the act of sailing closer into the wind

The principal points of sail roughly correspond to 45° segments of a circle, starting with 0° directly into the wind. For many sailing craft 45° on either side of the wind is a "no-go" zone, where a sail is unable to mobilize power from the wind. Sailing on a course as close to the wind as possible—approximately 45°—is termed "close-hauled". At 90° off the wind, a craft is on a "beam reach". At 135° off the wind, a craft is on a "broad reach". At 180° off the wind (sailing in the same direction as the wind), a craft is "running downwind".

Point of sail

A point of sail is a sailing craft's direction of travel under sail in relation to the true wind direction over the surface.

In points of sail that range from close-hauled to a broad reach, sails act substantially like a wing, with lift predominantly propelling the craft. In points of sail from a broad reach to down wind, sails  act substantially like a parachute, with drag predominantly propelling the craft. For craft with little forward resistance, like ice boats and land yachts, this transition occurs further off the wind than for sailboats and sailing ships.[1] In the no-go zone, sails are unable to generate motive power from the wind.

Wind direction for points of sail always refers to the true wind—the wind felt by a stationary observer. The apparent wind—the wind felt by an observer on a moving sailing craft—determines the motive power for sailing craft.

Sailing craft, such as sailboats and ice boats,[1] cannot sail directly into the wind, nor on a course that is too close to the direction from which the wind is blowing. The range of directions into which a sailing craft cannot sail is called the "no-go" zone.[2] In the no-go zone the craft's sails cease producing enough drive to maintain way or forward momentum; therefore, the sailing craft slows down towards a stop and steering becomes progressively less effective at controlling the direction of travel. The span of the no-go zone varies among sailing craft, depending on the design of the sailing craft, its rig, and its sails, as well as on the wind strength and, for boats, the sea state. Depending on the sailing craft and the conditions, the span of the no-go zone may be from 30 to 50 degrees either side of the wind, or a 60- to 100-degree area centered on the wind direction.[3]

A sailing craft is said to be "in irons" if it is stopped with its sails unable to generate power in the no-go zone.[3] If the craft tacks too slowly, or otherwise loses forward motion while heading into the wind, the craft will coast to a stop.[4][5] This is also known as being "taken aback," especially on a square-rigged vessel whose sails can be blown back against the masts, while tacking.[6]

A sailing craft is said to be sailing close-hauled (also called beating or working to windward) when its sails are trimmed in tightly, are acting substantially like a wing, and the craft's course is as close to the wind as allows the sail(s) to generate maximum lift. This point of sail lets the sailing craft travel diagonally to the wind direction, or 'upwind'.[3]

The smaller the angle between the direction of the true wind and the course of the sailing craft, the higher the craft is said to point. A craft that can point higher (when it is as close-hauled as possible) is said to be more weatherly.[7]

When the wind is coming from the side of the sailing craft, this is called reaching.[3]

A "beam reach" is when the true wind is at a right angle to the sailing craft.

A "close reach" is a course closer to the true wind than a beam reach but below close-hauled; i.e., any angle between a beam reach and close-hauled.  The sails are trimmed in, but not as tight as for a close-hauled course.

A "broad reach" is a course further away from the true wind than a beam reach, but above a run. In a broad reach, the wind is coming from behind the sailing craft at an angle. This represents a range of wind angles between beam reach and running downwind. On a sailboat (but not an iceboat) the sails are eased out away from the sailing craft, but not as much as on a run or dead run (downwind run). This is the furthest point of sail, until the sails cease acting substantially like a wing.

On this point of sail (also called running before the wind), the true wind is coming from directly behind the sailing craft. In this mode, the sails act in a manner substantially like a parachute.[3]

When running, the mainsail is eased out as far as it will go. The jib will collapse because the mainsail blocks its wind, and must either be lowered and replaced by a spinnaker, or set instead on the windward side of the sailing craft. Running with the jib to windward is known as 'gull wing', 'goose wing', 'butterflying' or 'wing and wing'.  A genoa gull-wings well, especially if stabilized by a whisker pole, which is similar to but lighter than a spinnaker pole.[3]

True wind (VT) combines with the sailing craft's velocity (VB) to be the apparent wind velocity (VA); the air velocity experienced by instrumentation or crew on a moving sailing craft. Apparent wind velocity provides the motive power for the sails on any given point of sail. It varies from being the true wind velocity of a stopped craft in irons in the no-go zone to being faster than the true wind speed as the sailing craft's velocity adds to the true windspeed on a reach, to diminishing towards zero, as a sailing craft sails dead downwind.[8]

Effect of apparent wind on sailing craft at three points of sail

Sailing craft A is close-hauled. Sailing craft B is on a beam reach. Sailing craft C is on a broad reach.Boat velocity (in black) generates an equal and opposite apparent wind component (not shown), which adds to the true wind to become apparent wind.

Apparent wind and forces on a sailboat.As the boat sails further from the wind, the apparent wind becomes smaller and the lateral component becomes less; boat speed is highest on the beam reach.

Apparent wind on an iceboat.As the iceboat sails further from the wind, the apparent wind increases slightly and the boat speed is highest on the broad reach. The sail is sheeted in for all three points of sail.[1]

The speed of sailboats through the water is limited by the resistance that results from hull drag in the water. Ice boats typically have the least resistance to forward motion of any sailing craft;[1] consequently, a sailboat experiences a wider range of apparent wind angles than does an ice boat, whose speed is typically great enough to have the apparent wind coming from a few degrees to one side of its course, necessitating sailing with the sail sheeted in for most points of sail. On conventional sail boats, the sails are set to create lift for those points of sail where it's possible to align the leading edge of the sail with the apparent wind.[3]

For a sailboat, point of sail significantly affects the lateral force to which the boat is subjected. The higher the boat points into the wind, the stronger the lateral force, which results in both increased leeway and heeling.  Leeway, the effect of the boat moving sideways through the water, can be counteracted by a keel or other underwater foils, including daggerboard, centerboard, skeg and rudder. Lateral force also induces heeling in a sailboat, which is resisted by the shape and configuration of the hull (or hulls, in the case of catamarans) and the weight of ballast, and can be further resisted by the weight of the crew. As the boat points off the wind, lateral force and the forces required to resist it become reduced.[9]
On ice boats, lateral forces are countered by the lateral resistance of the blades on ice and their distance apart, which generally prevents heeling.[10]


who was the first woman to became the prime minister of a country

Sirima Ratwatte Dias Bandaranaike (Sinhalese: සිරිමා රත්වත්තේ ඩයස් බණ්ඩාරනායක, Tamil: சிறிமா ரத்வத்தே டயஸ் பண்டாரநாயக்கே; 17 April 1916 – 10 October 2000), commonly known as Sirimavo Bandaranaike[note 1], was a Sri Lankan stateswoman. She became the world's first female head of government when she became Prime Minister of Sri Lanka, serving three terms  1960–1965, 1970–1977 and 1994–2000.

Sirimavo Bandaranaike

The widow of S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, she filled the leadership void created in the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) after his assassination. As Prime Minister, she moved Ceylon towards embracing a socialist of economy and undertook major constitutional changes that resulted in the island becoming a republic. An advocate of the Non-Aligned Movement, she developed and maintained strong international relations.

Her daughter Chandrika Kumaratunga – who succeeded her as leader of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party – went on to become Sri Lanka's fourth President, while her son Anura Bandaranaike went on to become Speaker and later, a Cabinet Minister.

