" and cervical caps as "womb supporters".[23]

At the turn of the century, an energetic movement arose, centered in Greenwich Village, that sought to overturn bans on free speech.[24] Supported by radicals, feminists, anarchists, and atheists such as Ezra Heywood, Moses Harman, D. M. Bennett, and Emma Goldman, these activists regularly battled anti-obscenity laws and, later, the government's effort to suppress speech critical of involvement in World War I.[25] Prior to 1914, the free speech movement focused on politics, and rarely addressed contraception.[26]

Goldman's circle of radicals, socialists, and bohemians was joined in 1912 by a nurse, Margaret Sanger, whose mother had been through 18 pregnancies in 22 years, and died at age 50 of tuberculosis and cervical cancer.[27] In 1913, Sanger worked in New York's Lower East Side, often with poor women who were suffering due to frequent childbirth and self-induced abortions.[28] After one particularly tragic medical case, Sanger wrote: "I threw my nursing bag in the corner and announcedÂ ... that I would never take another case until I had made it possible for working women in America to have the knowledge to control birth."[29] Sanger visited public libraries, searching for information on contraception, but nothing was available.[30] She became outraged that working-class women could not obtain contraception, yet upper-class women who had access to private physicians could.[31]

Under the influence of Goldman and the Free Speech League, Sanger became determined to challenge the Comstock laws that outlawed the dissemination of contraceptive information.[32] With that goal in mind, in 1914 she launched The Woman Rebel, an eight-page monthly newsletter which promoted contraception using the slogan "No Gods, No Masters",[33] and proclaimed that each woman should be "the absolute mistress of her own body."[34] Sanger coined the term birth control, which first appeared in the pages of Rebel, as a more candid alternative to euphemisms such as family limitation.[35]

Sanger's goal of challenging the law was fulfilled when she was indicted in August 1914, but the prosecutors focused their attention on articles Sanger had written on assassination and marriage, rather than contraception.[36] Afraid that she might be sent to prison without an opportunity to argue for birth control in court, she fled to England to escape arrest.[37]

While Sanger was in Europe, her husband continued her work, which led to his arrest after he distributed a copy of a birth control pamphlet to an undercover postal worker.[38] The arrest and his 30-day jail sentence prompted several mainstream publications, including Harper's Weekly and the New-York Tribune, to publish articles about the birth control controversy.[39] Emma Goldman and Ben Reitman toured the country, speaking in support of the Sangers, and distributing copies of Sanger's pamphlet Family Limitation.[40] Sanger's exile and her husband's arrest propelled the birth control movement into the forefront of American news.[41]

In the spring of 1915 supporters of the Sangers – led by Mary Dennett – formed the National Birth Control League (NBCL), which was the first American birth control organization.[42] Throughout 1915, smaller regional organizations were formed in San Francisco, Portland, Oregon, Seattle, and Los Angeles.[43]

Sanger returned to the United States in October 1915. She planned to open a birth control clinic modeled on the world's first such clinic, which she had visited in Amsterdam. She first had to fight the charges outstanding against her.[44] Noted attorney Clarence Darrow offered to defend Sanger free of charge but, bowing to public pressure, the government dropped the charges early in 1916.[45] No longer under the threat of jail, Sanger embarked on a successful cross-country speaking tour, which catapulted her into the leadership of the U.S. birth control movement.[46] Other leading figures, such as William J. Robinson and Mary Dennett, chose to work in the background, or turned their attention to other causes.[46] Later in 1916, Sanger traveled to Boston to lend her support to the Massachusetts Birth Control League and to jailed birth control activist Van Kleeck Allison.[47]

During Sanger's 1916 speaking tour, she promoted birth control clinics based on the Dutch model she had observed during her 1914 trip to Europe. Although she inspired many local communities to create birth control leagues, no clinics were established.[48] Sanger therefore resolved to create a birth control clinic in New York that would provide free contraceptive services to women.[49] New York state law prohibited the distribution of contraceptives or even contraceptive information, but Sanger hoped to exploit a provision in the law which permitted doctors to prescribe contraceptives for the prevention of disease.[50] On October 16, 1916, she, partnering with Fania Mindell and Ethel Byrne, opened the Brownsville clinic in Brooklyn. The clinic was an immediate success, with over 100 women visiting on the first day.[51] A few days after opening, an undercover policewoman purchased a cervical cap at the clinic, and Sanger was arrested. Refusing to walk, Sanger and a co-worker were dragged out of the clinic by police officers.[52] The clinic was shut down, and it was not until 1923 that another birth control clinic was opened in the United States.[53]

Sanger's trial began in January 1917. She was supported by a large number of wealthy and influential women who came together to form the Committee of One Hundred, which was devoted to raising funds for Sanger and the NBCL.[54] The committee also started publishing the monthly journal Birth Control Review, and established a network of connections to powerful politicians, activists, and press figures.[55] Despite the strong support, Sanger was convicted; the judge offered a lenient sentence if she promised not to break the law again, but Sanger replied "I cannot respect the law as it exists today."[56] She served a sentence of 30 days in jail.[56]

In protest to her arrest as well, Byrne was sentenced to 30 days in jail at Blackwell’s Island Prison and responded to her situation with a hunger strike protest. With no signs of ending her demonstration anytime soon, Byrne was force fed by prison guards. Weakened and ill, Byrne refused to end her hunger strike at the cost of securing early release from prison. However, Sanger accepted the plea bargain on her sister’s behalf, agreeing that Byrne would be released early from prison if she ended her birth control activism. Horrified, Byrne’s relationship quickly eroded with her sister and, both forcefully and willingly, she left the birth control movement. Due to the drama of Byrne’s demonstration, the birth control movement became a headline news story in which the organization’s purpose was distributed across the country.[57]

Other activists were also pushing for progress. Emma Goldman was arrested in 1916 for circulating birth control information,[58] and Abraham Jacobi unsuccessfully tried to persuade the New York medical community to push for a change in law to permit physicians to dispense contraceptive information.[59]

The publicity from Sanger's trial and Byrne's hunger strike generated immense enthusiasm for the cause, and by the end of 1917 there were over 30 birth control organizations in the United States.[61] Sanger was always astute about public relations, and she seized on the publicity of the trial to advance her causes.[62] After her trial, she emerged as the movement's most visible leader.[63] Other leaders, such as William J. Robinson, Mary Dennett, and Blanche Ames Ames, could not match Sanger's charisma, charm and fervor.[64]

The movement was evolving from radical, working-class roots into a campaign backed by society women and liberal professionals.[65] Sanger and her fellow advocates began to tone down their radical rhetoric and instead emphasized the socioeconomic benefits of birth control, a policy which led to increasing acceptance by mainstream Americans.[66] Media coverage increased, and several silent motion pictures produced in the 1910s featured birth control as a theme (including Birth Control, produced by Sanger and starring herself).[67]

Opposition to birth control remained strong: state legislatures refused to legalize contraception or the distribution of contraceptive information;[68] religious leaders spoke out, attacking women who would choose "ease and fashion" over motherhood;[69] and eugenicists were worried that birth control would exacerbate the birth rate differential between "old stock" white Americans and "coloreds" or immigrants.[70]

Sanger formed the New York Woman's Publishing Company (NYWPC) in 1918 and, under its auspices, became the publisher for the Birth Control Review.[71] British suffragette activist Kitty Marion, standing on New York street corners, sold the Review at 20 cents per copy, enduring death threats, heckling, spitting, physical abuse, and police harassment. Over the course of the following ten years, Marion was arrested nine times for her birth control advocacy.[72]

Sanger appealed her 1917 conviction and won a mixed victory in 1918 in a unanimous decision by the New York Court of Appeals written by Judge Frederick E. Crane. The court's opinion upheld her conviction, but indicated that the courts would be willing to permit contraception if prescribed by doctors.[73] This decision was only applicable within New York, where it opened the door for birth control clinics, under physician supervision, to be established.[74] Sanger herself did not immediately take advantage of the opportunity, wrongly expecting that the medical profession would lead the way; instead she focused on writing and lecturing.[75]

The birth control movement received an unexpected boost during World War I, as a result of a crisis the U.S. military experienced when many of its soldiers were diagnosed with syphilis or gonorrhea. The military undertook an extensive education campaign, focusing on abstinence, but also offering some contraceptive guidance.[76] The military, under pressure from purity advocates, did not distribute condoms, or even endorse their use, making the U.S. the only military force in World War I that did not supply condoms to its troops. When U.S. soldiers were in Europe, they found rubber condoms readily available, and when they returned to America, they continued to use condoms as their preferred method of birth control.[77]

The military's anti-venereal disease campaign marked a major turning point for the movement: it was the first time a government institution had engaged in a sustained, public discussion of sexual matters.[78] The government's public discourse changed sex from a secret topic into a legitimate topic of scientific research, and it transformed contraception from an issue of morals to an issue of public health.[79]

In 1917, advocate Emma Goldman was arrested for protesting World War 1 and American military conscription. Goldmanâ€™s commitment to free speech on topics such as socialism, anarchism, birth control, labor/union rights, and free love eventually cost her American citizenship and the right to live in the United States. Due to her commitment to socialist welfare and anti-capitalism, Goldman was associated with communism which led to her expulsion from the country during the First Red Scare.[80] While World War 1 led to a breakthrough on American acceptance of birth control relating to public health, anti-communist WW1 propaganda sacrificed one of the birth control movement's most dedicated members.

