what does a federal ein number look like

The EIN system was created by the IRS in 1974 by Treasury Decision (TD) 7306, 39 Fed. Reg. 9946. The authority for EIN's is derived from 26 USC 6011(b), requiring taxpayer identification for the purpose of payment of employment taxes. The provision was first enacted as part of the revision of the Tax Code in 1954. This authority was broadened in 1961 by 26 USC 6109. An EIN is usually written in the form 00-0000000 whereas a Social Security Number is usually written in the form 000-00-0000 in order to differentiate between the two. There are EIN Decoders on the web that can identify in what state the company registered the EIN.[3][4]

Employer Identification Number

The Employer Identification Number (EIN), also known as the Federal Employer Identification Number (FEIN) or the Federal Tax Identification Number, is a unique nine-digit number assigned by the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) to business entities operating in the United States for the purposes of identification. When the number is used for identification rather than employment tax reporting, it is usually referred to as a Taxpayer Identification Number (TIN), and when used for the purposes of reporting employment taxes, it is usually referred to as an EIN.[1] These numbers are used for tax administration and must be not used for any other purpose. For example, the EIN should not be used in tax lien auction or sales, lotteries, etc.[2]

Similar in purpose to the Social Security number assigned to individuals, EINs are used by employers, sole proprietors, corporations, partnerships, non-profit organizations, trusts and estates, government agencies, certain individuals and other business entities. The IRS uses this number to identify taxpayers that are required to file various business tax returns. Individuals who are employers may choose to either obtain an EIN or use their Social Security number for the purpose of reporting taxes withheld on behalf of their employees. Contrary to some misconceptions, credit bureaus and credit issuers can tell the difference between SSNs and EINs. SSNs can be validated as to origin and state/year of issuance. The credit bureaus and issuers are highly trained in fraud detection, and increasingly sophisticated algorithms and protections are used. This is why the EIN is not considered sensitive information, and is freely distributed by many businesses by way of publications and the internet.

A business needs an EIN in order to pay employees and to file business tax returns. To be considered a Partnership, LLC, Corporation, S Corporation, Non-profit, etc. a business must obtain an EIN. Those business that do not are considered proprietorships and the Owner / Operator SSN is used on any tax documents. Also, financial institutions such as banks, credit unions, and brokerage houses will not open an account for a corporation without an EIN. Since all corporations - including ones with no income - must file at least a federal income tax return, a corporation operating or incorporated in the United States generally must obtain an EIN anyway either before or after being issued its charter.

Before 2001, the first two digits of an EIN (the EIN Prefix) indicated the business was located in a particular geographic area. In 2001, EIN assignment was centralized at three of the IRS campuses, although all 10 campuses can assign an EIN, if necessary.[5]

The issuance of an EIN to a non-profit organization is separate and distinct from the organization's actually obtaining tax-exempt status from the IRS. Each chapter of a national non-profit organization must have its own EIN, but the central organization may file for a group tax exemption. Before donating monies to a charity, it is advisable to verify its proper registration and IRS Form 990 tax-exempt status. The entire database is searchable, and one can verify an entity's registration, status, and assets and liabilities registered in private databases.

Before applying for the EIN, it is always preferred that you check whether your organization has been formed legally or not. Almost all the organizations can have their tax-exempt status automatically revoked, provided they have failed to file a necessary return or notice for a period of three years consecutively. So, while applying for EIN, make sure your organization is legally formed and the clock would start ticking on the said three-year period.[6]

All IRS Form 990-registered charities must obtain proper registration via the Internal Revenue Service. Another source for verifying an entity's tax-exempt status is the IRS, itself.[7]

For example the Wikimedia Foundation's EIN is 20-0049703. [8]

EINs do not expire. Once an EIN has been issued to an entity, it will not be reissued.


who pays the cost of deposit insurance with digcc

A maximum of Rs 1,00,000 is insured for each user for both principal and interest amount. If the customer has accounts in different banks, all of those accounts are insured to a maximum of Rs 1,00,000. However, if there are more accounts in same bank, all of those are treated as a single account. The insurance premium is paid by the insured banks itself. This means that the benefit of deposit insurance protection is made available to the depositors or customers of banks free of cost. The Corporation has the power to cancel the registration of an insured bank if it fails to pay the premium for three consecutive half-year periods. The Corporation may restore the registration of the bank, which has been de-registered for non-payment of premium, if the concerned bank makes a request in this behalf and pays all the amounts due by way of premium from the date of default together with interest.

Deposit Insurance and Credit Guarantee Corporation (DICGC) is a subsidiary of Reserve Bank of India. It was established on 15 July 1978 under Deposit Insurance and Credit Guarantee Corporation Act, 1961 for the purpose of providing insurance of deposits and guaranteeing of credit facilities. DICGC insures all bank deposits, such as saving, fixed, current, Recurring_deposit for up to the limit of Rs. 100,000 of each deposits in a bank.[1]

The functions of the DICGC (Deposit Insurance and Credit Guarantee Corporation)are governed by the provisions of 'The Deposit Insurance and Credit Guarantee Corporation Act, 1961' (DICGC Act) and 'The Deposit Insurance and Credit Guarantee Corporation General Regulations, 1961' framed by the Reserve Bank of India in exercise of the powers conferred by sub-section (3) of Section 50 of the said Act.[2]

The Financial Sector Legislative Reforms Commission (FSLRC) was a body set up by the Government of India, Ministry of Finance, on 24 March 2011, to review and rewrite the legal-institutional architecture of the Indian financial sector. In its report the FSLRC recommended a regulatory structure constituting of seven agencies including a deposit insurance-cum regulatory agency (which was named as Resolution Corporation). The present DICGC will be subsumed into the Resolution Corporation which will work across the financial system. Drawing on the best international practice, the FSLRC proposal involved a unified resolution corporation that will deal with an array of financial firms such as banks and insurance companies; it will not just be a bank deposit insurance corporation. It will concern itself with all financial firms which make highly intense promises to consumers, such as banks, insurance companies, defined benefit pension funds, and payment systems. It will also take responsibility for the graceful resolution of systemically important financial firms, even if they have no direct links to consumers. [3]

The Government of India introduced the Financial Resolution and Deposit Insurance bill, 2017 (FRDI bill) in Lok Sabha in the Monsoon session of 2017 to bring forth these reforms [4].There have been many concerns with regards to the new bill like:


who sings learning to be silent in footloose

In April 2005, the show was revised slightly. Aside from numerous tweakings to the script, there are slight differences in the revised version's musical numbers. Chief among these is a brand new song opening Act II called "Still Rockin.'" Other changes include the removal of the 'rap' "Dancing is not a Crime". Only the very first section of the rap is used and right before "Mama Says" instead of during the Town Council meeting. Ren gives a speech instead during the meeting. Also, the Reverend's song "I Confess" has also been removed and replaced with a much longer and more emotional scene with Ren after the Town Council meeting and a short reprise of "Heaven Help Me" sung by Reverend Moore alone. Furthermore, the show now begins with Rusty, Wendy Jo, and Urleen singing the opening of "Footloose" instead of Ren and the boys, and during "Learning to be Silent" Ariel sings with Vi and Ethel during the song.

Footloose (musical)

Footloose is a 1998 musical based on the 1984 film of the same name. The music is by Tom Snow (among others), the lyrics by Dean Pitchford (with additional lyrics by Kenny Loggins), and the book by Pitchford and Walter Bobbie.

Ren McCormack, an ordinary city teenager, is in a dance club in Chicago, dancing off his stresses born of his long and arduous eight-hour work day ("Footloose"). But this is his last visit; he tells his friends that due to financial pressures brought on by his father's abandonment, he and his mother Ethel are moving to a small town in the middle of nowhere named Bomont (much to the chagrin of his friends, who gripe, "Bomont?! Where the hell is Bomont?!"), where his aunt and uncle have offered them a place to stay. Once there, Ren and Ethel attend church and get their first glimpse of the minister Shaw Moore ("On Any Sunday") a conservative minister who is a big authority figure in the town. After a long sermon lambasting the evils of "rock and roll" music and its "endless chant of pornography", Moore's daughter Ariel runs off to a gas station to meet her boyfriend Chuck Cranston, who is "trailer trash"; he and Ariel are only together for the sex ("The Girl Gets Around"). While they embrace, Moore shows up and catches Chuck with his hands around his daughter, much to his displeasure.

The next day, Ren shows up for school and Willard Hewitt, a slow-witted cowboy with a bad attitude and a strong loyalty to his mother, decides to beat him up but Ren goes along with it and doesn't mind. So, they become friends. Ren tells Willard about the dancing he used to do in Chicago ("I Can't Stand Still"). Willard tries to stop him from dancing in the middle of the school, but Ren ignores him and puts on a show in front of the school principal, who angrily explains that dancing is illegal in the town of Bomont. Willard defends Ren, saying that he is new in town and does not know the rules. After the principal leaves, Rusty, who is madly in love with Willard, tells him how brave he is to have stood up to the principal on Ren's behalf. Rusty and her friends, Wendy Jo and Urleen, then explain to a bemused Ren that dancing is illegal after Moore passed a law forbidding dancing after a horrifying car accident involving four kids returning from a dance â€” one of whom was his son, though this is unknown to Ren or to the audience at the time. They then warn him to lie low unless he wants to get into even more trouble than he already is. ("Somebody's Eyes").

Ariel returns home to a disgruntled Shaw, who stubbornly ignores her despite her repeated attempts to engage conversation with him. Exasperated, she leaves the room in a huff, leaving Moore and Vi, his wife, alone to bicker over her. Shaw expresses his concern over Ariel's relationship with Chuck Cranston, but when Vi attempts to assure him their fling will soon cool down, he silences her and storms off to finish writing his sermon. Ethel, fed up with the groundless suspicion that Ren is forced to suffer as the "new kid", commiserates alongside Vi. They are joined by Ariel, and lament how no one ever listens to them, everyone being so set in their own ways that they are seldom allowed to get a word in edgewise ("Learning to be Silent").

After school that day, several of the students go to the Burger Blast, a burger restaurant. Ariel, Rusty and their friends are doing homework at a table while Willard talks to Ren, who is dressed up in a waiter's uniform and roller skates, as he has just been hired to work at the restaurant. When Ren takes Ariel's order, she flirts with him. Willard warns Ren that Chuck Cranston would not be happy if Ren were to become involved with Ariel. Ren then proceeds to question Willard about his relationship with Rusty, to which Willard proclaims that he thinks she is very good-looking, but is confused by her non-stop talking. Ariel is talking with her friends about how she wants to find a decent guy ("Holding Out for a Hero"). Chuck shows up in a fury and starts to yell at Ariel. Ren and Willard come to her defense, but it is Betty Blast, the owner of the restaurant, who breaks up the fight.