Sirima Ratwatte was born on 17 April 1916 at the Ellawala Walawwa in Ratnapura. Her father was Barnes Ratwatte, later Rate Mahatmaya of Balangoda, a native headman; he was a member of the Ratwatte family, which was an old Radala family hailing from the Kingdom of Kandy.[3] Her mother was Rosalind Mahawalatenne Kumarihamy, daughter of Mahawalatenne Rate Mahatmaya of Balangoda. Her parental ancestors were courtiers in the courts of Sinhalese monarchs, and one, Ratwatte, Dissawa of Matale was a signatory of to the Kandyan Convention. Sirima was the eldest in a family six children, which included four brothers, Barnes Ratwatte II, Dr Seevali Ratwatte, Dr Mackie Ratwatte and Clifford Ratwatte, and one sister Patsy Ratwatte who married Colonel Edward James Divitotawela. The family resided at her maternal grandfather's Mahawalatenne Walawwa and later at their own Balangoda Walawwa. She remained a practicing Buddhist through her life.[2][4]

Sirima Ratwatte first attended a private school in Balangoda, then moved briefly in 1923 to the primary school of Ferguson High School, Ratnapura, and was then sent to boarding school in Colombo at St Bridget's Convent.[5][6] After completing schooling, she became involved in social work, distributing food and medicine during the malaria epidermic of 1934/35, organizing clinics and helping empower rural industry.[2]

In 1940, Sirima Ratwatte married Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike, a Oxford educated lawyer turned politician, who was at the time Minister of Local Administration in the State Council of Ceylon.[4] Their wedding was dubbed "the wedding of the century",[4] but caused a sensation within the Ratwatte family, as Bandaranaike was not considered to be an "acceptable" family; as the Ratwattes were an old and established Radala family from Kandy, while the Bandaranaike's were an old and wealthy family from the low-country which had been in service of the colonial rulers for centuries.[4] This marriage, however, was noted to have helped break down social barriers in Sri Lanka over the years.[2][4] The newly married couple moved into Wentworth in Guidford Cresent, Colombo which was taken on rent from Lionel Wendt. Their first two children, Sunethra and Chandrika were born and the family stayed at Wentworth till 1946, when Sir Solomon bought a mansion at Rosmead Place, Colombo for his son and the family settled into it. Here their only son Anura was born.

Following her marriage, Sirima Bandaranaike joined the Lanka Mahila Samiti which was the country's largest women's voluntary organisation. She became an active member undertaking many of the social projects initiated under the Mahila Samiti for the empowerment of rural women and disaster relief. She served as its treasurer for eight years and was elected vice president. Two years later she became president of the Lanka Mahila Samiti, holding the post till she resigned from it in 1960. Apart from the Mahila Samiti, she was an active member of the All Ceylon Buddhist Women's Association; Ceylon National Association for the prevention of Tuberculosis; Nurses Welfare Association and the Cancer Society.

Mrs Bandaranaike assisted her husband in his political and government work since her marriage. This included accompanying him on his official travels both local and overseas. She and her husband were the on site after the Mental Asylum in Angoda was bombed by the Japaneses during the Easter Sunday Raid resulting in many deaths.

Mrs Bandaranaike was noted to have persuaded her husband to resign from government, resign from the United National Party, and establish the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) in 1951.[2] She campaigned for her husband during the 1952 parliamentary election in his constituency of Atthanagalla, as her husband campaigned across the country.[2] While the SLFP only won 9 seats during that election, Bandaranaike won his seat in Parliament and became Leader of the Opposition.[2]

When fresh elections were called in 1956 by Prime Minister Sir John Kotelawala, sensing opportunity Bandaranaike formed a broad four-party coalition Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP) and contested the 1956 elections. Mrs Bandaranaike once again campaigned for her husband in his constituency of Atthanagalla and also in her home town of Balangoda and Ratnapura for the SLFP. The MEP won a landslide victory at the 1956 elections and S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike formed a government as its Prime Minister. Given that the Governor General Sir Oliver Goonetilleke was a widower, Mrs Bandaranaike became the de-facto first lady of Ceylon. While on a state visit to Malaysia on it Independence in 1957, the couple had to cut short the visit and return when word reached of the grave illness of her father the Ratwatte Dissawa following a heart attack, he died two weeks after their hasty return in a RAF bomber from Singapore.

Mrs Bandaranaike was at home Rosmead Place on the morning of 25 September 1959, when her husband S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike was shot multiple times by a Buddhist monk while meeting the public. She accompanied him to hospital where he succumbed to his wounds the following day. In the political chaos that followed under the caretaker government of Wijeyananda Dahanayake, many cabinet ministers were removed and some arrested and tried for the Bandaranaike assassination. The MEP collapsed without Bandaranaike to keep it together and elections were called for March 1960.[4]

In the weeks before the general elections in March 1960, Mrs Bandaranaike took to the stage supporting and speaking on behalf of her husband's party the SLFP. In the election, the SLFP won 46 seats, but the UNP under Dudley Senanayake formed a short-lived government. During this time Mrs Bandaranaike was brought forward as the legitimate successor to her husband's party leadership and she formally entered politics.

In May 1960, Mrs Bandaranaike was appointed President of the SLFP. With the UNP unable to form a stable government, fresh elections were called for in July 1960. SLFP formed around Mrs Bandaranaike's leadership and she campaigned on carrying forward the policies of her late husband, notably the Sinhala Only Act, and to proceed with repatriation of the estate Tamils to India.[7]

During the campaign in the July 1960 elections, Bandaranaike toured the country and made emotional speeches, frequently bursting into tears as she pledged herself to continue her late husband's policies. That earned her the title "The Weeping Widow".[8][4]

On 21 July 1960, following a landslide victory of the SLFP, Sirima Bandaranaike took oaths as the first female Prime Minister in the world and Minister of Defence and External Affairs. As she was not an elected member of parliament at the time, but leader of the party holding the majority in parliament, a constitutional requirement required her to become a member of Parliament within three months to continue to hold office as Prime Minister. Therefore, Mrs Bandaranaike was appointed to the Senate of Ceylon (upper house of Parliament) on 5 August 1960 following the resignation of M. P. de Zoysa. She remained in the Senate until 1965.[9]

Soon after she undertook a trip with her family to India, on an invitation extended to her by Jawaharlal Nehru, Prime Ministers of India following the assassination of her husband in 1959. Bandaranaike, accompanied by her brother and private secretary Dr Mackie Ratwatte and his family, traveled to India on Nehru's personal aircraft and were guests at 7, Lok Kalyan Marg, before traveling to a Buddhist site of pilgrimage.[2]

Mrs Bandaranaike was a socialist who continued her husband's policies of nationalizing key sectors of the economy, such as banking and insurance, and also nationalizing all schools then owned by the Roman Catholic Church in 1961.[10] Bandaranaike was on a roller-coaster ride from the moment she took office. Within a year of her 1960 election victory she declared a state of emergency. This followed a civil disobedience campaign by part of the country's minority Tamil population who were outraged by her decision to drop English as an official language and her order to conduct all government business in Sinhala, the language of the majority Sinhalese. This they considered a highly discriminatory act and an attempt to deny Tamils access to all official posts and the law. This led to an increase in Tamil militancy which escalated under succeeding administrations.

Further problems arose with the state takeover of foreign businesses, particularly petroleum companies, which upset the United States and Britain; they ended aid to Sri Lanka. As a result, Bandaranaike moved her country closer to China and the Soviet Union and championed a policy of nonalignment. The Bank of Ceylon was nationalized and the scope of the Insurance Corporation was extended. The government took over private schools run by the Catholic church.

In 1960 at home, she crushed an attempted military coup by Christian officers in 1962 and she again declared a state of emergency. That same year she had her uncle William Gopallawa appointed Governor General and also marked the death of her mother. In December, six non-aligned nations Egypt, Burma, Cambodia, Ceylon, Ghana and Indonesia, met in Colombo and she was selected to present their peace proposal for the Sino-Indian War.[11] In 1963, her government abolished the independent Ceylon Civil Service and replaced it with the Ceylon Administrative Service which was subject to influence of government politicians.

In 1964, she entered into a historic coalition with the Marxist Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP). At the end of 1964, she lost a vote of confidence. The SLFP coalition was defeated in the 1965 elections, ending her first term as Prime Minister.

Under the terms of the 1964 agreement with India, 600,000 Indian Tamils were to be repatriated, while 375,000 were to be granted Sri Lankan citizenship. By 31 October 1981, when the two countries were to have settled this issue, India had taken more than 300,000 persons as repatriates. Sri Lanka had granted citizenship to over 185,000 plus over 62,000 post-1964 offspring. Over 207,000 Indian Tamils in Sri Lanka before 1964, plus nearly 45,000 offspring, were granted Indian citizenship but still awaited repatriation. In the wake of the July 1983 anti-Tamil violence, some in this latter group are being processed for repatriation or have emigrated to India.