While an important birth control activist and leader, Mary Dennett advocated for a wide variety of organizations. Starting as a field secretary for the Massachusetts Women’s Suffrage Association, she worked her way up to win an elected seat as a corresponding secretary for the National American Women’s Suffrage Association. Dennett headed the literary department, undertaking assignments such as distributing pamphlets and leaflets. Following disillusionment with the NAWSA’s organizational structure, Dennett, as described above, helped found the National Birth Control League. The NBCL took a strong stance against militant protest strategies and instead focused attention on legislation changes at both the state and federal level.[81] During World War I, Mary Dennett focused her efforts on the peace movement, but she returned to the birth control movement in 1918.[82] She continued to lead the NBCL, and collaborated with Sanger's NYWPC. In 1919, Dennett published a widely distributed educational pamphlet, The Sex Side of Life, which treated sex as a natural and enjoyable act.[83] However, in the same year, frustrated with the NBCL's chronic lack of funding, Dennett broke away and formed the Voluntary Parenthood League (VPL).[84] Both Dennett and Sanger proposed legislative changes that would legalize birth control, but they took different approaches: Sanger endorsed contraception but only under a physician's supervision; Dennett pushed for unrestricted access to contraception.[85] Sanger, a proponent of diaphragms, was concerned that unrestricted access would result in ill-fitting diaphragms and would lead to medical quackery.[86] Dennett was concerned that requiring women to get prescriptions from physicians would prevent poor women from receiving contraception, and she was concerned about a shortage of physicians trained in birth control.[85] Both legislative initiatives failed, partly because some legislators felt that fear of pregnancy was the only thing that kept women chaste.[87] In the early 1920s, Sanger's leadership position in the movement solidified because she gave frequent public lectures, and because she took steps to exclude Dennett from meetings and events.[88]

Although Sanger was busy publishing the Birth Control Review during the years 1919–1920, she was not formally affiliated with either of the major birth control organizations (NBCL or VPL) during that time. In 1921 she became convinced that she needed to associate with a formal body to earn the support of professional societies and the scientific community. Rather than join an existing organization, she considered creating a new one.[90] As a first step, she organized the First American Birth Control Conference, held in November 1921 in New York City. On the final night of the conference, as Sanger prepared to give a speech in the crowded Town Hall theater, police raided the meeting and arrested her for disorderly conduct. From the stage she shouted: "we have a right to hold [this meeting] under the Constitution ... let them club us if they want to."[91] She was soon released.[91] The following day it was revealed that Patrick Joseph Hayes, the Archbishop of New York, had pressured the police to shut down the meeting.[92] The Town Hall raid was a turning point for the movement: opposition from the government and medical community faded, and the Catholic Church emerged as its most vocal opponent.[93] After the conference, Sanger and her supporters established the American Birth Control League (ABCL).[94]

Four years after the New York Court of Appeals opened the doors for physicians to prescribe contraceptives, Sanger opened a second birth control clinic, which she staffed with physicians to make it legal under that court ruling (the first clinic had employed nurses).[95] This second clinic, the Clinical Research Bureau (CRB), opened on January 2, 1923.[96] To avoid police harassment the clinic's existence was not publicized, its primary mission was stated to be conducting scientific research, and it only provided services to married women.[97] The existence of the clinic was finally announced to the public in December 1923, but this time there were no arrests or controversy. This convinced activists that, after ten years of struggle, birth control had finally become widely accepted in the United States.[98] The CRB was the first legal birth control clinic in the United States, and quickly grew into the world's leading contraceptive research center.[98]

Following the successful opening of the CRB in 1923, public discussion of contraception became more commonplace, and the term "birth control" became firmly established in the nation's vernacular.[99] Of the hundreds of references to birth control in magazines and newspapers of the 1920s, more than two-thirds were favorable.[100] The availability of contraception signaled the end of the stricter morality of the Victorian era, and ushered in the emergence of a more sexually permissive society.[100] Other factors that contributed to the new sexual norms included increased mobility brought by the automobile, anonymous urban lifestyles, and post-war euphoria.[100] Sociologists who surveyed women in Muncie, Indiana in 1925 found that all the upper class women approved of birth control, and more than 80 percent of the working class women approved.[101] The birth rate in America declined 20 percent between 1920 and 1930, primarily due to increased use of birth control.[102]

Although clinics became more common in the late 1920s, the movement still faced significant challenges: Large sectors of the medical community were still resistant to birth control; birth control advocates were blacklisted by the radio industry; and state and federal laws – though generally not enforced – still outlawed contraception.[103]

The most significant opponent to birth control was the Catholic Church, which mobilized opposition in many venues during the 1920s.[104] Catholics persuaded the Syracuse city council to ban Sanger from giving a speech in 1924; the National Catholic Welfare Conference lobbied against birth control; the Knights of Columbus boycotted hotels that hosted birth control events; the Catholic police commissioner of Albany prevented Sanger from speaking there; the Catholic mayor of Boston, James Curley, blocked Sanger from speaking in public; and several newsreel companies, succumbing to pressure from Catholics, refused to cover stories related to birth control.[105] The ABCL turned some of the boycotted speaking events to their advantage by inviting the press, and the resultant news coverage often generated public sympathy for their cause.[106] However, Catholic lobbying was particularly effective in the legislative arena, where their arguments – that contraception was unnatural, harmful, and indecent – impeded several initiatives, including an attempt in 1924 by Mary Dennett to overturn federal anti-contraception laws.[107]

Dozens of birth control clinics opened across the United States during the 1920s, but not without incident.[108] In 1929, New York police raided a clinic in New York and arrested two doctors and three nurses for distributing contraceptive information that was unrelated to the prevention of disease.[109] The ABCL achieved a major victory in the trial, when the judge ruled that use of contraceptives to space births farther apart was a legitimate medical treatment that benefited the health of the mother.[110] The trial, in which many prominent physicians served as witnesses for the defense, brought a large segment of the medical community onto the side of birth control advocates.[111]

Before the advent of the birth control movement, eugenics had become very popular in Europe and the U.S., and the subject was widely discussed in articles, movies, and lectures.[112] Eugenicists had mixed feelings about birth control: they worried that it would exacerbate the birth rate differential between "superior" and "inferior" races, but they also recognized its value as a tool to "racial betterment".[113] Leaders of the birth control movement never considered eugenics to be their primary goal, focusing instead on free speech and women's rights, but around 1920 they started to make common cause with eugenicists, hoping to broaden the support base of the birth control movement.[114] Eugenics buttressed the birth control movement's aims by correlating excessive births with increased poverty, crime and disease.[115] Sanger published two books in the early 1920s that endorsed eugenics: Woman and the New Race and The Pivot of Civilization.[116] Sanger and other advocates endorsed negative eugenics (discouraging procreation of "inferior" persons), but did not advocate euthanasia or positive eugenics (encouraging procreation of "superior" persons).[117] Written in an essay titled “The Eugenic Value of Birth Control Propaganda”, Sanger argued that not until parents take control of their own reproduction would it be “possible…to improve the quality of the generations of the future, but [also] to maintain civilization at its present level…Only by intelligent mastery of the procreative powers can the great mass of humanity be awakened…."[118] In accordance, Sanger wished to use birth control as means of suppressing undesirable populations. She believed the only way for civilization to become enlightened was for the regeneration of the white race and for the elimination of other ‘lesser’ races. Sanger hoped to use birth control to suppress the populations of African-Americans, poverty-stricken Americans, and those perceived to have either cognitive, emotional, or physical disabilities.[118] However, many eugenicists refused to support the birth control movement because of Sanger's insistence that a woman's primary duty was to herself, not to the state.[119]

Like many white Americans in the U.S. in the 1930s, some leaders of the birth control movement believed that lighter-skinned races were superior to darker-skinned races.[120] They assumed that African Americans were intellectually backward, would be relatively incompetent in managing their own health, and would require special supervision from whites.[121] The dominance of whites in the movement's leadership and medical staff resulted in accusations of racism from blacks and suspicions that "race suicide" would be a consequence of large scale adoption of birth control.[122] These suspicions were misinterpreted by some of the white birth control advocates as lack of interest in contraception.[123]