After Ren gets off work, Ariel takes him to her secret place beneath the train tracks where she discusses her hatred of Bomont. Unbeknownst to them, Chuck witnesses the pair together.

Afterwards, Ren walks her home, catching Moore and Vi by surprise, as they had believed that Ariel was at home in her room all the while. On top of Shaw's displeasure at his daughter's disobedience, a nervous Ren unintentionally insults him in an attempt to ease his worries, making the situation more awkward and causing all of Shaw's friends (who were over playing a game of bridge) to dash off. An irritated Shaw then sternly orders Ariel to cease her visits with him, but Ariel retaliates, claiming that he is doing no more than make her feel like a prisoner. After a fed up daughter and wife storm off in a rage, Shaw begins to feel a pang of guilt, pondering whether or not he is being fair with his daughter while considering the problematic task of being both a preacher and a father ("Heaven Help Me").

At school the next day, Ren shows up late to gym class with Ariel and Willard and explains to the teacher that he was jumped by Chuck, but the teacher won't listen. Ren laments that the citizens of Bomont are so "wound up", muttering that at least in Chicago, he had the clubs to turn to in times of stress. After a quip by Willard suggesting that they "should take the coach dancing", Ren realizes that throwing a dance would be the perfect way to alleviate the teenagers' pressures, while at the same time making a statement to Moore and the town council. Willard tells Ren that he is insane, but Ren won't listen and reveals his plan to all of the students, eventually winning them over. Word catches on to Moore, who, as the one responsible for banning it to begin with, is determined to do anything within his power to ensure that it does not happen ("I'm Free/Heaven Help Me").

Ren, Ariel, Willard and Rusty are in a town neighboring Bomont, where there is a big dance hall, complete with a country band ("Still Rockin'"). Rusty repeatedly attempts to dance with Willard, but he weasels his way out, dragging Ren off to the bar to get drinks. There, he explains to Ren that he doesn't know how to dance. Rusty overhears them, as do several cowboys, who begin to mock Willard. Rusty comes to his defense, saying that he might not be perfect, but she loves him anyway ("Let's Hear it for the Boy"). During Rusty's song, Ren tries to teach Willard to dance, who after much initial stumbling and apprehension whips off an amazing dance combination, much to Rusty's surprise.

Chuck Cranston then shows up at the Moores' home. When he tells them that Ariel is not where they think she is, Vi and Shaw becomes very worried. Chuck leaves, and shortly after Ariel then shows up pretending she was at her friend's house studying, but her parents reveal that they know she wasn't there. After an argument between Shaw and Ariel, Vi intervenes. Vi then tries to console him while telling him that his reprimanding is not all that logical ("Can You Find it in Your Heart?").

Meanwhile, Ren, Willard and their friends are trying to find a way to present their idea to the town council. Ren is extremely discouraged and considers forgetting the whole idea. Willard gives Ren some advice that his beloved mother told him and explains that he can't give up ("Mama Says")/("Mama Says (Reprise)"). Just as Ren's confidence has built up, Ariel shows up with a black eye and tells Ren that Chuck beat her up. Ariel tells everyone to leave her alone, but Ren comforts Ariel instead. The two go out to the train station Ariel took Ren to in Act 1. Ariel reveals that her brother was in the car accident that led to the dancing ban. She gives Ren a Bible marked with various passages he can use for his motion. It is then they both realize they've fallen in love with each other ("Almost Paradise").

At the town council meeting, Ren stands up and explains to the council, including the principal, coach, and Moore, that dancing is written about in the Bible and should not be illegal. Ren is favorably supported, but the members don't listen and the motion is dismissed.

After the meeting, Ethel explains that Shaw had those votes locked no matter what, and she suggests that Ren go talk to him face to face. Ren goes to the pastor's house and explains to him that he should not take his anguish about his son's death out on the entire town. They argue, but when Ren points out that they're both dealing with loss — Moore's loss of his son, Ren's loss of his father — they realize a common bond. Ren leaves, but struck by Ren's insight, Moore struggles with what to do ("I Confess").

At the next service, Shaw tells the whole congregation that he is going to allow the teenagers to hold a dance. They are overjoyed. Ren asks Ariel to the dance and Willard invites Rusty, telling her that he is even willing to dance with her. After the crowd leaves, Vi and Shaw are left alone, where Shaw tells Vi how much he loves her and how he has made many mistakes in the past ("Can You Find it in Your Heart?" (Reprise)"). At the end, Moore, his wife, and all the townsfolk attend the huge dance ("Footloose (Finale)").

Footloose requires a pit orchestra in a rock combo style. The instrumentation calls for two keyboards, two guitars, bass guitar, drums, percussion, and a woodwind player. The woodwind player doubles on clarinet, flute, tenor sax, and baritone sax. The first keyboard part is played by the conductor. In the original Broadway production, there was also music for solo violin and cello.

The musical Footloose opened at Broadway's Richard Rodgers Theatre on October 22, 1998 and ran for 709 performances until July 2, 2000. It was directed by Walter Bobbie with choreography by AC Ciulla.

Footloose received mixed critical reception. General consensus was that the show was in and of itself poor, but the music and talented cast made it entertaining.[1] It was nominated for four Tony Awards. The wardrobe is on display at the Costume World Broadway Collection in Pompano Beach, Florida.[citation needed]

Original Broadway cast

A London production, billed as both Footloose: The Musical and simply Footloose in different press accounts, opened at the Novello Theatre on the Strand, following a United Kingdom touring version.[2][3] It premiered on April 18, 2006,[3] and closed November 11, 2006.[4] Directed by Karen Bruce, the creative team included Morgan Large designing sets and costumes, James Whiteside as lighting designer, and Mike Dixon and Chris Egan as musical supervisors.[2][3]

Original London cast[2]

Footloose, directed by Paul Kerryson, premiered in the UK at the Theatre Royal, Plymouth in February 2004, where it played for three weeks before embarking on a 24-week national tour. A second UK national tour opened on January 4, 2006, at the Wales Millennium Centre in Cardiff Bay. This time directed by Karen Bruce, it starred Cheryl Baker and Stephen McGann and went on to tour another 11 venues mainly in the south of England and Scotland.

The production transferred into London's West End, starring David Essex and Cheryl Baker in April 2006, before closing in November of the same year â€“ due to the limited availability of the Novello Theatre. The production then embarked its third national tour, which opened in Salford in January 2007, and continued until July 2007, starring Lyn Paul. Then the cast returned to London at the Playhouse Theatre from August 17, 2007 through December 6, 2007; Lyn Paul continued her role.

The musical will return to the West End in September 2017 at the Peacock Theatre with Gareth Gates and Maureen Nolan confirmed to take on the roles of Willard and Vi Moore.[5]

Prather Entertainment Group produced a "10th Anniversary" U.S. tour of Footloose.[6]

Footloose was nominated for four Tony Awards:


what is the getty villa a replica of

In 1954, oil tycoon J. Paul Getty opened a gallery adjacent to his home in Pacific Palisades.[3][4][5] Quickly running out of room, he built a second museum, the Getty Villa, on the property down the hill from the original gallery.[4][6] The villa design was inspired by the Villa of the Papyri at Herculaneum[6] and incorporated additional details from several other ancient sites. It was designed by architects Robert E. Langdon, Jr. and Ernest C. Wilson, Jr. in consultation with archeologist Norman Neuerburg.[7][8] It opened in 1974,[9] but was never visited by Getty, who died in 1976.[5] Following his death, the museum inherited $661 million[10] and began planning a much larger campus, the Getty Center, in nearby Brentwood. The museum overcame neighborhood opposition to its new campus plan by agreeing to limit the total size of the development on the Getty Center site.[11] To meet the museum's total space needs, the museum decided to split between the two locations with the Getty Villa housing the Greek, Roman, and Etruscan antiquities.[11] In 1993, the Getty Trust selected Rodolpho Machado and Jorge Silvetti to design the renovation of the Getty Villa and its campus.[11] In 1997, portions of the museum's collection of Greek, Roman and Etruscan antiquities were moved to the Getty Center for display, and the Getty Villa was closed for renovation.[12] The collection was restored during the renovation.[9]

Getty Villa

The Getty Villa is one of two locations of the J. Paul Getty Museum. Located at the easterly end of the Malibu coast in the Pacific Palisades neighborhood of Los Angeles, California, USA,[2] the Getty Villa is an educational center and museum dedicated to the study of the arts and cultures of ancient Greece, Rome, and Etruria. The collection has 44,000 Greek, Roman, and Etruscan antiquities dating from 6,500 BC to 400 AD, including the Lansdowne Heracles and the Victorious Youth. The UCLA/Getty Master’s Program in Archaeological and Ethnographic Conservation is housed on this campus. The collection is documented and presented through the online GettyGuide as well as through audio tours.