With the lapse of the 1964 agreement, India declined to consider any more applications for citizenship. The government of Sri Lanka believes that the 1964 pact remains in force until the citizenship cases and permanent residence of all Indian Tamils covered by the pact have been settled. The All-Party Conference has agreed that the government should grant Sri Lankan citizenship to stateless Indian Tamils who did not apply for Indian citizenship and were not granted Sri Lankan citizenship under the 1964 agreement.[citation needed]

In the 1965 elections, she resigned from the Senate and contested from her late husband's constituency of Atthanagalla and won a seat in parliament. With her party gaining 41 seats, she became the Leader of the opposition holding it till 1970. During the five years in the opposition, she established the party printing press of the SLFP, which printed the Sinhala Balaya followed by a daily Sirilaka. She restructured the party trade unions, women's movements and youth leagues. In early March 1970, she began her election campaign.

She regained power after the United Front coalition (SLFP, LSSP, and the Communists) won the 1970 elections with a large majority in May 1970. But after just 16 months in power, the government was almost toppled by the 1971 JVP Insurrection of left-wing youths. Bandaranaike had disbanded the government's intelligence service, suspecting that it was loyal to the opposition United National Party (UNP). Thus there was no warning of the uprising, and Sri Lanka's small army was caught off guard. The army mobilized its reserves and held the capital, but some outlying areas were occupied by the insurgents. The government was saved by military aid from both India and Pakistan, thanks to Bandaranaike's skillful foreign policy. In those tough political years, she turned herself into a formidable leader. "She was the only man in her cabinet", one of her officials commented during the height of the insurgency.

Her second term saw a new constitution introduced in 1972, replacing the Soulbury constitution. Ceylon was renamed Sri Lanka and became a republic. The 1973 oil crisis had a traumatic effect on the Sri Lankan economy: the government had no access to Western aid and her socialist policies stifled economic activity. Rationing had to be imposed. Bandaranaike became more and more intolerant of criticism and forced the shut-down of the Independent newspaper group, whose publications were her fiercest critics. Earlier she had nationalized the country's largest newspaper, Lake House, which has remained the government's official mouthpiece. Bandaranaike enjoyed continued success in foreign affairs. She was chosen chairwoman of the Non-Aligned Movement in 1976, and hosted the Movement's conference, attended by numerous heads of state. Despite her high international standing, she was losing Sri Lankan support rapidly amid allegations of corruption and against the background of a rapidly declining economy.

Under the Soulbury constitution, elections would have been held in 1975. However, the government had become very unpopular. Bandaranaike used a clause of the 1972 constitution to delay elections until 1977, citing that the insurrection delayed the development plans of the administration. This did not help and in the 1977 general elections the United Front was routed, winning only 8 seats.

Bandaranaike retained her parliamentary seat in Atthanagalla in 1977 general elections and remained a member of parliament. A. Amirthalingam became the leader of the opposition as the TULF became the largest opposition party in parliament, surpassing the SLFP.

A Special Presidential Commission appointed by J. R. Jayawardene to investigate allegations against Bandaranaike on abuse of power during her tenure as Prime Minister. Following the submission of the report to the President Jayawardene, the UNP government adopt a motion in parliament on 16 October 1980 imposing civic disability on Sirimavo Bandaranaike and Felix Dias Bandaranaike for a period of seven years and for her expulsion from parliament. The motion passed by 139 votes in favor and 19 against, while Bandaranaike declined to vote. She, however, remained leader of the SLFP.[12]

During this time she attended the funerals of two of her close friends, Marshal Tito and Indira Gandhi. Her son Anura Bandaranaike succeeded Amirthalingam in 1983 as leader of the opposition.

Her civic rights were restored in January 1986 by a presidential decree issued by President Jayewardene. The decree also posthumously restored the civic rights of Felix Dias Bandaranaike.
Bandaranaike opposed the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord in 1987 and she contested in the 1988 presidential election, but was narrowly defeated by Ranasinghe Premadasa who succeeded Jayewardene as President.[12]

In 1989, under her leadership the SLFP contested the 1989 general election and was defeated by the UNP under Premadasa with the SLFP gaining 67 seats. This allowed her to take up the post of leader of the opposition again for a second term succeeding her son after having been re-elected to parliament from Atthanagalla in the Gampaha electoral district. During her tenure as opposition leader, she supported the impeachment of Premadasa in 1991, which was lead by senior UNP members such as Lalith Athulathmudali and Gamini Dissanayake. The impeachment failed, as Premadasa adjourned Parliament and the Speaker Mohamed dismissed the impeachment stating a lack of signatures.[13] She held the post of opposition leader till the 1994 parliamentary election. In 1993, following the assassination of Premadasa; her daughter Chandrika Kumaratunga returned to the island. She had left the SLFP to join her husband's newly formed Sri Lanka Mahajana Party and thereafter left the island to the United Kingdom following the assignation of her husband Vijaya Kumaratunga in February 1988; on her return in 1993 she rejoined the SLFP. Kumaratunga soon gained popularity in the party over her mother and brother. Anura Bandaranaike left the party and crossed over to the UNP having been suspended from the party. SLFP gained a decisive victory at the southern provincial council elections and Kumaratunga was soon after elected as the Chief Minister of the Western Province of Sri Lanka in 1993 in a landslide election victory.

Kumaratunga lead a new coalition, the People's Alliance (PA) to form a government in August 1994 following the 1994 general election, becoming its Prime Minister. Having been re-elected to parliament Sirimavo Bandaranaike was appointed to her daughter's cabinet as Minister without Portfolio in August 1994. By this time her daughter has also succeeded her as the leader of the SLFP.

In the presidential election that followed, Kumaratunga won against Srima Dissanayake the widow of the recently assassinated Gamini Dissanayake. Becoming the first female President in Sri Lanka, Kumaratunga appointed her mother as prime minister. Constitutional changes in the years since her last term meant the office has been transformed into a mostly ceremonial post, devolved of any real power or authority; with her daughter retaining complete executive power.[14] Despite the office's lack of powers, Bandaranaike was noted to have wielded great influence among her party's faithful supporters.[15]It was noted by the BBC in 2000 that Bandaranaike and Chandrika did not get along, largely due to leadership issues.[8] Chandrika was known to be keen on Bandaranaike leaving, in order to make way for a younger face.[8] She remained in office until August 2000, when she stepped down citing health reasons.[14]

Bandaranaike died on 10 October 2000 of a heart attack [16], as she was heading home after casting her vote in the parliamentary election that was held on that day.[8][17]

Sirimavo Bandaranaike's remains lay in state in the parliament and her funeral took place at Horagolla where she was interned in the mausoleum built for her husband,  Horagolla Bandaranaike Samadhi.[18]


when did the archaic period in greece begin

Archaic Greece was the period in Greek history lasting from the eighth century BC to the second Persian invasion of Greece in 480 BC,[1] following the Greek Dark Ages and succeeded by the Classical period. The period began with a massive increase in the Greek population[2] and a series of significant changes which rendered the Greek world at the end of the eighth century as entirely unrecognisable as compared to its beginning.[3]
According to Anthony Snodgrass, the Archaic period in ancient Greece was bounded by two revolutions in the Greek world.  It began with a "structural revolution" which "drew the political map of the Greek world" and established the poleis, the distinctively Greek city-states, and ended with the intellectual revolution of the Classical period.[4]

Archaic Greece

The Archaic period saw developments in Greek politics, economics, international relations, warfare, and culture.  It laid the groundwork for the Classical period, both politically and culturally.  It was in the Archaic period that the Greek alphabet developed, that the earliest surviving Greek literature was composed, that monumental sculpture and red-figure pottery began in Greece, and that the hoplite became the core of Greek armies.  In Athens, the earliest institutions of the democracy were implemented under Solon, and the reforms of Cleisthenes at the end of the Archaic period brought in Athenian democracy as it was during the Classical period.  In Sparta, many of the institutions credited to the reforms of Lycurgus were introduced during the period, the region of Messenia was brought under Spartan control, helotage was introduced, and the Peloponnesian League was founded, making Sparta the dominant power in the region.