In spite of these suspicions, many African-American leaders supported efforts to supply birth control to the African-American community. In 1929, James H. Hubert, a black social worker and leader of New York's Urban League, asked Sanger to open a clinic in Harlem.[125] Sanger secured funding from the Julius Rosenwald Fund and opened the clinic, staffed with African-American doctors, in 1930.[126] The clinic was guided by a 15-member advisory board consisting of African-American doctors, nurses, clergy, journalists, and social workers.[127] It was publicized in the African-American press and African-American churches, and received the approval of W. E. B. Du Bois, co-founder of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).[127] In the early 1940s, the Birth Control Federation of America (BCFA) initiated a program called the Negro Project, managed by its Division of Negro Service (DNS).[128] As with the Harlem clinic, the primary aim of the DNS and its programs was to improve maternal and infant health.[129] Based on her work at the Harlem clinic, Sanger suggested to the DNS that African Americans were more likely to take advice from a doctor of their own race, but other leaders prevailed and insisted that whites be employed in the outreach efforts.[130] The discriminatory actions and statements by the movement's leaders during the 1920s and 1930s have led to continuing allegations that the movement was racist.[131]

Unsurprisingly, the birth control movement’s association with racism, classism, etc., expounds the continual theme of feminist movements fighting only for certain women who fall under specific categories. Examples of this discrimination are common: between the 1820s and the 1840s, middle class voluntary associations looked down upon working women by hurting their societal image, claiming working class women were ‘maternally neglectful’ regarding their dual responsibilities of domestic work and waged labor. Between the 1860s and the 1910s, women’s suffrage associations appealed to southern white women by arguing white women’s right to vote would ensure the racial superiority of whites over blacks. These organizations, in turn, discriminated against black women fighting to earn the right to vote for all. In the 1930s, the Association of Southern Women for the Prevention of Lynching created an organization designed to fight against the lynching of black men. Yet, the association barred the participation of African-Americans and aimed its purpose, not for the end of racial superiority, but for the freeing of southern white women from forced domesticity.[132] These examples demonstrate how dominant women’s rights movements excluded certain people based on class and skin color. The birth control movement’s racist influence is no different than the years of discrimination prominent organizations have long demonstrated.

Two important legal decisions in the 1930s helped increase the accessibility of contraceptives. In 1930, two condom manufacturers sued each other in the Youngs Rubber case, and the judge ruled that contraceptive manufacturing was a legitimate business enterprise. He went further, and declared that the federal law prohibiting the mailing of condoms was not legally sound.[133] Sanger precipitated a second legal breakthrough when she ordered a diaphragm from Japan in 1932, hoping to provoke a decisive battle in the courts.[134] The diaphragm was confiscated by the U.S. government, and Sanger's subsequent legal challenge led to the 1936 One Package legal ruling by Judge Augustus Hand. His decision overturned an important provision of the anti-contraception laws that prohibited physicians from obtaining contraceptives.[135] This court victory motivated the American Medical Association in 1937 to finally adopt contraception as a normal medical service and a core component of medical school curricula.[136] However, the medical community was slow to accept this new responsibility, and women continued to rely on unsafe and ineffective contraceptive advice from ill-informed sources until the 1960s.[137]

By 1938, over 400 contraceptive manufacturers were in business, over 600 brands of female contraceptives were available, and industry revenues exceeded $250 million per year.[138] Condoms were sold in vending machines in some public restrooms, and men spent twice as much on condoms as on shaving.[139] Although condoms had become commonplace in the 1930s, feminists in the movement felt that birth control should be the woman's prerogative, and they continued to push for development of a contraceptive that was under the woman's control, a campaign which ultimately led to the birth control pill decades later.[140] To increase the availability of high-quality contraceptives, birth control advocates established the Holland–Rantos company to manufacture contraceptives – primarily diaphragms, which were Sanger's recommended method.[141] By the 1930s, the diaphragm with spermicidal jelly had become the most commonly prescribed form of contraception;[142] in 1938, female contraceptives accounted for 85 percent of annual contraceptive sales.[143]

The 1936 One Package court battle brought together two birth control organizations – the ABCL and the Birth Control Clinical Research Bureau (formerly the CRB) – who had joined forces to craft the successful defense effort.[144] Leaders of both groups viewed this as an auspicious time to merge the two organizations, so, in 1937, the Birth Control Council of America, under the leadership of Sanger, was formed to effect a consolidation.[145] The effort eventually led to the merger of the two organizations in 1939 as the Birth Control Federation of America (BCFA).[146] Although Sanger continued in the role of president, she no longer wielded the same power as she had in the early years of the movement, and, in 1942, more conservative forces within the organization changed the name to Planned Parenthood Federation of America, a name Sanger objected to because she considered it too euphemistic.[147] After World War II, the leadership of Planned Parenthood de-emphasized radical feminism and shifted focus to more moderate themes such as family planning and population policy.[148]

The movement to legalize birth control came to a gradual conclusion around the time Planned Parenthood was formed.[149] In 1942, there were over 400 birth control organizations in America, contraception was fully embraced by the medical profession, and the anti-contraception Comstock laws (which still remained on the books) were rarely enforced.[150]

After World War II advocacy for reproductive rights transitioned into a new era which focused on abortion, public funding, and insurance coverage.[151]

Birth control advocacy also took on a global aspect as organizations around the world began to collaborate. In 1946, Sanger helped found the International Committee on Planned Parenthood, which evolved into the International Planned Parenthood Federation and soon became the world's largest non-governmental international family planning organization.[152] In 1952, John D. Rockefeller III founded the influential Population Council.[153] Fear of global overpopulation became a major issue in the 1960s, generating concerns about pollution, food shortages, and quality of life, leading to well-funded birth control campaigns around the world.[154] The 1994 International Conference on Population and Development and the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women addressed birth control and influenced human rights declarations which asserted women's rights to control their own bodies.[155]

In the early 1950s in the United States, philanthropist Katharine McCormick provided funding for biologist Gregory Pincus to develop the birth control pill, which was approved by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) in 1960.[156] The pill became very popular and had a major impact on society and culture. It contributed to a sharp increase in college attendance and graduation rates for women.[157] New forms of intrauterine devices were introduced in the 1960s, increasing popularity of long acting reversible contraceptives.[158]

In 1965, the Supreme Court ruled in Griswold v. Connecticut that it was unconstitutional for the government to prohibit married couples from using birth control.

In 1967 activist Bill Baird was arrested for distributing a contraceptive foam and a condom to a student during a lecture on birth control and abortion at Boston University. Baird's appeal of his conviction resulted in the United States Supreme Court case Eisenstadt v. Baird (1972), which extended the Griswold holding to unmarried couples, and thereby legalized birth control for all Americans.

In 1970, Congress finally removed references to contraception from federal anti-obscenity laws;[159] and in 1973, the Roe v. Wade decision legalized abortion during the first trimester of pregnancy.[160]

Also in 1970, Title X of the Public Health Service Act was enacted as part of the war on poverty, to make family planning and preventive health services available to low-income and the uninsured.[161] Without publicly funded family planning services, according to the Guttmacher Institute, the number of unintended pregnancies and abortions in the United States would be nearly two-thirds higher; the number of unintended pregnancies among poor women would nearly double.[162] According to the United States Department of Health and Human Services, publicly funded family planning saves nearly $4 in Medicaid expenses for every $1 spent on services.[163]

In 1982, European drug manufacturers developed mifepristone, which was initially utilized as a contraceptive, but is now generally prescribed with a prostoglandin to induce abortion in pregnancies up to the fourth month of gestation.[164] To avoid consumer boycotts organized by anti-abortion organizations, the manufacturer donated the U.S. manufacturing rights to Danco Laboratories, a company formed by pro-choice advocates, with the sole purpose of distributing mifepristone in the U.S, and thus immune to the effects of boycotts.[165]

In 1997, the FDA approved a prescription emergency contraception pill (known as the morning-after pill), which became available over the counter in 2006.[166] In 2010, ulipristal acetate, a more effective emergency contraceptive was approved for use up to five days after unprotected sexual intercourse.[167] Fifty to sixty percent of abortion patients became pregnant in circumstances in which emergency contraceptives could have been used.[168] These emergency contraceptives, including Plan B and EllaOne, proved to be another battleground in the war over reproductive rights.[169] Opponents of emergency contraception consider it a form of abortion, because it may interfere with the ability of a fertilized embryo to implant in the uterus; while proponents contend that it is not abortion, because the absence of implantation means that pregnancy never commenced.[170]

In 2000, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission ruled that companies that provided insurance for prescription drugs to their employees but excluded birth control were violating the Civil Rights Act of 1964.[171]

President Obama signed the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) on 23 March 2010. As of 1 August 2011, female contraception was added to a list of preventive services covered by the ACA that would be provided without patient co-payment. The federal mandate applied to all new health insurance plans in all states from 1 August 2012.[172][173] Grandfathered plans did not have to comply unless they changed substantially.[174] To be grandfathered, a group plan must have existed or an individual plan must have been sold before President Obama signed the law; otherwise they were required to comply with the new law.[175] The Guttmacher Institute noted that even before the federal mandate was implemented, twenty-eight states had their own mandates that required health insurance to cover the prescription contraceptives, but the federal mandate innovated by forbidding insurance companies from charging part of the cost to the patient.[176]

In 2017, the Trump administration issued a ruling letting insurers and employers refuse to provide birth control if doing so went against their "religious beliefs" or "moral convictions".[177] However, later that same year federal judge Wendy Beetlestone issued an injunction temporarily stopping the enforcement of the Trump administration ruling.[178]


what is a meeting house in the colonial times

A colonial meeting house was a meeting house used in colonial New England built using tax money. The colonial meeting house was the focal point of the community where all the town's residents could discuss local issues, conduct religious worship, and engage in town business.