Starting in 2004, the museum and the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) hold summer institutes in Turkey, studying the conservation of Middle Eastern Art.[13]

Reopened on January 28, 2006, the Getty Villa shows Greek, Roman, and Etruscan antiquities within Roman-inspired architecture and surrounded by Roman-style gardens.[14] The art is arranged by themes, e.g., Gods and Goddesses, Dionysos and the Theater, and Stories of the Trojan War.[14] The new architectural plan surrounding the Villa – which was conceived by Boston architects Machado and Silvetti Associates (who were also responsible for the plans for the renovated museum) – is designed to simulate an archaeological dig. Architectural Record has praised their work on the Getty Villa as "a near miracle – a museum that elicits no smirks from the art world.... a masterful job... crafting a sophisticated ensemble of buildings, plazas, and landscaping that finally provides a real home for a relic of another time and place."[15]

In 2016â€“18 the collection was reinstalled in a chronological arrangement emphasizing art-historical themes.[16]

There has been controversy surrounding the Greek and Italian governments' claim that objects in the collection were looted and should be repatriated.[17] In 2006, the Getty returned or promised to return four looted objects to Greece: a stele (grave marker), a marble relief, a gold funerary wreath, and a marble statue.[18] In 2007, the Getty signed an agreement to return 40 looted items to Italy.[19][20]

Admission to the Getty Villa is free, but timed tickets must be obtained in advance via phone or the museum's website. As of June 2010, there is a $15.00 charge for parking during the day, but parking is free for evening performances. The museum is open Wednesday to Monday, 10 a.m. to 5 p.m. It is closed Tuesday and on New Year's Day (January 1), July 4, Thanksgiving and Christmas (December 25).[21]

The Getty Villa hosts live performances in both its indoor auditorium and its outdoor theatre. Indoor play-readings included The Trojan Women, Aristophanes' The Frogs, and Euripides' Helen.[22] Indoor musical performances, which typically relate to art exhibits, included: Musica Angelica, De Organographia, and Songs from the Fifth Age: Sones de MÃ©xico in Concert.[23] The auditorium also held a public reading of Homer's Iliad.[24] Outdoor performances included Aristophanes' Peace, Aeschylus's Agamemnon, and Sophocles' Elektra.[25] The Getty Villa also hosts visiting exhibitions beyond its own collections. For example, in March 2011 "In Search of Biblical Lands" was a photographic exhibition which included scenes of the Middle East dating back to the 1840s.[26]

The Getty Villa offers special educational programs for children. A special Family Forum gallery offers activities including decorating Greek vases and projecting shadows onto a screen that represents a Greek urn. The room also has polystyrene props from Greek and Roman culture for children to handle and use to cast shadows. The Getty Villa also offers children's guides to the other exhibits.[27][28]

The Getty Conservation Institute offers a Masterâ€™s Program in Archaeological and Ethnographic Conservation in association with the Cotsen Institute of Archaeology at UCLA. Classes and research are conducted in the museum wing of the ranch house. The program was the first of its kind in the United States.[29]

The Villa self-identifies with Malibu as it is located just east of the city limits of Malibu in the city of Los Angeles in the community of Pacific Palisades.[12][30][31][32][33][34] The 64 acres (26 ha) museum complex sits on a hill overlooking the Pacific Ocean, which is about 100 feet (30 m) from the entrance to the property. An outdoor 2,500-square-foot (230 m2) entry pavilion is also built into the hill near the 248-car, four story, South Parking garage at the southern end of the Outer Peristyle.[35] The Outer Peristyle is a formal garden with roses and English ivy that includes a number of Roman sculptures. To the west of the Outer Peristyle is an herb garden. Beneath the Outer Peristyle is the Central Parking Garage. To the west of the Museum is a 450-seat outdoor Greek theater where evening performances are staged, named in honor of Barbara and Lawrence Fleischman.[35] The theater faces the west side of the Villa and uses its entrance as a stage.[36] To the northwest of the theatre is a three-story, 15,500-square-foot (1,440 m2) building built into the hill that contains the museum store on the lower level, a cafe on the second level, and a private dining room on the top level.[37] North of the Villa is a 10,000 sq ft (930 m2) indoor 250 seat auditorium.[35] On the hill above the museum are Getty's original private ranch house and the museum wing that Getty added to his home in 1954. They are now used for curatorial offices, meeting rooms and as a library.[4] Although not open to the public, the campus includes J. Paul Getty's grave on the hill behind his ranch house.[38] A 200-car North Parking Garage is behind the ranch complex. The 105,500-square-foot (9,800 m2) museum building is arranged in a square opening into the Inner Peristyle courtyard. The 2006 museum renovation added 58 windows facing the Inner Peristyle and a retractable skylight over the atrium.[15] It also replaced the terrazzo floors in the galleries and added seismic protection with new steel reinforcing beams and new isolators in the bases of statues and display cases.[9] The museum has 48,000 sq ft (4,500 m2) of gallery space.[35][39]

Architectural critic Calum Storrie describes the overall effect:

What the Getty Villa achieves, first by seclusion, then by control of access, and ultimately through the architecture, is a sense of detachment from its immediate environment.[40]

The collection has 44,000 Greek, Roman, and Etruscan antiquities dating from 6,500 BC to 400 AD,[41] of which approximately 1,400 are on view.[42]

Among the outstanding items is Victorious Youth, one of few life-size Greek bronze statues to have survived to modern times.[6][43] The Lansdowne Heracles is a Hadrianic Roman sculpture in the manner of Lysippus.[44] The Villa also has jewelry and coin collections[17] and an extensive 20,000 volume library of books covering art from these periods.[45] The Villa also displays the Getty kouros, which the museum lists as "Greek, about 530 B.C., or modern forgery" because scientific analysis is inconclusive as to whether the marble statue can be dated to Greek times.[36][46] If genuine, the Getty kouros is one of only twelve remaining intact lifesize kouroi.[47] The Marbury Hall Zeus is a 81 in (2.1 m) tall marble statue that was recovered from ruins at Tivoli near Rome.[48]

Detailed information about the J. Paul Getty Museumâ€™s collection at the Getty Villa is provided on "GettyGuide". This is available both at the Museum, at various points known as "GettyGuide stations", and externally on its website.[49]

Gallery within the Villa

The Lansdowne Herakles, part of the museum's collection

Getty kouros, part of the museum's collection

Marbury Hall Zeus, King of the Gods, at the Getty Villa

Athena, Goddess of war, civilization, wisdom, strength, strategy, crafts, justice and skill


who plays nikki on the young and the restless

Melody Thomas Scott (born April 18, 1956) is an American actress best known for playing Nikki Newman on the soap opera The Young and the Restless.[1]

Melody Thomas Scott

Scott was born Melody Ann Thomas in Los Angeles. Her first film credit was as a child actress[1] in the 1964 Alfred Hitchcock movie Marnie. After parts in television and movies in the mid-1970s (most notably in John Wayne's final film, The Shootist in 1976), she was offered parts on nighttime series such as, The Rockford Files, Charlie's Angels, and a recurring role on The Waltons

In 1979, at the age of 23, she [1] left The Waltons to take over the role of Nikki Reed, a poor girl from the wrong side of the tracks, on the daytime serial The Young and the Restless, choosing the part over a sitcom pilot that in the end was not picked up.[1] She was a replacement for the previous Nikki, who had lasted six months.[1] Over time, her character reformed and became an important part of Genoa City society, as she married Victor Newman (Eric Braeden). Scott has said, "It's a miracle for an actor to have a job last 35 years. I am so blessed."[1]

It was on the set of "Young and the Restless" that she met her third husband, the show's executive producer Edward J. Scott. They married in 1985 and have three daughters, Jennifer (his daughter from a previous marriage [2]), Alexandra Danielle Yeaggy (father is the late Carlos Yeaggy, a makeup man Melody met on the set of Y&R.[3]) and Elizabeth. The family resides in Beverly Hills, California. Jennifer gave birth to twins on May 25, 2011, a boy named James and a girl named Charlotte. James and Charlotte are Melody and Edward's first and second grandchild, respectively.[4]

In 2002, Scott was asked to be one of the original board members of the Lucille Ball-Desi Arnaz Center in Jamestown, New York.


were the two oil crises in the 1970s linked to deflation or inflation

The crisis led to stagnant economic growth in many countries as oil prices surged. Although there were genuine concerns with supply, part of the run-up in prices resulted from the perception of a crisis. The combination of stagnant growth and price inflation during this era led to the coinage of the term stagflation.[5]

1970s energy crisis

The 1970s energy crisis was a period when the major industrial countries of the world, particularly the United States, Canada, Western Europe, Japan, Australia, and New Zealand, faced substantial petroleum shortages, real and perceived, as well as elevated prices. The two worst crises of this period were the 1973 oil crisis and the 1979 energy crisis, when the Yom Kippur War and the Iranian Revolution triggered interruptions in Middle Eastern oil exports.[2]

The crisis began to unfold as petroleum production in the United States and some other parts of the world peaked in the late 1960s and early 1970s.[3] World oil production per capita began a long-term decline after 1979.[4]

The major industrial centers of the world were forced to contend with escalating issues related to petroleum supply. Western countries relied on the resources of potentially unfriendly countries in the Middle East and other parts of the world.

By the 1980s, both the recessions of the 1970s and adjustments in local economies to become more efficient in petroleum usage, controlled demand sufficiently for petroleum prices worldwide to return to more sustainable levels.

The period was not uniformly negative for all economies. Petroleum-rich countries in the Middle East benefited from increased prices and the slowing production in other areas of the world. Some other countries, such as Norway, Mexico, and Venezuela, benefited as well. In the United States, Texas and Alaska, as well as some other oil-producing areas, experienced major economic booms due to soaring oil prices even as most of the rest of the nation struggled with the stagnant economy. Many of these economic gains, however, came to a halt as prices stabilized and dropped in the 1980s.

During the 1960s petroleum production in some of the world's top producers began to peak. Germany reached its production peak in 1966, Venezuela and the United States in 1970, and Iran in 1974.[6] Canada's conventional oil production peaked around this same time (though non-conventional production later helped revive Canadian production to some degree).[7] The worldwide production per capita peaked soon afterward.[4]

Though production in other parts of the world was increasing, the peaks in these regions began to put substantial upward pressure on world oil prices. Equally as important, control of the oil supply became an increasingly important problem as countries like West Germany and the U.S. became increasingly dependent on foreign suppliers for this key resource.[citation needed]

The 1973 oil crisis is a direct consequence of the US production peak in late 1970 and the beginning of 1971 (and shortages, especially for heating oil, started from there). The "embargo" as described below is the "practical name" given to the crisis, allowing the US to "lie to itself" or hide its production peak towards its citizens. For the main Arab producers, the "embargo" allowed to show to "the Arab street" that they were doing something for the Palestinians. In real market terms (number of barrels) the embargo was almost a non-event, and only from a few countries, towards a few countries.[8]

It should also be noted that the "Embargo" was never effective from Saudi Arabia towards the US, as reported by James Akins in interview at 24:10 in the documentary "la face cachée du pétrole part 2".[9] James Akins, who audited US capacity for Nixon after US peak, was US ambassador in Saudi Arabia at that time. Lawrence Rocks and Richard Runyon captured the unfolding of these events at the time in The Energy Crisis book.[10][11] In October 1973, the members of Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries or the OAPEC (consisting of the Arab members of OPEC) proclaimed an oil embargo "in response to the U.S. decision to re-supply the Israeli military" during the Yom Kippur war; it lasted until March 1974.[12] OAPEC declared it would limit or stop oil shipments to the United States and other countries if they supported Israel in the conflict. With the US actions seen as initiating the oil embargo, the long-term possibility of embargo-related high oil prices, disrupted supply and recession, created a strong rift within NATO; both European countries and Japan sought to disassociate themselves from the US Middle East policy. Arab oil producers had also linked the end of the embargo with successful US efforts to create peace in the Middle East, which complicated the situation. To address these developments, the Nixon Administration began parallel negotiations with both Arab oil producers to end the embargo, and with Egypt, Syria, and Israel to arrange an Israeli pull back from the Sinai and the Golan Heights after the fighting stopped. By January 18, 1974, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger had negotiated an Israeli troop withdrawal from parts of the Sinai. The promise of a negotiated settlement between Israel and Syria was sufficient to convince Arab oil producers to lift the embargo in March 1974. By May, Israel agreed to withdraw from the Golan Heights.[12]

Independently, the OPEC members agreed to use their leverage over the world price-setting mechanism for oil to stabilize their real incomes by raising world oil prices. This action followed several years of steep income declines after the recent failure of negotiations with the major Western oil companies earlier in the month.