The word "archaic" derives from the Greek word archaios, which means "old". It refers to the period in ancient Greek history before the Classical. The period is generally considered to have lasted from the beginning of the eighth century BC until the beginning of the fifth century BC,[5] with the foundation of the Olympic Games in 776 BC and the Second Persian invasion of Greece in 480 BC forming notional start and end dates.[6] The Archaic period was long considered to have been less important and historically interesting than the Classical period, and was primarily studied as a precursor to it.[7] More recently, however, Archaic Greece has come to be studied for its own achievements.[4] With this reassessment of the significance of the Archaic period, some scholars have objected to the term "archaic", due to its connotations in English of being primitive and outdated. No term which has been suggested to replace it has gained widespread currency, however, and the term is still in use.[5]

Much of our evidence about the Classical period of ancient Greece comes from written histories, such as Thucydides' History of the Peloponnesian War.  By contrast, we have no such evidence from the Archaic period.  We have written accounts of life in the period in the form of poetry, and epigraphical evidence, including parts of law codes, inscriptions on votive offerings, and epigrams inscribed on tombs.  However, none of this evidence is in the quantity for which we have it in the Classical period.[8]  What is lacking in written evidence, however, is made up for in the rich archaeological evidence from the Archaic Greek world.  Indeed, where much of our knowledge of Classical Greek art comes from later Roman copies, all of the surviving Archaic Greek art is original.[9]

Other sources for the period are the traditions recorded by later Greek writers such as Herodotus.[8]  However, these traditions are not part of any form of history as we would recognise it today; those transmitted by Herodotus he recorded whether or not he believed them to be accurate.[10]  Indeed, Herodotus does not even record any dates before 480 BC.[11]

Politically, the Archaic period saw the development of the polis (or city-state) as the predominant unit of political organisation. Many cities throughout Greece came under the rule of autocratic leaders, called "tyrants". The period also saw the development of law and systems of communal decision-making, with the earliest evidence for law codes and constitutional structures dating to the period. By the end of the Archaic period, both the Athenian and Spartan constitutions seem to have developed into their classical forms.

The Archaic period saw significant urbanisation, and the development of the concept of the polis as it was used in Classical Greece.  By Solon's time, if not before, the word "polis" had acquired its classical meaning,[12] and though the emergence of the polis as a political community was still in progress at this point,[13] the polis as an urban centre was a product of the eighth century.[14]  However, the polis did not become the dominant form of socio-political organisation throughout Greece in the Archaic period, and in the north and west of the country it did not become dominant until some way into the Classical period.[15]

The urbanisation process in Archaic Greece known as "synoecism" – the amalgamation of several small settlements into a single urban centre – took place in much of Greece in the eighth century BC.  Both Athens and Argos, for instance, began to coalesce into single settlements around the end of that century.[14]  In some settlements, this physical unification was marked by the construction of defensive city walls, as was the case in Smyrna by the middle of the eighth century BC, and Corinth by the middle of the seventh century BC.[14]

It seems that the evolution of the polis as a socio-political structure, rather than a simply geographical one, can be attributed to this urbanisation, as well as a significant population increase in the eighth century.  These two factors created a need for a new form of political organisation, as the political systems in place at the beginning of the Archaic period quickly became unworkable.[14]

Though in the early part of the Classical period the city of Athens was both culturally and politically dominant,[9] it was not until the late sixth century BC that it became a leading power in Greece.[16]

The attempted coup by Cylon of Athens may be the earliest event in Athenian history which is clearly attested by ancient sources, dating to around 636.[17]  At this time, it seems that Athens' monarchy had already been ended and the archonship had replaced it as the most important executive office in the state,[18] though the archonship could only be held by members of the Eupatridae, the families which made up Athens' aristocracy.[19]

The earliest laws of Athens were established by Draco, in 621/0;[20] his law on homicide was the only one to have survived to the Classical period.  Draco's law code aimed to replace private revenge as the first and only response of an individual to an offence committed against them.[20]  The law code of Draco, however, failed to prevent the tensions between the rich and poor which were the impetus to Solon's reforms.[21]

In 594/3 BC, Solon was appointed "archon and mediator".[22]  Exactly what his reforms consisted of is uncertain.  He claimed to have taken up the horoi to set the land free, but the exact meaning of horoi is unknown;[22] their removal seems, however, to have been part of the problem of hektemoroi â€“ another word whose meaning is obscure.[23]  Solon was also credited with abolishing slavery for debtors,[24] and establishing limits on who could be granted Athenian citizenship.[25]

Solon instituted radical constitutional reform, replacing noble birth as a qualification for office with income.[25]  The poorest – called thetes – could hold no offices, although they could attend the Assembly and the law courts, while the richest class – the pentacosiomedimni – were the only people eligible to become treasurer, and possibly archon.[26]  He set up the Council of the Four Hundred,[27] responsible for discussing motions which were to come before the Assembly.[28]  Finally, Solon substantially reduced the powers of the archon by giving citizens the right of appeal; their case was judged by the Assembly.[29]

Sparta's constitution took on the form it would have in the Classical period during the eighth century BC.[30]  The First Messenian War, probably taking place from approximately 740 to 720 BC,[31] saw the strengthening of the powers of the Gerousia against the assembly,[32] and the enslavement of the Messenian population as Helots.[33]  Around the same time, the ephors gained the power to restrict the actions of the kings of Sparta.[30]  From around 560 BC, Sparta began to build a series of alliances with other Greek states, which became the Peloponnesian League: by 550, cities such as Elis, Corinth, and Megara would be part of the alliance.[34]

In the eighth and seventh centuries BC, Greeks began to spread across the Mediterranean, the Sea of Marmara, and the Black Sea.[35]  This was not simply for trade, but also to found settlements.  These Greek colonies were not, as Roman colonies were, dependent on their mother-city, but were independent city-states in their own right.[35]

Greeks settled outside of Greece in two distinct ways.  The first was in permanent settlements founded by Greeks, which formed as independent poleis.  The second form was in what historians refer to as emporia; trading posts which were occupied by both Greeks and non-Greeks and which were primarily concerned with the manufacture and sale of goods.  Examples of this latter type of settlement are found at Al Mina in the east and Pithekoussai in the west.[36]

The earliest Greek colonies were on Sicily.  Many of these were founded by people from Chalcis, but other Greek states, such as Corinth and Megara were also responsible for early colonies in the area.[37]  By the end of the eighth century BC, Greek settlements in southern Italy were also well established.[38] In the seventh century, Greek colonists expanded the areas that they settled.  In the west, colonies were founded as far afield as Marseilles. In the east, the north Aegean, the Sea of Marmara, and the Black Sea all saw colonies founded.[39] The dominant coloniser in these parts was Miletus.[40] At the same time, early colonies such as Syracuse and Megara Hyblaia began to themselves establish colonies.[39]

In the west, Sicily and southern Italy were some of the largest recipients of Greek colonisers.  Indeed, so many Greek settlements were founded in southern Italy that it was known in antiquity as Magna Graecia â€“ "Great Greece".  It has been observed that in the last quarter of the eighth century, new Greek settlements were founded in Sicily and southern Italy at an average rate of one every other year, and Greek colonists continued to found cities in Italy until the mid-fifth century BC.[41]

Archaic Greece from the mid-seventh century BC has sometimes been called an "Age of Tyrants".  The word τύραννος (tyrannos, whence the English "tyrant") first appeared in Greek literature in a poem of Archilochus, to describe the Lydian ruler Gyges.[42]  The earliest Greek tyrant was Cypselus, who seized power in a coup in 655 BC.[43]  He was followed by a series of others in the mid-seventh century BC, such as Orthagoras in Sicyon and Theagenes in Megara.[44]

Various explanations have been provided for the rise of tyranny in the seventh century BC.  The most popular of these explanations dates back to Aristotle, who argued that tyrants were set up by the people in response to the nobility becoming less tolerable.[45]  As there is no evidence from the time that the nobility were becoming increasingly arrogant during the period, modern explanations of seventh century tyranny have tried to find other reasons for unrest among the people.[46]  Against this position, Drews argues that tyrannies were set up by individuals who controlled private armies, and that early tyrants did not need the support of the people at all,[47] whilst Hammond suggests that tyrannies were established as a consequence of in-fighting between rival oligarchs, rather than between the oligarchs and the people.[48]