Colonial meeting house

The origin of the "town meeting" form of government, can be traced to meeting houses of the colonies.

The meeting houses that survive today were generally built in the last half of the 18th century. The styles are remarkably similar, most were almost square, with a steep pitched roof running east to west. There were usually 3 doors: The one in the center of the long south wall was called the "Door of Honor," and was used by the minister and his family, and any honored out-of-town guests. The other doors were located in the middle of the east and west walls, and were used by women and men, respectively. A balcony (called a "gallery") would usually be built on the east, south, and west walls, and a high pulpit would be located on the north wall.

As separation of church and state took hold, some towns architecturally separated the building's religious and governmental functions by constructing a floor at the balcony level, and using the first floor for town business, and the second floor for church.

Most of these structures that are still standing have been renovated several times to meet the needs of their owners and the styles of the times. In the early 19th century, people wanted "modern" churches that had one entrance on a short end of the building, a long aisle to a pulpit on the other short end, and slip pews instead of box pews.

The colonial meeting house was the central focus of every New England town. These structures were usually the largest building in the town. They were very simple buildings with no statues, decorations, or stained glass. Crosses would not even hang on the walls. Box pews were provided for families, and single men and women (and slaves) would typically sit in the balconies. Large windows would be located at both the ground floor and gallery levels. It was a status symbol to have lots of glass in the windows - the glass was expensive and had to be imported from England. A pulpit window, between the levels of the ground floor and gallery windows, would typically be in the center of the north wall. This window is one of the hallmarks of a colonial meeting house.

Since it took considerable effort to build a new post-and-beam end wall, the need for additional space was often accommodated by cutting the building in half, separating the front and back halves, and filling in space between them. At this time it was also common to build steeples over the entrances, either incorporated into the building or as part of an entrance porch that was added to the building's end. Many of the typical white New England church started out as a colonial meeting house.


where did the name donkey kong come from

Miyamoto used "donkey" to convey "stubborn" in English; the name Donkey Kong was intended to convey "stubborn ape" to the American audience.[7][8][9] When he suggested this name to Nintendo of America, he was laughed at, but the name stuck.

Donkey Kong (character)

Donkey Kong (ドンキーコング, Donkī Kongu) (sometimes known as DK or D. Kong) is an ape-like character who appears in games belonging to the Donkey Kong and Mario video game franchises. A popular character, he has appeared in many video games. Donkey Kong was Mario's first opponent in the game of the same name, Nintendo's popular 1981 arcade game,  Donkey Kong. Since then he has starred in his own series of games, starting with 1994's Donkey Kong Country for the Super Nintendo Entertainment System, and remains an important character in the spin-off games of the Mario series, such as Mario Kart.

DK debuted at the same time as Mario, and he still appears with Mario on occasion, appearing as a playable character in the Mario Kart and Super Smash Bros. series, and is the primary antagonist in the Mario vs. Donkey Kong games.[1]

In 1981, Nintendo was pursuing a license to make a game based on the Popeye comic strip. When this fell through, Nintendo decided that it would take the opportunity to create new characters that could then be marketed and used in later games.[2][3] Shigeru Miyamoto came up with many characters and plot concepts, but he eventually settled on a gorilla/carpenter/girlfriend love triangle that mirrored the rivalry between Bluto and Popeye for Olive Oyl.[4]

Bluto was replaced by an ape, which Miyamoto said was "nothing too evil or repulsive", and the pet of the main character.[5] Miyamoto has also named "Beauty and the Beast" and the 1933 film King Kong as influences for the character.[6]

Donkey Kong was redesigned for the Super NES in 1994 by former Rare character artist Kevin Bayliss. He presented the modern look to Nintendo and was immediately approved. Although the character design has been tweaked over the years, Donkey Kong's appearance remains consistent to this day when Bayliss last modified him.

"Today it makes me smile to see so many products with DK on the front, and that he's pretty much still the same as he looked when I gave him a once-over. So that's good enough for me â€“ I must have done something right!"

The Donkey Kong Country series introduced the setting Donkey Kong Island and a backstory for the character. The series also introduced Diddy Kong as Donkey's nephew and sidekick, and King K. Rool, king of the Kremlings, as his nemesis who steals his banana hoard. While retaining the red necktie he's had since the Game Boy game, Donkey Kong, he also donned a distinct physical appearance featuring heavy brows and a peaked lock of hair on top of his head. This would become the standard look for Donkey Kong still used over two decades later. The modern Donkey Kong is portrayed as a powerful yet laid-back ape, who is interested mainly in his banana hoard and his girlfriend, Candy Kong.

The new Donkey Kong introduced in Donkey Kong Country was initially characterized as the grandson of the original Donkey Kong,[11] who appears in the game as an elderly ape named Cranky Kong,[12][13] however Donkey Kong 64 states that the current Donkey Kong was actually meant to be Cranky Kong's son,[14][15] with one source implying that he is a grown-up version of Donkey Kong Jr.[16] However, in Super Smash Bros. Brawl and Donkey Kong Country Returns, the current Donkey Kong is referred to as Cranky's grandson.[17] The story designs of the present DK series, which began with Donkey Kong Country, are clearly different, which Nintendo uses alteration of generations to explain.

Donkey Kong's personality is similar to a typical gorilla's; DK shows pride in his strength, enjoys eating and hoarding bananas, and is occasionally depicted as an idiot or dopey. He is a hero to the Kongs but a rival to Mario; occasionally this rivalry erupts especially when DK kidnaps Pauline, whom he finds attractive.

The original Donkey Kong (later established to be Cranky Kong from the Donkey Kong Country series)[12] made his first appearance as the titular antagonist of the 1981 arcade game Donkey Kong alongside protagonist Mario (then known as "Jumpman") and damsel in distress, the Lady (later renamed Pauline). As Jumpman, the player must reach Donkey Kong at the top of each stage, where he is holding the Lady captive. Donkey Kong attempts to hinder the player's progress by throwing barrels, springs, and other objects towards Jumpman. The ape reappeared the following year in the sequel Donkey Kong Jr., where Donkey Kong is taken captive and locked in a cage by the renamed Mario, while Donkey Kong Junior sets out to rescue him. Donkey Kong resumed his antagonistic role in Donkey Kong 3, this time the character Stanley the Bugman taking Mario's place as the protagonist. Stanley fights Donkey Kong's attempts to invade a greenhouse along with a horde of killer bees.

Donkey Kong was also antagonist of a very unsuccessful 3 episode anime series, which was aimed at children and ran from June 2 to August 19, 1985.

After Donkey Kong, Mario went on to become Nintendo's primary mascot, while Donkey Kong and his son were relegated to supporting roles and cameos. The 1994 Game Boy version of Donkey Kong marked his re-emergence as a major character. He was redesigned, appearing with a red necktie, which sometimes bears his initials, "DK".

The 1994 Super Nintendo Entertainment System game Donkey Kong Country, developed by British game developer Rare was the beginning of a series. Despite his name being in the titles of both games, DK is the damsel-in-distress in the sequels Donkey Kong Country 2: Diddy's Kong Quest and Donkey Kong Country 3: Dixie Kong's Double Trouble!, where he is captured by K. Rool.  In these games, the player controls Dixie Kong and one of her fellow Kongs as they set out to rescue him. The Donkey Kong Country series also inspired the Donkey Kong Land series and a television series. In Donkey Kong 64, King K. Rool has driven a mechanical Crocodile Isle in front of DK Island after stealing all of Donkey Kong's bananas and friends.

Following Rare's departure from the series, Nintendo co-produced a trilogy of rhythm games with Namco for the Nintendo GameCube known as the Donkey Konga series, which were based on Namco's own Taiko: Drum Master, though only two of the series' games made it to America. Donkey Kong Jungle Beat was released on March 14, 2005 in North America for the GameCube. It depicted DK as being more violent than his original image and also used the bongo controllers. In October 2007, Donkey Kong Barrel Blast was released in North America for the Wii.