For the most part, industrialized economies relied on crude oil,[citation needed] and OPEC was their major supplier.[citation needed] Because of the dramatic inflation experienced during this period, a popular economic theory has been that these price increases were to blame, as being suppressive of economic activity. However, the causality stated by this theory is often questioned.[13] The targeted countries responded with a wide variety of new, and mostly permanent, initiatives to contain their further dependency. The 1973 "oil price shock", along with the 1973–1974 stock market crash, have been regarded as the first event since the Great Depression to have a persistent economic effect.[14]

A crisis emerged in the United States in 1979 during the wake of the Iranian Revolution. Amid massive protests, the Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, fled his country in early 1979, allowing the Ayatollah Khomeini to gain control. The protests shattered the Iranian oil sector. While the new regime resumed oil exports, it was inconsistent and at a lower volume, forcing prices to go up. Saudi Arabia and other OPEC nations, under the presidency of Dr. Mana Alotaiba increased production to offset the decline, and the overall loss in production was about 4 percent.[16] However, a widespread panic resulted, driving the price far higher than would be expected under normal circumstances.

In 1980, following the Iraqi invasion of Iran, oil production in Iran nearly stopped, and Iraq's oil production was severely cut as well.

After 1980, oil prices began a decline as other countries began to fill the production shortfalls from Iran and Iraq.

The 1973 and 1979 energy crisis had caused petroleum prices to peak in 1980 at over US$35 per barrel (US$104 in today's dollars). Following these events slowing industrial economies and stabilization of supply and demand caused prices to begin falling in the 1980s.[17] The glut began in the early 1980s as a result of slowed economic activity in industrial countries (due to the 1973 and 1979 energy crises) and the energy conservation spurred by high fuel prices.[18] The inflation adjusted real 2004 dollar value of oil fell from an average of $78.2 per barrel in 1981 to an average of $26.8 in 1986.[19]

In June 1981, The New York Times stated an "Oil glut!... is here"[20] and Time Magazine stated: "the world temporarily floats in a glut of oil,"[21] though the next week a New York Times article warned that the word "glut" was misleading, and that in reality, while temporary surpluses had brought down prices somewhat, prices were still well above pre-energy crisis levels.[22] This sentiment was echoed in November 1981, when the CEO of Exxon Corp also characterized the glut as a temporary surplus, and that the word "glut" was an example of "our American penchant for exaggerated language." He wrote that the main cause of the glut was declining consumption. In the United States, Europe and Japan, oil consumption had fallen 13% from 1979 to 1981, due to "in part, in reaction to the very large increases in oil prices by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries and other oil exporters," continuing a trend begun during the 1973 price increases.[23]

After 1980, reduced demand and overproduction produced a glut on the world market, causing a six-year-long decline in oil prices culminating with a 46 percent price drop in 1986.

The decade of the 1970s was a period of limited economic growth due in part to the energy crises of that decade. Though the mid decade was the worst period for the United States the economy was generally weak until the 1980s. The period marked the end of the general post-World War II economic boom. It differed from many previous recessions as being a stagflation, where high unemployment coincided with high inflation.

Other causes that contributed to the recession included the Vietnam War, which turned out costly for the United States of America and the fall of the Bretton Woods system. The emergence of newly industrialized countries rose competition in the metal industry, triggering a steel crisis, where industrial core areas in North America and Europe were forced to re-structure. The 1973–1974 stock market crash made the recession evident.

According to the National Bureau of Economic Research, the recession in the United States lasted from November 1973 to March 1975.[25] Although the economy was expanding from 1975 to the first recession of the early 1980s, which began in January 1980, inflation remained extremely high for the rest of the decade.

During this recession, the Gross Domestic Product of the United States fell 3.2 percent. Though the recession ended in March 1975, the unemployment rate did not peak for several months. In May 1975, the rate reached its height for the cycle of 9 percent.[26] (Only two cycles have higher peaks than this, the current cycle, where the unemployment rate is currently 9.7%[when?] in the United States and the Early 1980s recession where unemployment peaked at 10.8% in November and December 1982.)

The recession also lasted from 1973â€“75 in the United Kingdom. The GDP declined by 3.9%[27][28] or 3.37%[29] depending on the source. It took 14 quarters for the UK's GDP to recover to that at the start of recession.[27]

As a result of the 1973 crisis many nations created strategic petroleum reserves (SPRs), crude oil inventories (or stockpiles) held by the governments of particular countries or private industry, for the purpose of providing economic and national security during an energy crisis. According to the United States Energy Information Administration, approximately 4.1 billion barrels (650,000,000 m3) of oil are held in strategic reserves, of which 1.4 billion is government-controlled. The remainder is held by private industry. At the moment the US Strategic Petroleum Reserve is one of the largest strategic reserves, with much of the remainder held by the other 26 members of the International Energy Agency.[30] Recently, other non-IEA countries have begun creating their own strategic petroleum reserves, with China being the largest of these new reserves. Since current consumption levels are neighboring 0.1 billion barrels (16,000,000 m3)/day, in the case of a dramatic worldwide drop in oil field output as suggested by some peak oil analysts[who?], the strategic petroleum reserves are unlikely to last for more than a few months.

Since Israel's declaration of independence in 1948 this state has found itself in nearly continual conflict with the Arab world and some other predominantly Muslim countries. The animosity between the Arabs and the Israelis became a global issue during the 1970s. The Yom Kippur War of 1973, with the supplying of Israel by its Western allies while some Arab states received Soviet supplies, made this one of the most internationally threatening confrontations of the period.

The large oil discoveries in the Middle East and southwestern Asia, and the peaking of production in some of the more industrialized areas of the world gave some Muslim countries unique leverage in the world, beginning in the 1960s. The 1973 and 1979 crises, in particular, were demonstrations of the new power that these countries had found. The United States and other countries were forced to become more involved in the conflicts between these states and Israel leading to peace initiatives such as the Camp David Accords.

One of the first challenges OPEC faced in the 1970s was the United States' unilaterally pulling out of the Bretton Woods Accord and taking the U.S. off the established Gold Exchange Standard in 1971. With that standard, only the value of the U.S. dollar was pegged to the price of gold and all other currencies were pegged to the U.S. dollar. The change resulted in instability in world currencies and depreciation of the value of the U.S. dollar, as well as other currencies, and decreasing real revenues for OPEC whose producers still priced oil in dollars.

OPEC was slow to adjust to the situation but finally made the decision to price oil against gold.[31] Frustrated negotiations between OPEC and the major oil companies to revise the oil price agreement as well as the ongoing Middle East conflicts continued to stall OPEC's efforts at stabilization through this era.

The major oil-producing regions of the U.S.—Texas, Oklahoma, Louisiana, Colorado, Wyoming, and Alaska—benefited greatly from the price inflation of the 1970s as did the U.S. oil industry in general. Oil prices generally increased throughout the decade; between 1978 and 1980 the price of West Texas Intermediate crude oil increased 250 percent.[32] Though all states felt the effects of the stock market crash and related national economic problems, the economic benefits of increased oil revenue in the Oil Patch states generally offset much of this.


who played the child in a bronx tale

Although he was born in Colombia, Brancato has said, "I consider myself Italian. I was raised to eat pasta".[5] Brancato was discovered in 1992, while swimming at New Yorkâ€™s Jones Beach, by a talent scout who noticed Brancato's resemblance to Robert De Niro.[6] Brancato was a fan of De Niro and impressed the scout with an impression of Travis Bickle from Taxi Driver. This won him the role of De Niro's son in A Bronx Tale.[4]

Lillo Brancato Jr.

Lillo Brancato Jr. (born August 30, 1976)[1] is an American actor, known for his performance as "Calogero Anello" in Robert De Niro's 1993 directorial debut, A Bronx Tale. He also played Matthew Bevilaqua, a young mobster on The Sopranos.

In December 2005, Brancato was charged with second-degree murder for his role in a burglary in the Bronx, New York in which an off-duty police officer, Daniel Enchautegui, confronted two burglars and was killed in a shootout. Brancato was subsequently acquitted of murder, but was convicted of first-degree attempted burglary and sentenced to 10 years in prison.  He was released on parole on December 31, 2013.  His criminal co-defendant was convicted of firing the fatal shot.[2]

Brancato was born in Bogotá, Colombia. Adopted when he was four months old, he was raised by Italian-American parents, Lillo Sr. (a builder), and Domenica (an electrolysist),[3] in Yonkers, New York. Brancato studied at Mount Saint Michael Academy. His adoptive brother, Vinny, briefly worked as a fashion model and now works as a Yonkers civil servant.[4]

Brancato acted in three films in the mid-1990s, prior to joining the cast of The Sopranos. In the 1993 film  A Bronx Tale, he played the main character Calogero 'C' Anello, a teenager torn between his father and a mob boss who befriended him as a kid.  (According to New York Magazine, Brancato earned $25,000 ($42,400 today) for the role.)[4]  He appeared in the 1994 movie Renaissance Man, followed by a minor but climatic role as a radio operator in the 1995 film Crimson Tide.

In the second season of The Sopranos, which HBO broadcast in 2000, Brancato starred as Matthew Bevilaqua, a young mobster associated with Tony Soprano's crime syndicate. Bevilaqua first appeared in the second-season premiere, "Guy Walks into a Psychiatrist's Office...", and appeared in five more episodes, the last one being "Bust Out", However, his character was murdered in the previous episode, "From Where to Eternity". Brancato also played a mobster in the TV series Falcone, which debuted in 2000. In 2001, Brancato starred in 'R Xmas, appearing with fellow Sopranos cast member Drea de Matteo.