However, recently historians have begun to question the existence of a seventh century "age of tyrants".  In the Archaic period, the Greek word tyrannos, according to Victor Parker, did not have the negative connotations it had gained by the time Aristotle wrote his Constitution of the Athenians.  When Archilochus used the word tyrant, it was synonymous with anax (an Archaic Greek word meaning "king").[49] Parker dates the first use of the word tyrannos in a negative context to the first half of the sixth century, at least fifty years after Cypselus took power in Corinth.[50]  It was not until the time of Thucydides that tyrannos and basileus ("king") were consistently distinguished.[51] Similarly, Greg Anderson has argued that Archaic Greek tyrants were not considered illegitimate rulers,[52] and cannot be distinguished from any other rulers of the same period.[53]

Greek population doubled during the eighth century, resulting in more and larger settlements than previously. This was part of a wider phenomenon of population growth across the Mediterranean region at this time, which may have been caused by a climatic shift that took place between 850 and 750, which made the region cooler and wetter. This led to the expansion of population into uncultivated areas of Greece and was probably also a driver for colonisation abroad.[54]

Evidence from human remains shows that average age at death increased over the Archaic period, but there is no clear trend for other measures of health.[55] The size of houses gives some evidence for prosperity within society; in the eighth and seventh centuries, the average house size remained constant around 45–50 m², but the number of very large and very small houses increased, indicating increasing economic inequality. From the end of the seventh century, this trend reversed, with houses clustering closely around a growing average.[56]

Not all arable land in Greece was yet under cultivation in the Archaic period. Farms appear to have been small, cohesive units, concentrated near settlements. They were highly diversified, growing a wide variety of crops simultaneously, in order to make consistent use of human resources throughout the year and to ensure that the failure of any one crop was not too much of a disaster. Crop rotation was practiced, alternating between legumes and cereals (barley and durum), and the land was left fallow every other year. Alongside these, farmers cultivated vines, olives, fruit, and vegetables as cash crops for sale in local centres and abroad.[57] Livestock were of secondary importance. Sheep and goats, in particular, were kept for meat, milk, wool, and fertiliser, but they were difficult to sustain and large herds were a sign of exceptional wealth.[58] A team of oxen could increase agricultural output significantly, but were expensive to maintain.[59] Horses and large herds of cattle were the preserve of the mega-rich.

This pattern had probably developed before the beginning of the period and remained relatively consistent throughout it. The idea that it was preceded by a period of pastoralism and that agriculture only became dominant in the course of the Archaic period is not supported by the archaeological or literary evidence.[60] No technological innovations in agriculture appear to have occurred, except possibly the increased use of iron tools and more intensive use of manure.[61]

The main source for the practice of agriculture in the period is Hesiod's Works and Days, which gives the impression of very small subsistence holdings in which the owner performed most of the labour personally; close reading reveals that much of the produce is to be sold for profit, much of the work to be performed by slaves (douloi or dmoes), and much of the owner's time to be spent away from the farm.[62] Slaves' labour was supplemented by labourers who worked for a wage, as sharecroppers (called hektemoroi at Athens), or to pay off debts; this practice seems to have increased in the eighth century as the growth of the population increased the number of workers available, and intensified in the seventh century with the development of legally enforced debts and the status of the labourers increasingly becoming a source of social strife.[63][54]

By the late eighth century BC, the Archaic Greek world had become involved in an active trade network around the Aegean.[64]  It was this trade network which was the source of the orientalizing influence on Greek art in the early part of the Archaic period.  Meanwhile, to the west, trade between Corinth and Magna Graecia in Southern Italy and Sicily was booming.[65]

The eastern trade mainly involved the Greek islands, with Aegina, for instance, acting as an intermediary between the east and the Greek mainland.[66]  East Greek states would go on to become extremely prosperous through the sixth century due to the trade with Asia and Egypt.[67]  Of the mainland cities, those on the coast were the biggest recipients of trade from the east, especially Corinth.[66]

In the early part of the Archaic period, Athens does not seem to have been particularly actively involved in this eastern trade, and very few examples of eastern imports have been found in Athens from the eighth or early seventh centuries.[68]  By contrast, nearby Euboea had trade-links with the east as early as the first half of the eighth century,[69] and the earliest pottery from the Greek islands found at Al Mina in modern Syria is from Euboea.[70]

By the sixth century, Greece was part of a trade network spanning the entire Mediterranean.  Sixth century Laconian pottery has been found as far afield as Marseilles and Carthage to the west, Crete to the south and Sardis to the East.[71]

At the beginning of the Archaic period, coinage had not yet been invented. The Greeks measured the value of objects or fines using certain valuable objects, such as oxen, tripods, and metal spits, as units of account. As in the Near East, precious metal bullion was used as a medium of exchange, principally gold at first, but mainly silver by the beginning of the sixth century. The weight of this bullion (often known as hacksilber) was measured using standard units, named for their value in terms of metal spits (obeloi) and handfuls (drachmai) of metal spits; these terms would later be used as names for Greek coin denominations.[72]

Coinage was invented in Lydia around 650 BC. It was quickly adopted by Greek communities in western Asia Minor, although the older system of bullion remained in use as well.[73] The island of Aegina began to issue its distinctive "turtle" coins before 550 BC, and from there coinage spread to Athens, Corinth and the Cycladic Islands in the 540s BC,[74] Southern Italy and Sicily before 525 BC,[75] and Thrace before 514 BC.[76] Most of these coinages were very small and were mostly only used within the community that issued them, but the "turtles" of Aegina (from 530 or 520 BC) and the "owls" of Athens (from 515 BC) were issued in great quantity and exported throughout the Greek world.[77]

The images on coins initially changed rapidly, but increasingly each community settled on a single image or set of images.[78] Some of these were the symbol or image of an important deity in the city or visual puns on the city's name,[79] but in many cases their meaning is obscure and may not have been chosen for any special reason.[80]

The reasons for the rapid and widespread adoption of coinage by the Greeks are not entirely clear and several possibilities, which are not mutually exclusive, have been suggested. One possibility is the increased ease of commerce which coinage allowed. Coins were of standardised weights, which meant that their value could be determined without weighing them. Furthermore, it was not necessary for users of coinage to spend time determining whether the silver was pure silver; the fact that the coin had been issued by the community was a promise that it was worth a set value.[81] Another possibility is that coinage was adopted specifically to enable communities to make payments to their citizens, mercenaries and artisans in a transparent, fair and efficient way. Similarly, when wealthy members of the community were required to contribute wealth to the community for festivals and the equipment of navies, coinage made the process more efficient and transparent.[82] A third possibility, that coinage was adopted as an expression of a community's independence and identity, seems to be anachronistic.[83]

In the visual arts, the Archaic period is characterised by a shift towards representational and naturalistic styles.  It was the period in which monumental sculpture was introduced to Greece, and in which Greek pottery styles went through great changes, from the repeating patterns of the late geometric period to the earliest red figure vases.  The early part of the Archaic period saw distinctive orientalizing influences,[84] both in pottery and in sculpture.  The period was also an innovative period in Greek literature, with the development of the Greek alphabet, and the composition of the earliest surviving Greek poetry.