On handheld consoles, Donkey Kong was reunited with his former rival Mario in the 2004 Game Boy Advance game, Mario vs. Donkey Kong. A throwback to the Donkey Kong game for the Game Boy, Donkey Kong resumed his antagonist role from his earlier games by taking over the Mario Toy Company, upset over the lack of Mini-Mario toys available for purchase. The game was followed by a 2006 sequel titled Mario vs. Donkey Kong 2: March of the Minis, where Donkey Kong, who is infatuated with Pauline, kidnaps her and takes her to the roof of the Super Mini-Mario World amusement park when she ignores a Mini Donkey Kong toy in favor of a Mini-Mario. He also once again appeared as the antagonist in Mario vs. Donkey Kong: Minis March Again! and Mario vs. Donkey Kong: Mini-Land Mayhem!. Aside from those, Donkey Kong appeared in DK King of Swing on the GBA around the time of Jungle Beat, and in its sequel, DK Jungle Climber, for the Nintendo DS. In the 2010 Wii game, Donkey Kong Country Returns, Donkey Kong and Diddy Kong get rid of the Tiki Tak Tribe, who appears on Donkey Kong Island and hypnotizes various creatures. In the 2014 Wii U game, Donkey Kong Country: Tropical Freeze, Donkey Kong sets out to get his home back from evil Vikings known as the Snowmads.

Every Mario Kart game has featured a version of Donkey Kong as a playable character. Super Mario Kart featured Donkey Kong Junior as a playable character. The modern Donkey Kong made his first appearance in the series with Mario Kart 64, and been in every game to date since.

In the Mario Party series, he was a playable character in all three titles released for the N64, and also Mario Party 4 for the GameCube, this one being his last playable appearance in the series. He eventually became an "event character" in the later games, making appearances as an incidental character on the game board. He made an appearance within Mario Party 8, once again as an incidental character on the game board. Donkey Kong also appears in Mario Party DS and in Mario Party 9 as a non-player character, though he came back as playable in Mario Party 10 and in Mario Party: Star Rush (along with Diddy Kong).

Donkey Kong and his nephew have had supporting roles in various Mario sports games. Donkey Kong Junior appeared in the Virtual Boy game Mario's Tennis. Donkey Kong was also a selectable character in Mario Tennis, Mario Power Tennis, Mario Tennis: Power Tour, Mario Tennis Open, Mario Tennis: Ultra Smash and Mario Tennis Aces. Donkey Kong is playable in Mario Golf, Mario Golf: Toadstool Tour and Mario Golf: World Tour but not Mario Golf: Advance Tour. Donkey Kong featured in Super Mario Strikers for the GameCube and made his first appearance on the Wii within the title Mario Strikers Charged as a playable soccer captain. In Mario Super Sluggers, he appears as a captain again. Donkey Kong also appears in Mario Superstar Baseball. He made a playable appearance in Mario & Sonic at the Olympic Winter Games, Mario & Sonic at the London 2012 Olympic Games and Mario & Sonic at the Sochi 2014 Olympic Winter Games. He also appears in Mario Hoops 3-on-3 and Mario Sports Mix.

He is also playable in each Super Smash Bros. game. Donkey Kong appeared in Super Smash Bros. as the first character from the Donkey Kong series and had a stage called "Kongo Jungle", which was based on Donkey Kong Country. Both he and Kongo Jungle returned for the series second game, Super Smash Bros. Melee. In this game, he had two new stages called "Jungle Japes" and "Kongo Jungle", and a version of the "DK Rap" from Donkey Kong 64 serves as stage music for Kongo Jungle (the one difference in the lyrics being the word "heck" substituted from the word "hell"). He appeared once more in Super Smash Bros. Brawl, this time being joined by his sidekick Diddy Kong and three stages â€“ "Jungle Japes" from Melee, "Rumble Falls" from Donkey Kong Jungle Beat,[18] and "75m" from the original Donkey Kong game from 1981. Both Donkey Kong and Diddy Kong returned to the series in Super Smash Bros. for Nintendo 3DS and Super Smash Bros. for Wii U, with Donkey Kong being among the first wave of amiibo released for the games. Jungle Japes from Melee returns in the 3DS version, and both Kongo Jungle from the original Super Smash Bros. and 75m from Brawl return in the Wii U version, along with a new stage called Jungle Hijinxs from Donkey Kong Country Returns. Along with Bowser, he is also a playable guest character in the Nintendo versions of Skylanders: SuperChargers. Super Mario Maker features Donkey Kong as a Mystery Mushroom costume.

The character has also made more incidental appearances. Two minor enemies in Super Mario RPG bear a striking resemblance to Donkey Kong. One of the enemies, named "Guerrilla", says "Don't confuse me with someone else," referring to DK. Both Donkey Kong and Donkey Kong, Jr. appear as minor antagonists in the Super Mario Bros.-based adventure book Doors to Doom. Donkey Kong was also featured on the Game & Watch Gallery handheld series and Tetris DS. In Yoshi's Island DS, Donkey Kong appears as "Baby DK", a younger version of himself, similar to Baby Mario. First appearing in World 2â€“1, most of his gameplay reflects Donkey Kong Jr., even featuring the Snapjaw enemies from the game. He has been seen in the audience of some games in the Punch-Out!! series. He also serves as the hidden opponent in 2009's Punch-Out!! on the Wii. During Rare's time, references were seen throughout Rare's games. In Banjo-Tooie, Bottle's daughter, Goggles, is seen holding a Donkey Kong plush doll. Also in the worker's quarters in Grunty's Industries, the DK logo is seen on the fridge.

Donkey Kong has been described as one of the most iconic mascots for Nintendo.[19][20] In their 250th issue in January 2010, Nintendo Power ranked him as their eighth-favorite Nintendo hero, stating that while he is a somewhat goofy hero, he is decently good overall and an entertaining one. They also ranked him as their eighth-favorite Nintendo villain, joking that one should avoid him if he isn't wearing a tie.[21] IGN criticized his tie, stating "DK needs a fashion makeover". They said that while he "used to be a working icon", "his status is starting to show signs of rust".[22] 1UP.com listed him as the most "Gracelessly Aging Character", citing the fact that the original Donkey Kong from the arcade game eventually became Cranky Kong.[23] IGN ranked him 5th in their "Top 100 Videogames Villains" list for his earlier appearances.[24] UGO.com listed Donkey Kong seventh on their list of "The 25 Awesomest Hidden Characters" for his cameo appearance in Punch-Out!!.[25] Empire also included him on their list of the 50 greatest video game characters, adding that he is "the worst named character in the history of gaming".[26] The 2011 Guinness World Records Gamer's Edition lists Donkey Kong as the 33rd-most popular video game character.[27] In 2012, GamesRadar ranked him as the 25th-best hero in video games.[28]


who is the best selling boy band of all time

Arguably the most successful boy band manager from the U.S. was Lou Pearlman, who founded commercially successful acts such as the Backstreet Boys in 1993, NSYNC and LFO in 1995, O-Town in 2000, and US5 in 2005. Backstreet Boys and NSYNC became the two biggest boy bands in the late 1990s until the early 2000s, and Backstreet Boys went on to become the best selling boy band in history with over 130 million records sold.[10][11]

Boy band

A boy band (or boyband) is loosely defined as a vocal group consisting of young male singers, usually in their teenage years or in their twenties at the time of formation,[1] singing love songs marketed towards young females. Being vocal groups, most boy band members do not play musical instruments, either in recording sessions or on stage, making the term something of a misnomer. However, exceptions do exist. Many boy bands dance as well as sing, usually giving highly choreographed performances.

Some such bands form on their own. They can evolve out of church choral or gospel music groups, but are often created by talent managers or record producers who hold auditions. Due to this and their general commercial orientation towards a female audience of preteens, teenyboppers, or teens, the term may be used with negative connotations in music journalism. Boy bands are similar in concept to their counterparts, girl groups. Boy bands' popularity peaked thrice: in the 1960s (e.g., The Jackson 5), in the 1990s and early 2000s when acts such as the Backstreet Boys, *NSYNC, and Westlife, among others, dominated the top of the Billboard and pop charts, and in the early 2010s with the emergence of new boy bands such as JLS, Big Time Rush and One Direction.

The earliest forerunner of boy band music began in the late 19th century as a cappella barbershop quartets.[2] They were usually a group of males and sang in four part harmonies. The popularity of barbershop quartets had been prominent into the earlier part of the 20th century. A revival of the male vocal group took place in the late 1940s and 1950s with the use of doo-wop music. Doo-wop bands sang about topics such as love and other themes used in pop music. The earliest traces of boy bands were in the mid-1950s although the term boy band was not used. African American vocal group The Ink Spots was one of the first of what would now be called boy bands. The term boy band was not established until the late 1980s as before that they were called male vocal groups or "hep harmony singing groups.[3]

Although the term "boy band" is mostly associated with groups from the 1990s onwards, the earliest predecessors of this format were groups such as the Jackson 5 and the Osmonds which helped form the template for boy bands. The Jackson 5 were a family group that established many musical conventions that boy bands follow. For instance, their music featured close harmonies from soul music and catchy pop hooks influenced as much as they were by Motown and acts like the Supremes. All members of the band sang, which is a common convention of a boy band, as opposed to having a front man and the rest on instruments; thus, no one person dominated the stage. Even so, the members conveniently fitted into the convention of having stereotypical personality types (e.g. Michael Jackson being the "cute one").