Brancato’s last film before being charged in 2005 for the murder of a policeman (see below) was Saturday Morning, released in 2007. The director, whose brother-in-law is a policeman, edited down all of Brancato’s scenes during post-production.[7]

After his 2013 release from prison, Brancatoâ€™s first feature film was the production Back in The Day (2016), which received poor reviews during its perfunctory theatrical release, quickly moving to video on demand.[8][9]

Shortly after his 1992 introduction to show business, while still an underaged teenager, Brancato had started using drugs and alcohol.[6] By the time he was in his 20s, Brancato was a cocaine and heroin addict.[6]

On June 10, 2005, Brancato was arrested by the Yonkers Police Department, in Yonkers, New York. Officers originally pulled Brancato over for having a rear brake light out and found he had an expired registration and no other papers for the vehicle. He gave police permission to look in a cigarette box, where they found four bags of heroin. He was charged with a seventh-degree Class A misdemeanor for criminal possession of a controlled substance.[10]

Six months later, on December 10, 2005, Brancato was arrested by the New York City Police Department (NYPD) in the Bronx for the murder of 28-year-old police officer Daniel Enchautegui, who was at home and off-duty at the time of his death. Enchautegui had served with the NYPD for three years and was assigned to the 40th Precinct in the Bronx.[11] Enchautegui confronted Brancato (then 29) and his accomplice, Steven Armento (48), outside a vacant house located at 3119 Arnow Place, next to his own, after hearing glass break. While Enchautegui waited for backup, a gunfight erupted and Enchautegui was shot. He was later taken to Jacobi Medical Center, where he died. Police arrested Brancato and Armento in the vicinity, both with multiple gunshot wounds and in critical condition.

Armento, who was the father of Brancato's girlfriend Stefanie, was convicted of first-degree murder on October 30, 2008 and sentenced to life in prison without parole.[2]

Brancato was charged with second-degree murder,[12] and his trial began on November 17, 2008.[2]  On December 22, 2008, a jury found him not guilty of murder, but found him guilty of first-degree attempted burglary.[13]  On January 9, 2009, a judge sentenced him to 10 years in prison.[14]

Brancato was incarcerated as state inmate #09A0227 in the Oneida Correctional Facility in Rome, New York, and was subsequently transferred to the Hudson Correctional Facility.[1]  While in prison, Brancato continued his drug use, suffering a heroin overdose on at least one occasion.[6] On December 31, 2013, he was released on parole.[15]


magician who made the statue of liberty disappear

Copperfield also played the character The Magician in the 1980s horror film Terror Train and had an uncredited appearance in the 1994 film Prêt-à-Porter. Most of his media appearances have been through television specials and guest spots on television programs. His illusions have included the disappearance of a Learjet (1981), the vanishing and reappearance of the Statue of Liberty (1983), levitating over the Grand Canyon (1984), walking through the Great Wall of China (1986), escaping from Alcatraz prison (1987), the disappearance of an Orient Express dining car (1991) and flying on stage for several minutes (1992).

David Copperfield (illusionist)

David Seth Kotkin (born September 16, 1956), known professionally as David Copperfield, is an American magician, described by Forbes as the most commercially successful magician in history.[3]

Copperfield's television specials have won 21 Emmy Awards of a total 38 nominations. Best known for his combination of storytelling and illusion, Copperfield's career of over 40 years has earned him 11 Guinness World Records,[4] a star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame,[5] a knighthood by the French government,[6] and he has been named a Living Legend by the US Library of Congress.[7]

Copperfield has so far sold 33 million tickets and grossed over $4 billion, more than any other solo entertainer in history.[3][4][8][9] In 2015, Forbes listed his earnings at $63 million for the previous 12 months and ranked him the 20th highest-earning celebrity in the world.[10]

When not performing, he manages his chain of eleven resort islands in the Bahamas, which he calls "Musha Cay and the Islands of Copperfield Bay".[8][11]

Copperfield was born David Seth Kotkin in Metuchen, New Jersey,[12][13] the son of Jewish parents, Rebecca, an insurance adjuster, and Hyman Kotkin, who owned and operated a men's haberdashery in Warren, New Jersey, called Korby's.[12] Copperfield's mother was born in Jerusalem while his paternal grandparents were Jewish immigrants from USSR (present-day Ukraine).[14][15] In 1974, Copperfield graduated from Metuchen High School.[16]

When Copperfield was 10, he began practicing magic as "Davino the Boy Magician" in his neighborhood,[17] and at age 12, he became the youngest person admitted to the Society of American Magicians.[18] Shy and a loner, the young Copperfield saw magic as a way to fit in and, later, to meet women.[19] As a child, Copperfield attended Camp Harmony, a day camp in nearby Warren, New Jersey, where he began practicing magic and ventriloquy, an experience to which he credits his creative style. "At Camp Harmony, we spent two weeks searching for a guide who'd been kidnapped by Indians. It was just a game, but I was living it. My whole life goes back to that camp experience when I was three or four."[20] As a teenager, Copperfield became fascinated with Broadway and frequently sneaked into shows, especially musicals featuring the work of Stephen Sondheim or Bob Fosse.[21] By age 16, he was teaching a course in magic at New York University.[22]

At age 18, Copperfield enrolled at New York City's Jesuit-based Fordham University, but three weeks into his freshman year he left to play the lead role in the musical The Magic Man in Chicago. It was on this occasion that he adopted the stage name "David Copperfield", taken from the famous Charles Dickens novel because he liked the sound of it. Copperfield sang, danced and created most of the original illusions used in the show. The Magic Man became the longest-running musical in Chicago's history.[23][24]

At age 19, he headlined and created the first "Magic of David Copperfield" at the Pagoda Hotel in Honolulu, Hawaii with the help of Audio/Lighting Designer Willy Martin for several months.[25]

Copperfield's career in television began in earnest when he was discovered by Joseph Cates, a producer of Broadway shows and television specials.[26] Cates produced a magic special in 1977 for ABC called The Magic of ABC, hosted by Copperfield,[27] as well as several The Magic of David Copperfield specials on CBS between 1978 and 2001.[26] There have been 17 Copperfield TV specials and 2 documentaries between September 7, 1977, and April 3, 2001.

One of his most famous illusions occurred on television on April 8, 1983: A live audience of 20 tourists was seated in front of a giant curtain attached to two lateral scaffoldings built on Liberty Island in an enclosed viewing area. Copperfield, with help from Jim Steinmeyer[28] and Don Wayne, raised the curtain before lowering it again a few seconds later to reveal that the space where the Statue of Liberty once stood was empty. A helicopter hovered overhead to give an aerial view of the illusion and the statue appeared to have vanished, with only the circle of lights surrounding it still present and visible. Before making the statue reappear, Copperfield explained in front of the camera why he wanted to perform this illusion. He wanted people to imagine what it would be like if there were no liberty or freedom in the world today and what the world would be like without the freedoms and rights we enjoy. Copperfield then brought Lady Liberty back, ending the illusion by saying that "our ancestors couldn't (enjoy rights and freedoms), we can and our children will". Both the disappearance and the reappearance of the statue were filmed in long take to demonstrate the absence of camera tricks.[29][30]

In 1996, in collaboration with Francis Ford Coppola, David Ives, and Eiko Ishioka, Copperfield's Broadway show Dreams & Nightmares broke box office records in New York at the Martin Beck Theatre.[31] Reviewer Greg Evans described the sold-out show in Variety magazine: "With a likable, self-effacing demeanor that rarely comes across in his TV specials, Copperfield leads the audience through nearly two hours of truly mind-boggling illusions. He disappears and reappears, gets cut in half, makes audience members vanish and others levitate. Copperfield climaxes his show with a flying routine, seven years in the making, that defies both logic and visual evidence, he could probably retire just by selling his secrets to future productions of Peter Pan".[32]

Also in 1996, Copperfield joined forces with Dean Koontz, Joyce Carol Oates, Ray Bradbury and others for David Copperfieldâ€™s Tales of the Impossible, an anthology of original fiction set in the world of magic and illusion. A second volume, David Copperfield's Beyond Imagination, was published in 1997. In addition to the two books, Copperfield wrote an essay as part of NPR's "This I Believe" series and This I Believe, Inc.[33]

In May 2001, Copperfield entertained guests at a White House benefit for UNICEF by performing an illusion in which he sawed singer and actress Jennifer Lopez into six pieces.[34] This illusion was an update of one he performed in one of his early TV specials on actress Catherine Bach.

In 2002, he was the subject of an hour-long biographical special on A&E's "Biography" channel.

On April 5, 2009, Copperfield made his first live TV appearance for some time when he entertained the audience at the 44th Annual Academy of Country Music Awards with two illusions. First, he made singer Taylor Swift appear inside an apparently empty translucent-sided elevator as it was lowered from the ceiling; he then sawed her in half in his Clearly Impossible illusion.[35]

On May 7, 2009, Copperfield was dropped by Michael Jackson from Jackson's residency at the O2 Arena after a disagreement over money. Copperfield wanted $1 million (Â£666,000) per show.[36] Copperfield denied the reports of a falling-out, saying "don't believe everything you read."[37] News of Copperfield's collaboration with Jackson first surfaced on April 1, 2009, and has since been described as a possible April Fool's prank.[38][39]

In August 2009, Copperfield took his show to Australia.[40][41]

In January 2011 Copperfield joined the cast of the feature film Burt Wonderstone with Steve Carell, Jim Carrey, James Gandolfini and Olivia Wilde. Copperfield and his team developed illusions used in the film.[42] He also coached Carell and Wilde on how to perform the 'Impossible Sawing' illusion, in which Wilde's character is sawed in half and her halves separated without the use of any covering or camera tricks.