Life-size human sculpture in hard stone began in Greece in the Archaic period.[85]  This was inspired in part by ancient Egyptian stone sculpture:[86] the proportions of the New York Kouros exactly correspond to Egyptian rules about the proportion of human figures.[87]  In Greece, these sculptures best survive as religious dedications and grave markers, but the same techniques would have also been used to make cult images.[85]

The best-known types of Archaic sculpture are the kouros and kore, near life-size frontal statues of a young man or woman,[88] which were developed around the middle of the seventh century BC in the Cyclades.[89]  Probably the earliest kore produced was the Dedication of Nikandre, which was dedicated to Artemis at her temple on Delos between 660 and 650 BC,[90] while kouroi began to be created shortly after this.[91]  Kouroi and korai were used to represent both humans and divinities.[92]  Some kouroi, such as the Colossus of the Naxians from around 600 BC, are known to represent Apollo,[89] while the Phrasikleia Kore was meant to represent a young woman whose tomb it originally marked.[93] Early in the seventh century around 650 BC when kore are widely introduced, Daedalic style made an appearance in Greek sculpture.[94] This style consisted most noticeably of a geometric pattern of female subjects' hair framing their face. On male sculptures they were often posed with one foot in front, as if in motion.[94]

Over the course of the sixth century, kouroi from Attica become more lifelike and naturalistic.  However, this trend does not appear elsewhere in the Greek world.[95]  The genre began to become less common over the last part of the sixth century as the elites who commissioned kouroi declined in influence, and by around 480 kouroi were no longer made.[96]

The period saw a shift in the decoration of Greek pottery from abstract to figurative styles.[97]
During the Greek Dark Ages, following the fall of the Mycenaean civilisation, Greek pottery decoration had been based around increasingly elaborate geometrical patterns.[98]  Human figures first appeared on Greek pots in Crete in the early part of the ninth century BC, but did not become common on mainland Greek pottery until the middle of the eighth century BC.[99]

The eighth century saw the development of the orientalizing style, which signalled a shift away from the earlier geometric style and the accumulation of influences derived from Phoenicia and Syria.  This orientalizing influence seems to have come from goods imported to Greece from the Near East.[100]

At the beginning of the seventh century BC, vase painters in Corinth began to develop the black figure style.[101]  At the same time, potters began to use incisions in the clay of vases in order to draw outlines and interior detailing.[101]  This adoption of incision, probably taken from eastern metalwork, allowed potters to show fine details of their decorations.[102]

As the Archaic period drew to a close, red-figure pottery was invented in Athens, with the first examples being produced about 525 BC, probably by the Andokides painter.[103] The invention of the red-figure technique in Athens came at around the same time as the development of other techniques such as the white ground technique and Six's technique.[104]

The earliest extant Greek literature comes from the Archaic period.  Poetry was the predominant form of literature in the period.[105]  Alongside the dominant lyric and epic traditions, tragedy began to develop in the archaic period, borrowing elements from the pre-existing genres of archaic Greek poetry.[106]  By the sixth century BC the first written prose in Greek literature appeared.[105]

Though there would certainly have been a pre-existing literary tradition in Greece, the earliest surviving works are by Homer.[107]  Homer's poetry, though it dates to around the time that the Greeks developed writing, would have been composed orally â€“ the earliest surviving poetry to have certainly been composed in writing is that of Archilochus, from the mid-seventh century BC.[108]  In contrast with the Classical period, in which the literary culture of Athens dominated the Greek world, Archaic poetic tradition was geographically spread out.  Sappho and Alcaeus, for instance, were from Lesbos, while Pindar came from Thebes, and Alcman from Sparta.[109]

After the end of the Mycenaean period, the art of writing was lost in Greece: by the ninth century probably no Greeks understood the Bronze Age Linear B writing system.[110]  From the ninth century BC, however, objects inscribed with Phoenician writing began to be brought into the Greek world, and it was from this Phoenician script that the Greek alphabet developed in the eighth century BC.  By the middle of the eighth century BC, pottery inscribed in Greek begins to occur in the archaeological record.[111]

The earliest known inscriptions in Greek tend to identify or explain the object on which they are inscribed.[112]  Possibly the earliest known Greek inscription is found on a jug from the first half of the eighth century BC, discovered in Osteria dell'Osa in Latium.[113]  Most early inscriptions were written in verse, though some from Ionia were in prose, influenced by the prose traditions of Ionia's eastern neighbours.[112]  From the beginning of the seventh century, curses and dedications began to be inscribed on objects,[113] and by the sixth century, surviving inscriptions include public records such as law codes, lists of officials, and records of treaties.[112]

In the Archaic period, the most significant military development was the adoption of hoplite warfare by the Greek states.  This occurred in the early part of the seventh century BC.[114]  The panoply, or hoplite's armour, began to appear in the eighth century,[115] and the earliest known example comes from Argos in the late eighth century.[116]

While the pieces which made up the panoply were all in use in Greece by the end of the eighth century, our first evidence for it being worn as a complete set of armour does not come until around 675 BC, where it is depicted on a Corinthian vase painting.[117]  The adoption of the phalanx tactics which would be used by hoplites in the Classical period does not appear to have taken place until the mid-seventh century;[117] before this point, the older style of combat in which spears were thrown at the enemy before closing quarters was still used.[118]

In the naval sphere, the Archaic period saw the development of the trireme in Greece.  In the eighth century, Greek navies began to use ships with two banks of oars, and the three banked trireme seems to have become popular in the seventh century.[119]  Corinth was probably the first place in the Greek world to adopt the trireme in the mid seventh century BC.[119]  It was not until the mid-sixth century, however, that the trireme became the most popular design for Greek battleships, due to its expense.[119]  According to Thucydides, the period saw the first Greek naval battles; he dates the first to around 664 BC.[120]


when was the first full length movie made

The majority of feature films are between 70 and 210 minutes long. The Story of the Kelly Gang (1906, Australia)[1] was the first dramatic feature film released (running at approximately 60 minutes). An earlier The Corbett-Fitzsimmons Fight (1897, U.S.) is considered by some as the first documentary feature film (running time is 100 minutes), however it is more accurately characterized as a sports program as it included the full unedited boxing match. The first (proto)-feature-length adaptation was Les Misérables (1909, U.S.). Other early feature films include The Inferno (L'Inferno) (1911), Defence of Sevastopol (1911), Quo Vadis? (1913), Oliver Twist (1912), Richard III (1912), From the Manger to the Cross (1912), and Cleopatra (1912).

Feature film

A feature film is a film (also called a movie, motion picture or just film) with a running time long enough to be considered the principal or sole film to fill a program. The notion of how long this should be has varied according to time and place. According to the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences, the American Film Institute, and the British Film Institute, a feature film runs for 40 minutes or longer, while the Screen Actors Guild states that it is 80 minutes or longer.

The Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences,[2] the American Film Institute,[3] and the British Film Institute[4] all define a feature as a film with a running time of 2400 seconds (i.e. 40 minutes) or longer. The Centre National de la Cinématographie in France defines it as a 35 mm film longer than 1,600 metres (5,200 ft), which is exactly 58 minutes and 29 seconds for sound films, and the Screen Actors Guild gives a minimum running time of at least 80 minutes.[5][6]

The term feature film came into use to refer to the main film presented in a cinema and the one which was promoted or advertised. The term was used to distinguish the longer film from the short films (referred to as shorts) typically presented before the main film, such as newsreels, serials, animated cartoons, live-action comedies, and documentaries. There was no sudden increase in the running times of films to the present-day definitions of feature-length; the "featured" film on a film program in the early 1910s gradually expanded from two to three to four reels.

Early features had been produced in the United States and France, but were released in individual (short film) scenes. This left exhibitors the option of playing them alone, to view an incomplete combination of some films, or to run them all together as a short film series. The American company S. Lubin released a Passion Play titled Lubin's Passion Play in January 1903 in 31 parts, totaling about 60 minutes.[7] The French company Pathé Frères released a different Passion Play, The Life and Passion of Jesus Christ, in May 1903 in 32 parts running about 44 minutes. There were also full-length records of boxing matches, such as The Corbett-Fitzsimmons Fight (1897),[8] Reproduction Of The Corbett-Jeffries Fight (1899), and The Jeffries-Sharkey Fight (1899). In 1900, the documentary film In the Army was made. It was over 1 hour in length and was about the training techniques of the British soldier.

Defined by length, the first dramatic feature film was the Australian 70-minute film The Story of the Kelly Gang (1906).[9] Similarly, the first European feature was the 90-minute film L'Enfant prodigue (France, 1907), although that was an unmodified record of a stage play; Europe's first feature adapted directly for the screen, Les Misérables, came from France in 1909.[9] The first Russian feature was Defence of Sevastopol in 1911.[10] Early Italian features were The Inferno (L'Inferno) (1911), Quo Vadis? (1913), The Last Days of Pompeii (1913), and Cabiria (1914). The first UK features were the documentary With Our King and Queen Through India (1912), filmed in Kinemacolor[11] and Oliver Twist (1912).[9] The first American features were adaptations of Oliver Twist (1912), From the Manger to the Cross (1912), Cleopatra (1912), and Richard III (1912). The latter starring actor Frederick Warde starred in some of these movie adaptations.[12] The first Asian feature was Japan's The Life Story of Tasuke Shiobara (1912),[13] the first Indian feature was Raja Harishchandra (1913),[14] the first South American feature was Brazil's O Crime dos Banhados (1913),[13] and the first African feature was South Africa's Die Voortrekkers (1916).[13] 1913 also saw China's first feature film, Zhang Shichuan's Nan Fu Nan Qi.