Other antecedents (apart from those already mentioned) exist throughout the history of pop music. The genre has been copied into languages and cultures other than the Anglo-American. The Puerto Rican boy band Menudo, appealing to young Latina audiences, was founded in 1977. Menudo had a convention unique among boy bands: when a member turned 16, became too tall, or their voice changed, they were replaced. The members of Menudo were generally aged 12â€“17.

The Bay City Rollers were a Scottish pop band who were most popular in the mid-1970s. The British Hit Singles & Albums noted that they were "tartan teen sensations from Edinburgh", and were "the first of many acts heralded as the 'Biggest Group since The Beatles' and one of the most screamed-at teeny-bopper acts of the 1970s".[4] For a relatively brief but fervent period (nicknamed "Rollermania"), they were worldwide teen idols. The group were one of the first bands like The Monkees before them to take the formula shown by The Beatles and apply it to a teen market. The group achieved the same amount of success but for a limited period of time. At the peak of their popularity in the UK, comparisons were being made to The Beatles. Also by this time, Bay City Roller fans had a completely distinctive style of dress, the main elements of which were ankle-length tartan trousers and tartan scarves, the group using the benefit of merchandise and promotion.[5]

In the US, the Cleveland-based power pop group Raspberries was generally interpreted as a "teen act", although all the band members played their own music. Vocalist Eric Carmen later commented, "It was not hip for people to like us, because their little sister liked us."[6]

Bros (abbreviation of the word "brothers") were a British boy band active in the late 1980s and early 1990s, consisting of twin brothers Matt and Luke Goss along with Craig Logan. Formed in 1986, they scored multiple top 10 hits between 1987 and 1989. In Britain Bros also became the first modern eraâ€“style boy band to have a multiple platinum selling album with Push in 1988, which is still one of the most successful boyband albums in the UK. Other big boy bands in Britain during the late eighties were Big Fun and Brother Beyond.

Boston group New Edition was formed in 1978 and reached their height of popularity in the 1980s, making them often credited for starting the boy band trend in the 1980s, even though the term "boy band" did not exist until the 1990s. Maurice Starr was influenced by New Edition and popularized it with his protégé New Kids on the Block, the first commercially successful modern boy band who formed in 1984 and found international success in 1988. Starr's idea was to take the traditional template from the R&B genre (in this case his teenage band New Edition) and apply it to a pop genre.

Some managers in Europe soon created their own acts after being inspired by New Kids on the Block. First beginning with Nigel Martin-Smith's Take That in the UK who formed in 1990 and followed by Tom Watkins who had success with Bros in the late eighties and formed East 17 in 1991 who were marketed and pitted against Take That as rivals with a harsher attitude, style and sound. Since reforming after a decade-long hiatus, Take That have become one of the most successful groups in British music chart history. Irish music manager Louis Walsh, who had witnessed the impact of these British boy bands, put out an advert for an 'Irish Take That' thereby creating Boyzone in 1993. Let Loose formed in 1993, MN8 and 911 formed in 1995, and Damage formed in 1996 were also boy bands who enjoyed success in Britain; however by the late 1990s all these bands had run their course and split up.

All these artists were very successful on both the singles and albums charts domestically and internationally however with the emergence of Britpop and the commercial co-option of indie rock, many boy bands were ridiculed by the British music press as having no artistic credibility, although some boy bands, such as East 17 and Take That, did write most of their own material. The media attention was then placed on the "Battle of Britpop" and the bands Oasis and Blur replaced the importance and rivalry of Take That and East 17 as the two new biggest bands in Britain. However, other boybands found success in the late nineties like Five, Another Level, Point Break and Westlife. In 1995 successful German music manager Frank Farian who had been manager of Boney M and Milli Vanilli put together Latin American band No Mercy who scored a few worldwide hits during the mid nineties.

Although being American and the sons of Tito Jackson, a member of The Jackson 5, 3T had several hits singles across Europe in the mid-1990s, despite limited success in the US, and finished the second biggest selling act of 1996 in Europe behind Spice Girls.[7]

With the success of North American boybands like New Kids on the Block in East Asia, Japanese entertainment company Johnny & Associates formed SMAP in 1992. The group enjoyed tremendous success, having sold over 35 million records.[8] It paved the way for more Asian boy bands such as Arashi.

In the early 1990s in North America, with New Kids on the Block's continued success and Color Me Badd also having success, boy bands became a continued staple of the Billboard charts. Continuing this success in the mid-1990s, most prominent boy bands were African American and had R&B and gospel elements, such as the group All-4-One that formed in 1993 and Boyz II Men that formed in 1988. Boyz II Men are also the most successful boy band act on the U.S. Hot 100 as well as the Australian Singles Chart. Although they had success on the Billboard charts, they weren't marketed towards youth but more towards adults. It was not until 1997 and the change to pop oriented groups like Backstreet Boys, 98 Degrees, NSYNC, The Moffatts, and Hanson that boy bands exploded commercially and dominated the market in the United States. This late nineties era marked the height of boy band popularity in North America which hasn't been seen since.

In the late nineties in the UK, producer Simon Cowell (noted in the U.S. for the American Idol/X Factor franchise) is also known for having managed British boyband Five who were formed in 1997 and Irish boyband Westlife formed in 1998. Westlife was created by Irishman Louis Walsh as a replacement for Boyzone[12] and was initially managed by a former member of the band Ronan Keating. Westlife would eventually overtake Take That in number one's tally in the UK although Take That's overall UK sales are still higher. In 2012, the Official Charts Company revealed the biggest selling singles artists in British music chart history with Take That placed 15th overall and the highest selling boyband act (9.3 million), followed by Boyzone at 29 (7.1 million) and Westlife at 34 (6.8 million).[13][14][15] Even though Cowell is known to have managed several successful boy bands, he is also infamous for passing on signing two of the biggest boybands to emerge from the 1990s and 2000s, Take That and Busted.[16][17]

With the continued success of Backstreet Boys and *NSYNC, American and British groups like 98 Degrees, Westlife, O-Town, A1, Blue, and Busted gained quick popularity both domestically and internationally. International boy bands would also occasionally spring up, such as the Moldovan band O-Zone (better known today as an Internet meme), and Overground. American Christian boy band Plus One also enjoyed brief remarkable success during this time.

At the height of boy band popularity in North America, MTV created their own parody boyband, 2gether. Like The Monkees in the 1960s, they were a manufactured act composed of actors. 2gether played off of the idea that every successful boy band must have five distinct personality types: the bad boy, the shy one, the young one, the older brother type, and a heart throb.

Since 2001, the dominance of traditional boy bands on pop charts began to fade in the western hemisphere, although Gil Kaufman of MTV has described "new boy bands" that are "more likely to resemble My Chemical Romance, Sum 41, and Simple Plan.[18]

In 2001, Taiwanese boy band F4 (called JVKV since 2007)[19] blew up big as a result of the success of their TV drama Meteor Garden. Their popularity spread throughout Asia.[citation needed] With their success, many other Taiwanese boy bands emerged around this time, such as 5566 and Fahrenheit. In South Korea, Shinhwa also spread hallyu wave throughout Asia such as Japan, Thailand, Singapore, Taiwan, Hong Kong and China. Also in 2001, a new all-male pop band and dance group boyband hailing from Japan called Exile debuted under Avex Group's label Rhythm Zone with 14 members, putting them on par with Super Junior, a South Korean boy band, who had 13 members at its peak.[citation needed]

Japanese boy band Arashi has sold over 30 million copies of their records since their first release in 1999.[20] They had the yearly best-selling single in Japan in 2008[21] and 2009.[22] In 2003 SMAP released the single "Sekai ni Hitotsu Dake no Hana" that has become the fourth best-selling single ever in Japan, with over 2.93 million copies sold.[23]

In North America, the Jonas Brothers rose to fame from promotion on the Disney Channel in 2008. Other boy bands like JLS and Mindless Behavior also emerged and experienced remarkable success around this time. However, apart from them, boy bands haven't seen the commercial boom experienced in the genre from the mid to late nineties in North America.

Moving into the 2010s, boy bands are still popular especially in the United Kingdom and the rest of Europe due to the continued commercial presence and longevity of nineties boy bands such as Backstreet Boys and Westlife (before they disbanded in 2012), and the successful comeback of Take That in 2005, Boyzone in 2007, and New Kids on the Block in 2008. Some sections of the press have referred to these acts, particularly those who have reformed after a previous split, such as Take That, Boyzone, and 98 Degrees, as'man bands'.[24] These older generation boy bands chart alongside the new boy bands.