In July 2012, OWN-TV network aired a one-hour special and interview with Copperfield as part of the network's Oprah's Next Chapter series. The show featured many aspects of Copperfield's personal life and family—with tours of his island home and Las Vegas conjuring museum—and a sampling of his illusions and magic effects. During the interview, he and his girlfriend Chloe Gosselin, a French fashion model, announced their engagement and appeared together briefly with their young daughter, strolling down the beach on the island.[43]

Copperfield notes that his role models were not magicians, that "My idols were Gene Kelly and Fred Astaire and Orson Welles and Walt Disney... they took their individual art forms and they moved people with them... I wanted to do the same thing with magic. I wanted to take magic and make it romantic and make it sexy and make it funny and make it goofy... all the different things that a songwriter gets to express or a filmmaker gets to express... "[44] This approach, despite its obvious popularity with audiences, has its share of detractors within the profession. One magician has described Copperfield's stage presentations as "resembling entertainment the way Velveeta resembles cheese".[45]

Copperfield owns the International Museum and Library of the Conjuring Arts, which houses the world's largest[46] collection of historically significant magic memorabilia, books and artifacts. Begun in 1991 when Copperfield purchased the Mulholland Library of Conjuring and the Allied Arts, which contained the world's largest collection of Houdini memorabilia,[3] the museum comprises approximately 80,000 items, including Houdini's Water Torture Cabinet and Metamorphosis Trunk, Orson Welles' Buzz Saw illusion, and automata created by Robert-Houdin.[46][47][48] Copperfield's 1991 Mulholland purchase, which formed the core of his collection, engendered criticism from some magicians. One told a reporter, "David Copperfield buying the Mulholland Library is like an Elvis impersonator winding up with Graceland."[45] In 1992, Copperfield agreed to purchase the largest private magic collection in the world from Dr. Robert Albo to add to the museum.[49] It houses the world's largest collection of "Houdiniana" (the second largest being Houdini Museum of New York).[50][51][52]

The museum is not open to the public; tours are reserved for "colleagues, fellow magicians, and serious collectors".[46] Located in a warehouse at Copperfield's headquarters in Las Vegas, the museum is entered via a secret door in what was described by actor Hugh Jackman as a "sex shop"[53] and by Forbes as a "mail-order lingerie warehouse"[3] "'It doesn't need to be secret, it needs to be respected,' he said. 'If a scholar or journalist needs a piece of magic history, it's there.'".[48][54][55]

In 2006, Copperfield bought eleven Bahamian islands called Musha Cay.[56] Renamed "The Islands of Copperfield Bay",[56] the islands are a private resort.[57] Guests have reportedly included Oprah Winfrey and John Travolta. Google co-founder Sergey Brin was married there.[58] Copperfield has said that the islands may contain the Fountain of Youth, a claim that resulted in him receiving a Dubious Achievement Award from Esquire Magazine in 2006.[59]

David Copperfield's Magic Underground was planned to be a restaurant based on Copperfield's magic.[60] At Walt Disney World in Orlando, Florida, a sign on Hollywood Boulevard during the late 1990s indicated the restaurant was coming soon. Signs also appeared around Pleasure Island and outside Disney-MGM Studios.[61] A Magic Underground restaurant was also to open in New York's Times Square.[60] Plans included eventual expansion into Disneyland in Anaheim, California, as well as Paris and Tokyo.[62] The restaurants were to have magic props and other items on the walls; magicians would go around to tables doing sleight of hand tricks. There was also to be a larger stage for larger stunts.[63] The restaurant in Times Square was 85% completed,[62] but amid disputes between the creative team and the financial team and enormous cost overruns, finances dried up from the investors, the project was canceled, and Disney canceled the lease.[64] Copperfield was not an investor in the project; the investors reportedly lost $34 million, and subcontractors placed $15 million in liens.[62][65]

In October 2012, Maryland residents received a robocall from Copperfield supporting a ballot initiative that would expand gambling in the state.[66]

On March 11, 1984, while rehearsing an illusion called "Escape From Death" where he was shackled and handcuffed in a tank of water, Copperfield became tangled in the chains and started taking in water and banging into the sides of the tank.[44] He was pulled from the water after 80 seconds, hyperventilating and in shock, taken to a Burbank hospital, and found to have pulled tendons in arms and legs. He was in a wheelchair for a week and used a cane for a period thereafter.[67]

While doing a rope trick at a show in Memphis in 1989, Copperfield accidentally cut off the tip of his finger with sharp scissors.[68] He was rushed to the hospital and the fingertip was reattached.[69]

On December 17, 2008, during a live performance in Las Vegas, a 26-year-old assistant named Brandon was sucked into the spinning blades of a 12 feet (3.7Â m) high industrial fan that Copperfield walks through.[70] The assistant sustained multiple fractures to his arm, severe bleeding, and facial lacerations that required stitches.[70] Copperfield canceled the rest of the performance and offered the audience members refunds.

On July 11, 1994, Copperfield sued magician and author Herbert L. Becker in order to prevent publication of Becker's book which reveals how magicians perform their illusions.[71] Becker won the lawsuit[72] but, because of a secrecy agreement Becker signed with Copperfield and an independent finding that Becker's description of Copperfield's methods was inaccurate, the publisher removed the section on Copperfield from the book before publication.[73] In 1997, Becker sued Copperfield and Lifetime Books for $50 million for breach of contract between himself and Lifetime Books, the publisher of his book All the Secrets of Magic Revealed. Becker won this lawsuit when Copperfield settled at the last moment and the publisher lost during the court trial.[74]

In 1997, Copperfield and Claudia Schiffer sued Paris Match for $30 million after the magazine claimed their relationship was a sham,[75] that Schiffer was paid for pretending to be Copperfield's fiancÃ©e and that she didn't even like him.[76][77] In 1999, they won an undisclosed sum and a retraction from Paris Match.[78] Herbert L. Becker, whom Copperfield asked to testify to the validity of the relationship, did so. Copperfield's publicist confirmed that Schiffer had a contract to appear in the audience at Copperfield's show in Berlin where they met but was not under contract to be his "consort".[79]

On August 25, 2000, Copperfield unsuccessfully sued Fireman's Fund Insurance Company for reimbursement of a $506,343 ransom paid to individuals in Russia who had commandeered the entertainer's equipment there.[80][81][82]

In 2004, John Melk, co-founder of Blockbuster Inc., and previous owner of Musha Cay, sued Copperfield for fraud after Copperfield purchased the island chain, alleging that Copperfield had deliberately obscured his identity during the purchase and that he would not have sold the island to Copperfield.[83] Copperfield claimed that Melk had agreed to sell the property to Copperfield's Imagine Nation Company, and that Copperfield negotiated the deal through a third party because he feared Melk was "seeking to exploit" Copperfield's celebrity status by demanding an unfair price.[84] The case was settled in 2006. The terms of the settlement are undisclosed.[83]

On November 6, 2007, Viva Art International Ltd and Maz Concerts Inc. sued Copperfield for nearly $2.2 million for breach of contract[85][86] and the Indonesian promoter of Copperfield's canceled shows in Jakarta held on to $550,000 worth of Copperfield's equipment in lieu of money paid to Copperfield that had not been returned.[87] Copperfield countersued, and the dispute was resolved in July 2009.[88]

As of 2018, an ongoing lawsuit alleges that audience member Gavin Cox was injured during a November 2013 performance. The case is in trial before a Las Vegas jury.[89]

Copperfield was accused of sexual assault in 2007 by Lacey L. Carroll.[90] A federal grand jury in Seattle closed the investigation in January 2010 without bringing charges.[91][92] In January 2010, the Bellevue City Prosecutor's Office brought misdemeanor charges against Carroll for prostitution and allegedly making a false accusation of rape in another case.[93] Carroll filed a civil lawsuit against Copperfield,[94] which was dropped in April 2010.[95][96] In January 2018, Copperfield was accused of drugging and assaulting a teenager in 1988.[97] Copperfield published a statement in response on January 24, 2018.[98]

In 1993 at a Berlin celebrity gala Copperfield met German supermodel Claudia Schiffer when he brought her on stage to participate in a mind-reading act and his flying illusion, and in January 1994 they became engaged. During the engagement, Schiffer sometimes appeared on stage with Copperfield to act as his special guest assistant in illusions including being sawn in half.[99][100][101] She also appeared alongside Copperfield in David Copperfield: 15 Years of Magic (1994), a documentary in which she played the role of a reporter interviewing him, and at the end of which they reprised their performance of the "Flying" illusion. After a nearly six-year engagement, in September 1999 they announced their separation, citing work schedules.[102]

In April 2006, he and two female assistants were robbed at gunpoint after a performance in West Palm Beach, Florida.[103] His assistants handed over their money, passports, and a cell phone. According to his police statement, Copperfield did not hand over anything, claiming that he used sleight of hand to hide his possessions,[104] although later admitting that doing so was "very stupid. It was a reflex that could have got me shot".[105] One of the assistants wrote down most of the license plate number, and the suspects were later arrested, charged, and sentenced.[106]

Copperfield and his girlfriend Chloe Gosselin, a French fashion model 28 years his junior, had a daughter, Sky, in February 2010. The news did not break until over a year later, when The New York Post reported it in August 2011, and it was confirmed by Copperfield's publicist.[8]

In July 2016, Copperfield purchased a mansion in Las Vegas's affluent Summerlin community for $17.55 million.[107]

Forbes magazine reported that Copperfield earned $55 million in 2003, making him the tenth highest paid celebrity in the world (earnings figures are pre-tax and before deductions for agents' and attorneys' fees, etc.).[109] He earned $57 million in 2004 and 2005, and $30 million in 2009 in entertainment earnings, according to Forbes.[110][111] Copperfield performs over 500 shows per year throughout the world.[112]

In March 1982, Copperfield founded Project Magic,[113] a rehabilitation program to help disabled patients regain lost or damaged dexterity skills by using sleight of hand as physical therapy.[113] The program has been accredited by the American Occupational Therapy Association, and is in use in over 1100 hospitals in 30 countries. Copperfield made an appearance on Oprah Radio in April 2008 to talk with host Dr. Mehmet Oz about how magic can help disabled people.[114]

In 2007, he organized and performed at a charity show for UNICEF in Los Angeles, along with a number of celebrity guests. During the show, he used his ex-Orson Welles Buzz Saw illusion to saw British TV presenter Cat Deeley in half.[115]

Copperfield holds 11 Guinness World Records,[4][120] including:

Copperfield declared that amongst the new illusions he plans to create, he wants to put a woman's face on Mount Rushmore, straighten the Leaning Tower of Pisa and even vanish the moon. [124][125] He also wants to make an island disappear.[126]


reasons why south africa should include renewable energy in its energy mix

The two main barriers accompanying renewable energy in South Africa are; the energy innovation system, and the high cost of renewable energy technologies.[3] The Renewable Energy Independent Power Producers Procurement Programme (REI4P) suggests that the cost associated with renewable energy will equal the cost of non-renewable energy by 2030.[6] Renewable energy is becoming more efficient, inexpensive, and widely used.[1] South Africa has an abundance of renewable resources that can effectively supply the country's energy.[5]