By 1915 over 600 feature films were produced annually in the United States.[15] It is often incorrectly cited that The Birth of a Nation (1915) was the first American feature film.[16] The most prolific year of U.S. feature production was 1921, with 682 releases; the lowest number of releases was in 1963, with 213.[15] Between 1922 and 1970, the U.S. and Japan alternated as leaders in the quantity of feature film production. Since 1971, the country with the highest feature output has been India,[17] which produces a thousand films in more than twelve Indian languages each year.[18]

As time went on there were many technical advancements made in film. The first feature-length film with sound was The Jazz Singer, released by Warner Bros in 1927.[19] A new recording technology called Vitaphone, which was developed by Warner Bros., was used to capture the sound for the film.[19] Before The Jazz Singer, many movie studios were reluctant to go through the expensive process of adding microphones to their sets. However, after seeing how successful the film was, other studios were scrambling to start producing their own Talkies.[20]

One of the next major advancements made in movie production was color film. Even before color was a possibility in movies, early film makers were interested in how color could enhance their stories.[21] Early techniques included hand tinting in which each individual frame had to be painted by hand.[21] Another more widely used development was toning, which involved dying the film in a signal color. Because it was faster and cheaper than hand tinting, toning was very popular and is seen in a large number of films in the 1920s.[21] It was the Film processing lab Technicolor that developed the Three-Tone coloring technique that became the standard for color film. It was a complex, time consuming, and expensive process that many movie studios were not eager to try.[22] One of the early adopters of the three strip process was Disney. Some of the most notable films Technicolor processed with three strip were The Wizard of Oz and Gone with the Wind.[21]

Digital Video (or DV) is a technology that has had a major impact on how films are made in a relatively short period of time.[23] The new digital technology was first being used to create special effects and animated movies, by the late 1990s digital cameras were becoming more and more common on film sets. In 2002, George Lucas' Star Wars: Episode II – Attack of the Clones was the first major feature-length film to be shot entirely on digital cameras.[23] With the ability to instantly playback footage and the easy transfer of footage to computers for editing, digital cinema helped to speed up post production time.[23] Digital film making was given a big boost in 2005 when the Digital Cinema Initiative created a guide for manufacturers to create a universal standard, to make the technologies more compatible with each other and more user friendly.[23][24] shooting movies on digital also lead to new technologies for distributing films. Titan A.E., released in 2000, was the first feature film to be released for viewing over the internet.[24] Digital distribution changed the ways people received and watched media, it also gave viewers access to huge amounts of online content on demand.[25]


what does lydia say at the end of each show

She also hosted a series of hour-long Public Television specials called Lidia Celebrates America, which premiered in 2011 with Lidia Celebrates America: Holiday Tables & Traditions. In the series, Bastianich celebrates the diversity of cultures across the United States and explores the American immigrant experience. The following special, Lidia Celebrates America: Weddings – Something Borrowed, Something New, aired in 2012; Lidia Celebrates America: Freedom & Independence in 2013; Lidia Celebrates America: Life’s Milestones in 2013; Lidia Celebrates America: Holiday Tables and Traditions in 2015; and Lidia Celebrates America: Holiday for Heroes in 2016.[21] Bastianich ends each episode of her show with an invitation to join her and her family for a meal, Tutti a tavola a mangiare! (Italian for "Everyone to the table to eat").

Lidia Bastianich

Lidia Giuliana Matticchio Bastianich (Italian: [ˈliːdja matˈtikkjo baˈstjaːnitʃ]; born February 21, 1947) is an American celebrity chef, television host, author, and restaurateur.

Specializing in Italian and Italian-American cuisine, Bastianich has been a regular contributor to public television cooking shows since 1998. In 2014, she launched her fifth television series, Lidia's Kitchen. She owns several Italian restaurants in the U.S. in partnership with her daughter Tanya Bastianich Manuali and her son, Joe Bastianich, including Felidia (founded with her ex-husband, Felice), Del Posto, Esca, and Becco in Manhattan; Lidia's Pittsburgh in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania; and Lidia's Kansas City in Kansas City, Missouri.

Lidia Bastianich was born Lidia Giuliana Matticchio on February 21, 1947, in Pola, formerly Italian (now a city in Croatia), but made a part of Yugoslavia according to the February 10, 1947 Paris Peace Treaty with Italy. She is the daughter of Erminia (nÃ©e Pavichievaz), (the daughter of Rosaria Smilovich) and Vittorio Matticchio (the son of Antonio Motika and Francesca Lovrecich).[2] Living nine years under Marshal Tito's Communist regime in Yugoslavia, during which time her family changed the name Matticchio back to Motika,[3] her father, Vittorio, in 1956 sent his wife and their two children to visit relatives in Trieste, Italy, while he remained in Istria to comply with the government's mandate that one member of a family remain in Yugoslavia to ensure that the rest would return.[4] Hours later, Vittorio himself left Yugoslavia under cover of darkness and crossed the border into Italy.[4] Their departure was part of the larger Istrian exodus.

The Matticchio family reunited in Trieste, Italy,[5] joining other families who had claimed political asylum from Communist Yugoslavia starting in 1947, many of whom remained in refugee camps throughout Italy for years. For the Matticchio family, the Risiera di San Sabba camp was one that had been an abandoned rice factory in Trieste that had been converted to a Nazi concentration camp during World War II and partially destroyed towards the end of the war, the Risiera di San Sabba. According to Bastianich in a Public Television documentary, although a wealthy Triestine family hired her mother as a cookâ€“housekeeper and her father as a limousine driver, they remained residents of the refugee camp. Two years later, their displaced persons application was granted to emigrate to the U.S.[5] In 1958, the Matticchio family reached New York City.[5][6] The 12-year-old Lidia and her family moved to North Bergen, New Jersey, and later Queens, New York.[7]

Bastianich gives credit for the family's new roots in America to their sponsor, Catholic Relief Services:[5][6][8]

Bastianich started working part-time when she was 14 (the legal age for a work permit), during which time she briefly worked at the Astoria bakery owned by Christopher Walken's father. After graduating from high school, she began to work full-time at a pizzeria on the upper west side of Manhattan.[9]

At her sweet sixteen birthday party, she was introduced to her future husband, Felice "Felix" Bastianich, a fellow Istrian immigrant[2][10][11] and restaurant worker from Labin (Albona), on the eastern coast of Istria, Croatia. The couple married in 1966 and Lidia gave birth to their son, Joseph, in 1968. Their second child, Tanya, was born in 1972.

In 1971, the Bastianich couple opened their first restaurant, the tiny Buonavia, meaning "good road", in the Forest Hills section of Queens, with Bastianich as its hostess. They created their restaurant's menu by copying recipes from the most popular and successful Italian restaurants of the day, and they hired the best Italian-American chef that they could find.

After a brief break to deliver her second child Tanya, in 1972 Bastianich began training as the assistant chef at Buonavia, gradually learning enough to cook popular Italian dishes on her own, after which the couple began adding traditional Istrian dishes to their menu.

The success of Buonavia led to the opening of a second restaurant in Queens, Villa Secondo. It was here that Bastianich gained the attention of local food critics and started to give live cooking demonstrations, a prelude to her future career as a television cooking show hostess.

In 1981, Bastianich's father died, and the family sold their two Queens restaurants and purchased a small Manhattan brownstone containing a pre-existing restaurant on the East Side of Manhattan near the 59th Street Bridge to Queens. They converted it into what would eventually become their flagship restaurant, Felidia (a contraction of "Felice" and "Lidia"). After liquidating nearly every asset they had to cover $750,000 worth of renovations, Felidia finally opened to near-universal acclaim from their loyal following of food critics, including The New York Times, which gave Felidia three stars.