In the early 2010s, there was somewhat of a resurgence of boy band popularity in countries where the trend had not maintained, with the emergence of new boy bands like Big Time Rush, The Wanted, and One Direction and the formation of supergroup NKOTBSB which comprised members of New Kids on the Block and Backstreet Boys.[25] NKOTBSB's success inspired boy bands who were fairly popular during the 1990s and 2000s to make a comeback, such as A1, Blue, 98 Degrees, Five, 911, and O-Town. Like 2gether and The Monkees, Big Time Rush was a manufactured act created for a television show.

In Southeast Asia, local boy bands also emerged as a result of the continued success of Korean and Japanese boy bands such as SMAP, Shinhwa, TVXQ!, Arashi, Exile, Super Junior, Big Bang, SHINee, and EXO. One of the boy bands who emerged as a result of Hallyu (Korean wave) is Indonesia's SM*SH who enjoyed prominent success domestically. In the Philippines, a major boy band has been formed by bringing the first reality boy band search of the country called Pinoy Boyband Superstar which held mid 2016, after all the series of auditions, rigorous training and competition, the winners formed as a group called Boyband PH a five-piece Pinoy boy band which managed by Star Magic[26]

In South Korea, boy bands have been very successful. On the Gaon Music Chart year-end albums chart of 2016, nine of the top 10 and 17 of the top 20 albums are by boy bands or by subunits/members of boy bands. BIGBANG,EXO had the second and third best-selling albums. Other boy bands with albums in the yearly top 20 of 2016 are BTS, SHINee, GOT7, Seventeen, INFINITE and VIXX.[27]

In Japan, Arashi continue to be very successful, being the best-selling music artist in Japan in 2016 by value of sales[28] and also having the yearly best-selling album in the country in 2015[29] and 2016.[30] Other successful Japanese boy bands in this decade include Sandaime J Soul Brothers, the second best-selling music artist of 2016 in the country[28] and Kanjani Eight, the fifth best-selling music artist of that year in Japan.[28]

Seen as important to a "boy band" group's commercial success is the group's image, carefully controlled by managing all aspects of the group's attire, promotional materials (which are frequently supplied to teen magazines), and music videos. The key factor of a boy band is being trendy. This means that the band conforms to the most recent fashion and musical trends in the popular music scene. Typically, each member of the group will have some distinguishing feature and be portrayed as having a particular personality stereotype, such as "the baby," "the bad boy," or "the shy one." While managing the portrayal of popular musicians is as old as popular music, the particular pigeonholing of band members is a defining characteristic of boy and girl bands.

In most cases, their music is written, arranged and produced by a producer who works with the band at all times and controls the group's sound â€“ if necessary, to the point of hiring session singers to record guide vocals for each member of the group to sing individually if the members cannot harmonize well together. However, for clarity of each voice, recording each voice individually is most commonly the norm with most modern vocal groups. In recent years auto-tune has become a popular tool for boy bands who are unable to sing to a high standard. Some boy bands have come under fire for this issue of using auto-tune. Some have also come under fire for lip syncing in their performances as well, for example New Kids on the Block.[31]

A typical boy band performance features elaborately choreographed dancing, with the members taking turns singing and/or rapping. Boy bands generally do not compose or produce their own material, unless the members lobby hard enough for creative control. However, some bands were created around the talent of a songwriter within the group like Gary Barlow of Take That or Tony Mortimer of East 17. It is not uncommon to find extra songs on an album written by one or more of the band members; however, their producers rarely use these as singles.

Since the 21st century, however, boy bands have been expected to write or at least contribute in some part lyrically to songs. Apart from the groups mentioned above who all had at least one primary songwriter from their beginning, other groups soon caught up. From the late nineties, members of Backstreet Boys who had previously used writers like Max Martin during their early albums began writing their own songs. Newer groups from late 2000s such as JLS have all made a point from early interviews that they write their own songs and hold their own image as this is an important part of marketing. Some bands like The Wanted have even spent time learning the craft of songwriting.[32]

Individuals can also go on to achieve greater success as a solo artist coming out of a boy band having used the groups popularity to build on. Usually this signals the end of the group until potential future reunions. Examples of this include Michael Jackson from The Jackson 5, Donny Osmond from The Osmonds, Ricky Martin from Menudo, Justin Timberlake from *NSYNC, and Ronan Keating from Boyzone. Sometimes the most successful solo star from a band is not the most popular member such as Robbie Williams as opposed to lead singer Gary Barlow from Take That. Some boy band members have gone on to successful careers elsewhere in the media. Michael Dolenz of The Monkees went on to become a successful television producer, working for ITV franchises such as LWT and Television South.

Although most boy bands consist of R&B or pop influences, other music genres, most notably country music and folk music, are also represented. South 65 and Marshall Dyllon, for example, were both country music boy bands. Il Divo, created by Simon Cowell in 2004, are a vocal group that performs operatic pop in several (mainly Italian) languages. Since then operatic/classical boy bands have become quite popular and common, especially in the UK. Since 2001 there has been some crossover with power pop and pop punk from bands that play live instruments. Just recently some boy bands decided to go back to their original doo-wop roots, most notably, The Overtones.

Since the 2000s, groups such as Backstreet Boys and LFO have disliked the term "boy band" and have preferred to be known as a "male vocal group".[33][34] Being categorized among boy bands was also the main reason The Moffatts split up.[35] Boy bands have been accused by the music press of emphasizing the appearance and marketing of the group above the quality of music, deliberately trying to appeal to a preteen audience and for conforming to trends instead of being original. Such criticisms can become extremely scathing. Boy bands are often seen as being short lived,[36] although some acts such as The Jackson 5, Backstreet Boys, Hanson, Human Nature, New Edition, SMAP, Shinhwa[37] and Westlife (before they split up in 2012) have sustained lasting careers.

Despite negative critical reception, boy bands continue to be generally successful, with some notable ones managing to sell tens of millions of records, placing them among the world's best selling music artists. The best-selling boy bands based on sales figures are:


is there a season 3 of the magicians

In April 2017, the series was renewed for a third season of 13 episodes, which premiered on January 10, 2018. In February 2018, the series was renewed for a fourth season of 13 episodes, which is set to premiere in 2019.

The Magicians (U.S. TV series)

The Magicians is an American fantasy television series that airs on Syfy and is based on the novel of the same name by Lev Grossman.[2] Michael London, Janice Williams, John McNamara, and Sera Gamble serve as executive producers. A 13-episode order was placed for the first season in May 2015, and the series premiered on December 16, 2015, as a special preview.

Quentin Coldwater enrolls at Brakebills University for Magical Pedagogy to be trained as a magician, where he discovers that the magical world from his favorite childhood books is real and poses a danger to humanity. Meanwhile, the life of his childhood friend Julia is derailed when she is denied entry, and she searches for magic elsewhere.

Michael London first optioned the books in 2011,[62] intending to develop the show at Fox.[63] X-Men: First Class co-writers Ashley Miller and Zack Stentz wrote the pilot, but did not get the green light. London then redeveloped the pilot with McNamara and Gamble taking over writing duties, and took the script to Syfy, which ordered a pilot. The pilot, directed by Mike Cahill, was filmed in New Orleans in late 2014 and wrapped in December.[3][64] Syfy picked up the show for a 13-episode first season, to be aired in 2016. McNamara and Gamble became executive producers.[65]

Series production began on August 4, 2015, in Vancouver, and it was announced that Olivia Taylor Dudley had replaced Sosie Bacon as Alice Quinn. It was also announced that Rick Worthy had been cast as Dean Fogg, Anne Dudek as Professor Sunderland, with EsmÃ© Bianco also cast.[6] Syfy aired an advance commercial-free screening of the first episode on December 16, 2015 ahead of its January 25, 2016 premiere, when it was shown along with the second episode.[66]

The show was renewed for a second season in February 2016,[9] and the second season premiered on January 25, 2017.[67] On April 12, 2017, the series was renewed for a third season of 13 episodes, which premiered on January 10, 2018.[68][69] On February 28, 2018, the series was renewed for a fourth season of 13 episodes, which is set to premiere in 2019.[70]

The first season received mixed to positive reviews. On Metacritic, it holds a rating of 60/100, based on 24 reviews.[71] On Rotten Tomatoes, it has a 70% approval rating, based on 40 reviews, with an average rating of 6.4/10. The site's critics' consensus reads: "The Magicians' impressive special effects and creative storytelling help compensate for a derivative premise and occasionally sluggish pace."[72]

The second season received positive reviews. On Metacritic, it holds a rating of 74/100, based on 5 reviews.[73] On Rotten Tomatoes, it has an 90% approval rating, based on 20 reviews, with an average rating of 7.9/10. The site's consensus reads: "A clearer sense of purpose and extra helpings of cynicism and danger lead The Magicians to a higher level of engagement."[74]