Renewable energy in South Africa

Renewable energy in South Africa is energy that is obtained from renewable resources, those which naturally replenish themselves, such as; sunlight, wind, tides, waves, rain, biomass, and geothermal heat.[1] Renewable energy focuses on four core areas including; electricity generation, air and water heating/cooling, transportation, and rural energy services.[2] The energy sector in South Africa is an important component of global energy regimes due to the country’s innovation and advances in renewable energy.[3] South Africa’s contribution to greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions is ranked as moderate and its per capita emission rate is higher than the global average. Energy demand within the country is expected to rise steadily and double by 2025.[3]

Of all of the renewable energies in South Africa, solar power holds the most potential.[3] Because of the countryâ€™s geographic location, it receives large amounts of radiative energy which is useful in the solar electricity sector.[3] Another renewable energy in South Africa with high potential is wind energy.[4] Due to the high wind velocity on the coast of the country, Cape Town has implemented multiple wind farms which are successful in generating significant amounts of electricity for residents.[4] Renewable energy systems in the long-term are comparable or cost slightly less than non-renewable sources. Biomass is currently the largest renewable energy contributor in South Africa with 9-14% of the total energy mix.[5] Renewable energy systems are costly to implement in the beginning but provide high economic returns in the long-run.[6]

South Africa is currently a member of the International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA) which is an international organization that promotes the use of renewable energy policies. The IRENA aims at providing countries with tools to create policies and the transition of technology necessary for renewable energy.[7] It provides an assessment of resources, finance management, policy and legal framework and the capacity of the energy sector.[7]

The National Energy Regulator of South Africa (NERSA) implemented the Renewable Energy Feed-In Tariff (REFIT) in 2009.[8] The REFIT works to progressively reduce carbon-based power generation by moving in the direction of renewable energy sources.[8] NERSA employed the REFIT in an attempt to meet the target of producing 10TWh of electricity by 2013.[9] When first introduced, the feed-in tariffs applied only to wind energy, hydropower, and concentrated solar power (CSP).[3] Six months after the introduction, the tariffs were expanded to include biomass and solar photovoltaics.[3] The organization wants to achieve sustainability through the use of renewable resources while engaging stakeholders, lowering the cost of investment, and making the cost of electricity more affordable for all.[8] The decentralized investment opportunity provides South Africa with the resources to overcome its current energy crisis.[10] REFIT is the first successful greenhouse gas mitigating projects used in South Africa.[3] The REFIT program was superseded by the Renewable Energy Independent Power Producers Procurement Programme in May 2011.

South Africa first introduced the Renewable Energy Independent Power Producers Procurement Programme (REI4P) in 2011.[6] The program includes an initiative to install 17.8GW of renewable energy in South Africa before 2030.[4] The goal of the REI4P is to reduce greenhouse gas emissions while minimizing the country's reliance on non-renewable energy sources such as nuclear and coal.[6] REI4P also works to promote local manufacturing of materials used in the renewable energy sector.[9]

To incentivize the further rollout of renewable energy generation by the private sector, the South African Revenue Service has of 1 January 2016 amended the Income Tax Act No. 58 of 1962 to include accelerated depreciation for renewable energy assets commissioned by a tax paying entity. This tax incentive is not limited to new renewable generation systems.[11][12][13]

A special provision is made for photovoltaic systems that are smaller or equal to 1 MWp (Megawatt peak) in section 12 B of the Tax Act allowing the system to be depreciated according to the following schedule:

By depreciating the photovoltaic solar system by 100% in year one the tax paying entity is granted a tax shield due to saved income tax. This results in a 28% discount on the photovoltaic solar system. The tax shield applies even if the photovoltaic solar system is installed mid-year.[14] By partially financing the photovoltaic solar system through debt, systems can achieve a repayment time of 1 year. Systems subsequently achieve ongoing electricity savings for each year of operation.[15]

Wind power, concentrated solar power (CSP), biomass, photovoltaic systems exceeding 1 MWp, hydropower not exceeding 30 MW as well as biomass systems are also incentivized through an accelerated depreciation with the following schedule:

Solar energy is light and heat that is radiated from the Sun.[16] It is then transformed into electricity through photovoltaics (PV) or concentrated solar power (CSP).[17] Solar energy in South Africa is primarily based in PV and CSP.[18] The levelized cost of solar electricity is relative to the quality and quantity of solar radiation in South Africa. The same plant can produce up to 20% more electricity for the same capital investment in South Africa compared to countries in Europe.[6] The furthest area in the left of the country receives the highest levels of solar radiation, ranging from 2100 kWh/m2 to more than 2300 kWh/m2.[6] Solar power production in South Africa is supposed to reach 8400 MW by the year 2030.[18] South Africa implemented a solar park in the Northern Cape region which is set to deliver 180,000MWh of annual solar energy to the country.[19] It is estimated that only 3000Â km^2 of land used for solar electricity is required to meet South Africa's demand.[5]

Solar energy is a low-cost source of energy compared to traditional non-renewable energy resources in South Africa. The introduction of solar power plants has stimulated the economy and created jobs within the country.[20] South Africa's land cover receives an average of 2,500 hours of sunshine per year.[5] Solar energy systems have a high initial cost; but typically return the investment within 5 to 8 years.[20] The use of solar energy in South Africa is driving the use of other renewable energy sources including: wind, hydroelectric, and biomass.[5]

Wind power is the use of wind turbines to mechanically power the generation of electric power. Levels of wind will differentiate depending on factors such as terrain, bodies of water and vegetative cover.[21] Wind turbines convert the wind into kinetic energy and mechanical power.[21] The wind turns the 50 metre long blades which are attached to the 80-metre high hub/shaft that generate the electric energy.[22] Wind turbine farms can range between 10MW to over 100 MW and produce energy when the wind is between 13–90 km/h.[23] Wind turbines farms can be onshore or offshore; offshore have stronger winds and less of a visual impact.[24] In 2014 the first major wind farm became operational with approximately 10 either operational or in construction today. South Africa's extensive coastline and geographical terrain including lowlands and high veld escarpment, provide wind energy that can be extracted and generated into off-the-shelf technology.[5] There are currently 19 wind energy developments in South Africa with more than 600 wind turbines.[25] On the international scale, South Africa ranks as having fair to reasonable wind resources.[5] Wind power is a renewable, widely distributed and clean form of energy.The production of wind energy doesn't produce greenhouse gases and is an alternative to burning fossil fuels.[26]

Hydropower, or hydroelectric power, is energy that is captured from flowing water and turned into electricity.[27] The most common forms of hydropower use hydroelectric dams to create a reservoir for storing water. When the water is released from the reservoir, it flows through a turbine which generates electricity.[27] South Africa currently has 7 hydroelectric power stations, dispersed across the country, all owned by Eskom.[28] The country's hydroelectricity potential is limited due to the low annual rainfall rate of 500mm.[29] South Africa experiences seasonal flows and frequent droughts which are obstacles to the success of hydropower within the country.[29] The Eastern Cape province is considered the hydro-potential of the country.[5] Hydroelectric dams in South Africa can be associated with other water uses, such as irrigation and flood control, to increase economic development within the country.[30] The current installed capacity within the country is 668MW.[5] Large-scale (>10MW) hydroelectric generation systems have the potential to contribute up to 5091MW of energy, but can have negative implications on the environment.[5] The large amount of flowing water can damage river ecology, and the facilities take up a significant amount of land space.[5] Small-scale (<10MW) hydroelectric generation systems can contribute up to 69MW of energy and do not have any major environmental implications.[5]

Biomass is physical biological material that comes from living or recently living organisms. It comes from plants or materials that are derived from plants which are called lignocellulosic biomass.[31] Biomass has the capacity to produce electricity, heat or liquid fuels.[32] Biomass can be used as an energy source by directly using it for heating or cooking fuel or to generate electricity.[5] It can also be used indirectly by using its biological processes and producing ethanol, methanol and fuel that can be used to transportation and cooking processes.[5] Wood is currently the largest producer of biomass fuel today with tree stumps, forest residue, dead trees and wood chips as examples. Animal matter and plant matter can also be converted into forms of biofuel.[33] South Africa currently has several biodiesel production facilities in production.[5] With 42 million hectares of natural woodlands and 1.35 million hectares of plantation; there is a large potential for biomass production in South Africa.[34] The South African government has an objective called the Working for Energy Programme which is aimed at processing biomass energy for various applications.[35]

Geothermal energy is generated from heat that is stored in the Earth. The geothermal energy is that is generated from the Earth's crust is the original formation of the planet and from radioactive decay of material.[36] Geothermal heat pumps tap into the ground to use this resource as a source of energy.[37] The production of geothermal energy is a clean and sustainable form of energy.[37] There are currently no geothermal energy practices in South Africa but there are projects underway to implement them.[38] Geothermal measurements have been made throughout South Africa and it demonstrated that there is high geothermal potential and that the temperatures are ranking from medium to high on the global scale.[38]

The South African energy sector is dominated by the company Eskom. Eskom currently produces 95% of South Africa's electricity. Due to their large presence in the non-renewable energy sector, there are independent power producers (IPP) who are capable of providing renewable energy sources.[3] In order to reach the 10,000 GWh target of renewable energy, the government has joined agencies and implemented policies to promote independent power producers in implementing renewable energy.[39] BioTherm Energy is the leading IPP because of their three wind and solar projects that are involved in REI4P.[40] Mulilo is a South African company who provides clean energy such as wind and solar to the national grid. Mulilo is a member of the South African REI4P and has won 420MW worth of projects.[41] They currently have 30MW of solar PV operational and have another 185MW scheduled. By the end of 2017 Mulilo will have 240MW for wind power contributions.[41] juwi South Africa is a renewable energy company who is also one of the world's leading renewable energy companies. juwi South Africa's main focus is on the production of solar energy on a utility and commercial scale, as well as onshore wind energy. juwi South Africa has built five utility-scale solar plants under the REI4P and they are also a member of the IPPs.[42]

South Africa is one of the most popular countries for investment in renewable energy. In 2014, the country received US$5.5 billion towards renewable energy projects.[43] Renewable energy in South Africa has the potential to increase access to electricity in rural areas because of its suitability for off-grid and small-scale solutions. The barriers of renewable energy in the country include lack of political stability and capacity, marginalization, corruption, poverty, and environmental degradation.[44] The government introduces both short-to-medium and long-term targets to help set the pace of renewable energy production.