The third season likewise received positive reviews. On Rotten Tomatoes, it has an 100% approval rating, based on 8 reviews, with an average rating of 8.5/10.[75]

Some critics and fans criticized the show for its brutal depiction of Julia being raped and that the rape gave her extra magical powers.[76][77][78] The incident was also criticized because, after Julia remembered the assault, she betrayed her friends by forming an alliance with, and literally embracing, a murderer â€“ who is also a rape survivor. As Lisa Weidenfeld of the AV Club put it: "the show has now suggested that the two victims of sexual assault are its villains".[79]

The first season of The Magicians was released on DVD and Blu-Ray on July 19, 2016, in Region 1. The release included all thirteen episodes, as well as multiple special features, including deleted scenes, a gag reel, "The World of The Magicians" featurette, and UltraViolet digital copies.[109] The first season was made available to stream on Netflix on December 26, 2016.[110]


why did the us use rationing during ww2

In summer 1941 the British appealed to Americans to conserve food to provide more to go to Britons fighting in World War II. The Office of Price Administration warned Americans of potential gasoline, steel, aluminum, and electricity shortages.[2] It believed that with factories converting to military production and consuming many critical supplies, rationing would become necessary if the country entered the war. It established a rationing system after the attack on Pearl Harbor.[3]:133

Rationing in the United States

Rationing is the controlled distribution of scarce resources, goods, or services, or an artificial restriction of demand. Rationing controls the size of the ration, which is one's allotted portion of the resources being distributed on a particular day or at a particular time.

Rationing in the US was introduced in stages during World War II.

Although the United States did not have food rationing in World War I, it relied heavily on propaganda campaigns to persuade people to curb their food consumption.

Through slogans such as "Food Will Win the War", "Meatless Meals", and "Wheatless Wednesdays", the United States Food Administration under Herbert Hoover reduced national consumption by 15%.[1]

Tires were the first item to be rationed by the OPA, which ordered the temporary end of sales on 11 December 1941 while it created 7,500 unpaid, volunteer three-person tire ration boards around the country. By 5 January 1942 the boards were ready. Each received a monthly allotment of tires based on the number of local vehicle registrations, and allocated them to applicants based on OPA rules.[3]:133 There was a shortage of rubber for tires since the Japanese quickly conquered the rubber-producing regions of Southeast Asia. Although synthetic rubber had been invented before the war, it had been unable to compete with natural rubber commercially, so the US did not have enough manufacturing capacity at the start of the war to make synthetic rubber. Throughout the war, rationing of gasoline was motivated by a desire to conserve rubber as much as by a desire to conserve gasoline.[4]

The War Production Board (WPB) ordered the temporary end of all civilian automobile sales on 1 January 1942, leaving dealers with one half million unsold cars. Ration boards grew in size as they began evaluating automobile sales in February (only certain professions, such as doctors and clergymen, qualified to purchase the remaining inventory of new automobiles), typewriters in March, and bicycles in May.[3]:124,133–135 Automobile factories stopped manufacturing civilian models by early February 1942 and converted to producing tanks, aircraft, weapons, and other military products, with the United States government as the only customer.[5] As of 1 March 1942, dog food could no longer be sold in tin cans, and manufacturers switched to dehydrated versions. As of 1 April 1942, anyone wishing to purchase a new toothpaste tube, then made from metal, had to turn in an empty one.[3]:129–130 By June 1942 companies also stopped manufacturing metal office furniture, radios,  phonographs, refrigerators, vacuum cleaners, washing machines, and sewing machines for civilians.[3]:118,124,126–127

Civilians first received ration books—War Ration Book Number One, or the "Sugar Book"—on 4 May 1942,[6] through more than 100,000 schoolteachers, PTA groups, and other volunteers.[3]:137 A national speed limit of 35 miles per hour (56 km/h) was imposed to save fuel and rubber for tires.[4] Later that month volunteers again helped distribute gasoline cards in 17 Atlantic and Pacific Northwest states.[3]:138 To get a classification and rationing stamps, one had to appear before a local War Price and Rationing Board which reported to the OPA (which was jokingly said to stand for "Only a Puny A-card"). Each person in a household received a ration book, including babies and small children who qualified for canned milk not available to others. To receive a gasoline ration card, a person had to certify a need for gasoline and ownership of no more than five tires. All tires in excess of five per driver were confiscated by the government, because of rubber shortages. An "A" sticker on a car was the lowest priority of gasoline rationing and entitled the car owner to 3 to 4 US gallons (11 to 15 l; 2.5 to 3.3 imp gal) of gasoline per week. B stickers were issued to workers in the military industry, entitling their holder up to 8 US gallons (30 l; 6.7 imp gal) of gasoline per week. C stickers were granted to persons deemed very essential to the war effort, such as doctors. T rations were made available for truckers. Lastly, X stickers on cars entitled the holder to unlimited supplies and were the highest priority in the system. Clergy, police, firemen, and civil defense workers were in this category.[7] A scandal erupted when 200 Congressmen received these X stickers.[8]

Sugar was the first consumer commodity rationed, with all sales ended on 27 April 1942 and resumed on 5 May with a ration of.5 pounds (0.23 kg) per person per week, half of normal consumption. Bakeries, ice cream makers, and other commercial users received rations of about 70% of normal usage.[6] Coffee was rationed nationally on 29 November 1942 to 1 pound (0.45 kg) every five weeks, about half of normal consumption, in part because of German U-boat attacks on shipping from Brazil.[9] By the end of 1942, ration coupons were used for nine other items.[3]:138 Typewriters, gasoline, bicycles, footwear, silk, nylon, fuel oil, stoves, meat, lard, shortening and food oils, cheese, butter, margarine, processed foods (canned, bottled, and frozen), dried fruits, canned milk, firewood and coal, jams, jellies, and fruit butter were rationed by November 1943.[10] Many retailers welcomed rationing because they were already experiencing shortages of many items due to rumors and panics, such as flashlights and batteries after Pearl Harbor.[3]:133

Scarce medicines such as penicillin were rationed by triage officers in the US military during World War II.[11] Civilian hospitals received only small amounts of penicillin during the war, because it was not mass-produced for civilian use until after the war. A triage panel at each hospital decided which patients would receive the penicillin.

The work of issuing ration books and exchanging used stamps for certificates was handled by some 5,500 local ration boards of mostly volunteer workers selected by local officials. Many levels of rationing went into effect. Some items, such as sugar, were distributed evenly based on the number of people in a household. Other items, like gasoline or fuel oil, were rationed only to those who could justify a need. Restaurant owners and other merchants were accorded more availability, but had to collect ration stamps to restock their supplies. In exchange for used ration stamps, ration boards delivered certificates to restaurants and merchants to authorize procurement of more products.

Each ration stamp had a generic drawing of an airplane, gun, tank, aircraft carrier, ear of wheat, fruit, etc. and a serial number. Some stamps also had alphabetic lettering. The kind and amount of rationed commodities were not specified on most of the stamps and were not defined until later when local newspapers published, for example, that beginning on a specified date, one airplane stamp was required (in addition to cash) to buy one pair of shoes and one stamp number 30 from ration book four was required to buy 5 pounds (2.3Â kg) of sugar. The commodity amounts changed from time to time depending on availability. Red stamps were used to ration meat and butter, and blue stamps were used to ration processed foods.

To enable making change for ration stamps, the government issued "red point" tokens to be given in change for red stamps, and "blue point" tokens in change for blue stamps. The red and blue tokens were about the size of dimes (16 millimetres (0.63Â in)) and were made of thin compressed wood fiber material, because metals were in short supply.[12]

There was a black market in stamps. To prevent this, the OPA ordered vendors not to accept stamps that they themselves did not tear out of books. Buyers, however, circumvented this by saying (sometimes accurately, as the books were not well-made) that the stamps had "fallen out." In actuality, they may have acquired stamps from other family members or friends, or the black market.[13]

As a result of the gasoline rationing, all forms of automobile racing, including the Indianapolis 500, were banned. Sightseeing driving was also banned. In some regions breaking the gas rationing was so prevalent that night courts were set up to supplement the number of violators caught; the first gasoline-ration night court was created at Pittsburgh's Fulton Building on May 26, 1943.[14]

With the pending capitulation of Japan, the printing of ration books for 1946 was halted by the OPA on August 13, 1945. It was thought that "even if Japan does not fold now, the war will certainly be over before the books can be used."[15]

On August 15, 1945, World War II gas rationing was ended on the West Coast of the United States.[16][17]  Most other rationing restrictions also ended in August of 1945 except for sugar rationing, which lasted until 1947 in some parts of the country.[18]

USA Ration Book No. 3 circa 1943, front

Back of ration book

Fighter plane ration stamp

Artillery ration stamp

Tank ration stamp

Aircraft Carrier ration stamp

Basic mileage ration stamps for 1934 Plymouth

Back of mileage stamps

"How to Shop With Ration Book Two", 1943 poster