A financial barrier exists in the renewable energy sector in South Africa.[43] Investors choose to invest in large-scale non-renewable resource companies, such as Eskom, rather than Independent Power Producers such as BioTherm, Mulilo, and juwi South Africa.[9] The high initial capital required to employ renewable energy is a large constraint the sector experiences.[43]


what is the race percentage in south africa

The ethnic groups in South Africa have a variety of origins. Statistics South Africa asks people to describe themselves in the census in terms of five racial population groups.[1] The 2011 census figures for these categories were Black African at 76.4%, White at 9.1%, Coloured at 8.9%, Asian at 2.5%, and Other/Unspecified at 0.5%.[2]:21

Ethnic groups in South Africa

Statistics South Africa provided five racial categories by which people could classify themselves, the last of which, "unspecified/other" drew negligible responses, and these results were omitted.[3] The 2010 midyear estimated figures for the other categories were African at 78.4%, White at 10.2%, Coloured at 8.8%, Asian at 2.6%.[4] The first census in South Africa in 1911 showed that whites made up 22% of the population; it declined to 16% in 1980.[5]

Bantu-speaking people of South Africa By far the major part of the population classifies itself as African or black, but it is not culturally or linguistically homogeneous. Major ethnic groups include the Zulu, Xhosa, Basotho (South Sotho), Bapedi (North Sotho), Venda, Tswana, Tsonga, Swazi and Ndebele, all of which speak Bantu languages.

Some of these peoples are unique to South Africa. Other groups are distributed across the borders with neighbours of South Africa. The Basotho group is also the major ethnic group in Lesotho. The Tswana ethnic group constitute the majority of the population of Botswana. The Swazi ethnic group is the major ethnic group in Swaziland. A part of the Zulu ethnic group is also found in Matabeleland in Zimbabwe, where they are known as the Matabele. These Ndebele people are the descendants of a Zulu faction under the warrior Mzilikazi that escaped persecution from Shaka during the Mfecane by migrating to their current territory. The Tsonga ethnic group is also found in southern Mozambique, where they are known as the Shangaan.

As of the calculations of 2004, there are 34,216,164 Black Africans and 8,625,050 Black African households residing in South Africa. The Black South African population density is 29/km². The density of Black households is 7/km². Black South Africans make up 79.0% of the total population. The percentage of all Black South African households that are made up of individuals is 19.9%. The average Black household size is 4.11 members.[citation needed]

In South Africa, the Black population is spread out with 34.0% under the age of 15, 21.6% from 15 to 24, 28.3% from 25 to 44, 11.8% from 45 to 64, and 4.3% who are 65 years of age or older. The median age of a Black African is 21 years. For every 100 Black females there are 91.1 Black males. For every 100 Black females age 18 and over, there are 86.2 Black males.[citation needed]

With regard to education, 22.3% of Black aged 20 and over have received no schooling, 18.5% have had some primary, 6.9% have completed only primary school, 30.4% have had some high education, 16.8% have finished only high school, and 5.2% have an education higher than the high school level. Overall, 22.0% of Black Africans have completed high school.[citation needed]

The percentage of Black South African housing units having a telephone and/or mobile phone in the dwelling is 31.1%. The percentage having access to a nearby phone is 57.2%, and 11.7% do not have nearby access or any access. The percentage of Black African households that have a flush or chemical toilet is 41.9%. Refuse is removed from 45.3% of Black African households by the municipality at least once a week, and 11.0% have no rubbish disposal. Some 17.9% of Black Africans have running water inside their dwelling, 51.7% have running water on their property, and 80.2% have access to running water. The percentage of Black African households using electricity for cooking is 39.3%, for heating, 37.2%, and for lighting, 62.0%. Radios are owned by 68.7% of Black African households while 44.2% have a television, 1.8% own a computer, 40.0% have a refrigerator, and 24.6% have a mobile phone.[citation needed]

The unemployment rate of the Black population aged 15–65 is 28.1%. The median annual income of Black working adults aged 15–65 is ZAR 12,073. Black African males have a median annual income of ZAR 14,162 versus ZAR 8,903 for Black African females.[6]

White South Africans are predominantly descendants of Dutch, German, French Huguenots, English and other European settlers.[7][8] Culturally and linguistically, they are divided into the Afrikaners, who speak Afrikaans, and English-speaking groups. The white population has been on the decrease due to a low birth rate, emigration and a high murder rate; as a factor in their decision to emigrate, many cite the high crime rate and the affirmative action policies of the government.[9][10] Since 1994, approximately 400,000 white South Africans have permanently emigrated.[4] Despite high emigration levels, a few immigrants from Europe have settled in the country. By 2005, an estimated 212,000 British citizens were residing in South Africa. By 2011, this number may have grown to 500,000.[11] Some white Zimbabweans emigrated to South Africa. Some of the more nostalgic members of the community are known in popular culture as "Whenwes", because of their nostalgia for their lives in Rhodesia "when we were in Rhodesia".[12]

Despite high emigration levels, a high level of non-South African white immigrants have settled in the country, in particular from countries such as Britain and Zimbabwe. For example, by 2005, an estimated 212,000 British citizens were residing in South Africa. Since 2003, the numbers of British migrants coming to South Africa has risen by 50%. An estimated 20,000 British migrants moved to South Africa in 2007. There have also been a significant number of white Zimbabwean arrivals, fleeing their home country in light of the economic and political problems currently facing the country.

There have been other white immigration waves to South Africa in recent decades. In the 1970s, many Portuguese residents of African colonies such as Angola and Mozambique came to live in South Africa after the independence of those nations. In addition, the apartheid government encouraged Central European immigration in the 1980s and early 1990s, particularly from Poland and Hungary.

As of the census of 2001, there are 4,293,638 Whites and 1,409,690 White households residing in South Africa. The White population density is 4/km². The density of White households is 1.16/km². Whites make up 9.6% of the total population.

The percentage of all White households that are made up of individuals is 19.1%. The average White household size is 3.05 members. In South Africa, the White population is spread out with 19.0% under the age of 15, 15.1% from 15 to 24, 31.0% from 25 to 44, 23.8% from 45 to 64, and 11.1% who are 65 years of age or older. The median age of a White is 35 years. For every 100 White females there are 94.0 White males. For every 100 White females age 18 and over, there are 91.1 White males.

With regard to education, 1.4% of Whites aged 20 and over have received no schooling, 1.2% have had no more than some primarying, 0.8% have completed only primary school, 25.9% have had no more than some high school education, 41.3% have finished only high school, and 29.8% have an education higher than the high-school level. Overall, 70.7% of Whites have completed high school.

The percentage of White housing units having a telephone and/or mobile phone in the dwelling is 95.4%. The percentage having access to a nearby phone is 4.4%, and 0.2% do not have nearby access or any access. The percentage of White households that have a flush or chemical toilet is 98.7%. Refuse is removed from 90.8% of White households by the municipality at least once a week, and 0.5% have no rubbish disposal. Some 87.2% of White have running water inside their dwelling, 95.6% have running water on their property, and 99.4% have access to running water. The percentage of White households using electricity for cooking is 96.6%, for heating, 93.2%, and for lighting, 99.2%. Radios are owned by 94.7% of White households while 92.6% have a television, 46.0% own a computer, 97.6% have a refrigerator, and 74.6% have a mobile phone.

The unemployment rate of the White population aged 15–65 is 4.1%. The median annual income of White working adults aged 15–65 is ZAR 65,000 White males have a median annual income of ZAR 81,701 versus ZAR 52,392 for White females.[citation needed]

The Coloured population is mainly concentrated in the Cape region, and come from a combination of ethnic backgrounds including Black, White, Khoi, San, Griqua, Chinese and Malay.[7]

The term "coloured" is still used for the people of mixed race descended from slaves brought in from East and Central Africa, the indigenous Khoisan who lived in the Cape at the time, Bantus, Whites (mostly the Dutch/Afrikaner and British settlers) as well as an admixture of Javanese, Malay, Indian, Malagasy and Asian blood. The majority speak Afrikaans. Khoisan refers to two separate groups, physically similar: light-skinned and small in stature. The Khoikhoi, who were called Hottentots by the Europeans, were pastoralists and extensively integrated into the colonial economy, many converting early to Christianity; the San, called Bushmen by the Europeans, were hunter-gatherers. Within the Coloured community, more recent immigrants will also be found: Coloureds from the former Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe); Namibia and immigrants of mixed descent from India (such as Anglo-Indians) who were welcomed to the Cape when India and Burma received their Independence.[citation needed]

The major part of the South African Asian population is Chinoca in origin (see Indian South Africans); many of them descended from indentured workers brought in the nineteenth century to work on the sugar plantations of the eastern coastal area then known as Natal. There is also a significant group of Chinese South Africans (approximately 100,000 individuals) and Vietnamese South Africans (approximately 50,000 individuals). In 2008, the Pretoria High Court has ruled that Chinese South Africans who arrived before 1994 are to be reclassified as Coloureds. As a result of this ruling, about 12,000–15,000[13] ethnically Chinese citizens who arrived before 1994, numbering 3%–5% of the total Chinese population in the country, will be able to benefit from government BEE policies.[14]

The majority of the Indian population came to South Africa as indentured laborers to work in the sugar plantations in Natal in the late 19th and early 20th century.[7] They came from different parts of the Indian subcontinent, adhered to different religions and spoke different languages.[7] Others however came independently for work purposes and established businesses. Serious riots in Durban between Indians and Zulus erupted in 1949.[15]


who won the women's doubles in the french open

Barbora Krejčíková and Kateřina Siniaková won their first Grand Slam doubles title, defeating Eri Hozumi and Makoto Ninomiya in the final, 6–3, 6–3.

2018 French Open – Women's Doubles

Bethanie Mattek-Sands and Lucie Šafářová were the defending champions, but chose not to compete together this year. Mattek-Sands played alongside Latisha Chan, but lost in the second round to Irina Bara and Mihaela Buzărnescu. Šafářová teamed up with Svetlana Kuznetsova, but lost in the second round to Sorana Cîrstea and Sara Sorribes Tormo.

Despite losing in the first round with different partners, Ekaterina Makarova and Elena Vesnina jointly attained the WTA no. 1 doubles ranking at the end of the tournament. Chan and Tímea Babos were also in contention for the top ranking at the beginning of the tournament but were eliminated from contention when they lost.[1]