Although Lidia and Felice sent their two children to college without expectations that either would go into the restaurant business, Joseph, who had frequently done odd jobs for his parents at Felidia, gave up his newly launched career as a Wall Street bond trader[12] and in 1993 convinced his parents to partner with him to open Becco (Italian for "peck, nibble, savor") in the Theater District in Manhattan. Like Felidia, Becco was an immediate success and led to the opening of additional restaurants outside New York City, including Lidia's Kansas City in 1998,[13] and Lidia's Pittsburgh in 2001.[14]

In 1993, Julia Child invited Bastianich to tape an episode of her Public Television series Julia Child: Cooking With Master Chefs, which featured acclaimed chefs from around the U.S., preparing dishes in their own home kitchens. The guest appearance gave Bastianich confidence and determination to expand the Bastianich family's own commercial interests. After many disagreements about the direction their entrepreneurial and personal lives had taken — most notably the pace of the expansion and character of their business — Lidia and Felice divorced in 1998. Bastianich continued expanding her business while Felice transferred his shares in the business to their two children. He died on December 12, 2010.

By the late 1990s, Bastianich's restaurants had evolved into a truly family-owned and operated enterprise. Bastianich's mother, Erminia Motika, maintained the large garden behind the family home, from which Bastianich chose ingredients to use in recipe development. Joe was the chief sommelier of the restaurant group, in addition to branching out into his own restaurant line with friend and famed Italian chef Mario Batali. Bastianich's daughter Tanya Bastianich Manuali used her Ph.D in Italian art history as the foundation for a travel agency partnership with her mother called Esperienze Italiane, through which Tanya and friend Shelly Burgess Nicotra (Executive Producer of Bastianich's television series and head of PR at Lidia's Italy) offered tours throughout Italy. Tanya's husband, attorney Corrado Manuali, became the restaurant group's chief legal counsel.[15]

In 2010, Bastianich and her son partnered with Oscar Farinetti and Mario Batali to open Eataly, a 50,000-square-foot (4,600 m2) food emporium in Manhattan that is devoted to the food and culinary traditions of Italy. Bastianich offers culinary and gastronomy classes to the public at Eataly's school, La Scuola. Eataly's motto is "We sell what we cook, and we cook what we sell".[16] Eataly is now opened in Chicago and São Paulo, Brazil. They opened a second store in New York at the World Trade Center in Manhattan in 2016,[17] and another one in Boston the same year.[18]

The fall of 2010 also marked the debut of Lidia's Kitchen, an exclusive line of commercial cookware, and serving ware for QVC. Along with her daughter Tanya, and son-in-law Corrado Manuali, Bastianich launched Nonna Foods as a platform to distribute an array of both existing and new LIDIA'S food products. Nonna Foods has 9 cuts of pasta and 7 varieties of sauces available nationwide. Together with her son Joseph, Bastianich produces award-winning wines at Bastianich Vineyard in Friuli and La Mozza Vineyard in Maremma, Italy.[19][20]

In 1998, Public Television offered Bastianich her own television series which became Lidia's Italian Table. It established her as a fixture in the network's line-up of cooking-shows. Since then she has hosted additional public television series, including Lidia's Family Table, Lidia's Italy, Lidia's Italy in America, and Lidia's Kitchen.

For the 2010 holiday season, her new television production company, Tavola Productions, created an animated holiday children's special for Public Television "Lidia's Christmas Kitchen: Nonna Tell Me a Story" to go along with the book by the same title that was written by Bastianich.[19]

In 2013, Bastianich returned to Public Television with Lidiaâ€™s Kitchen, a 26-part series produced by Tavola Productions. The series is in its fourth season, which premiered in 2016.

Among Bastianich's television show appearances, she participated as a celebrity judge on MasterChef USA, an adaptation of the BBC MasterChef (UK TV series) in 2000. Her son, Joseph Bastianich, would later go on to star as a celebrity judge on the Gordon Ramsay version of MasterChef. Bastianich has also appeared on the Italian television show Junior MasterChef Italia in 2014 and 2015 for Season 1 and Season 2. In 2016, she was a judge for the Italian television show, La Prova del Cuoco.[22]

Bastianich has authored several cookbooks to accompany her television series:

Bastianich lives in Queens, New York, with her mother, Erminia Motika. Bastianich's own kitchen has served as the stage set for all four of her television series, and the garden that Erminia maintains provides many of the ingredients featured in the shows. Erminia, who answers to "grandma," frequently serves as a sous-chef in various episodes of the television series.

Joe Bastianich occasionally appears in his mother's series to offer wine expertise. He and their three children live in Greenwich, Connecticut, while his wife Deanna lives in New York City.

Tanya Bastianich Manuali, with her husband Corrado Manuali and their two children, lives just a few blocks away from her mother. Tanya is integrally involved in the production of Lidia's public television series as an owner and Executive Producer of Tavola Productions, and is active daily in the family restaurant business.

In an interview by American Public Television, Bastianich spoke of how important it is for her to pass on family traditions:

Bastianich is also a devout Roman Catholic.

Lidia Bastianich is an active member of society who participates in community service activities and special events on behalf of several foundations. She is a founding member of Les Dames dâ€™Escoffier and Women Chefs and Restaurateurs, two non-profit organizations of women leaders in the food and hospitality industries.

Bastianich is on the Board of the Arrupe College,[53] a higher education program founded by the Loyola University of Chicago for underprivileged students, and regularly hosts Fundraisers for the program at Eataly in Chicago.[54][55] BoysGrow, a local non-profit vocational training program, is another organization that she works with by hosting annual Benefit Dinners since 2013 at her restaurant Lidiaâ€™s in Kansas City.[56] In addition, she has helped raise funds for United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM)- now known as UN Women- as co-chair of charity events and Benefit Dinners throughout her career.

Bastianich is also actively involved with various non-profit organizations that are focused on promoting and celebrating Italian and Italian-American culture and heritage. She is part of the National Organization of Italian American Women's Distinguished Board,[57] a national organization for women of Italian ancestry that focuses on preserving Italian heritage, language and culture. In 2010, the Bastianich family was honored by NOIAW for their outstanding contributions to Italian culture in America.[58]

She supports the Columbus Citizens Foundation, a non-profit organization focused on promoting and celebrating Italian-American heritage. She was the Grand Marshal of the Columbus Day Parade in New York City in 2007,[59] and an honorary guest at the 2016 Columbus Celebration Kickoff Event at Eataly Downtown in New York City.[60]

Moreover, Bastianich has worked with the Italian American Committee on Education (IACE), a New York-based non-profit organization that promotes the study of Italian language and culture, by visiting elementary schools and speaking to students as a guest speaker, such as in 2011 in Harlem [61] and in 2014 in the Bronx.[62] In 2014, Bastianich led the committee that determined the winners of a contest initiative launched by Eataly and IACE for students.[63]


the term arm in anatomy refers to what region

In human anatomy, the arm is the part of the upper limb between the glenohumeral joint (shoulder joint) and the elbow joint. In common usage the arm extends to the hand. It can be divided into the upper arm, which extends from the shoulder to the elbow, the forearm which extends from the elbow to the hand, and the hand. Anatomically the shoulder girdle with bones and corresponding muscles is by definition a part of the arm. The Latin term brachium may refer to either the arm as a whole or to the upper arm on its own.[1][2][3]

Arm

The humerus is one of the three long bones of the arm. It joins with the scapula at the shoulder joint and with the other long bones of the arm, the ulna and radius at the elbow joint. The elbow is the hinge joint between the end of the humerus and the ends of the radius and ulna. The humerus cannot be broken easily. Its strength allows it to handle loading up to 300 pounds (140Â kg).[citation needed]

The arm is divided by a fascial layer (known as lateral and medial intermuscular septa) separating the muscles into two osteofascial compartments: the anterior and the posterior compartments of the arm. The fascia merges with the periosteum (outer bone layer) of the humerus. The compartments contain muscles which are innervated by the same nerve and perform the same action.[citation needed]

Two other muscles are considered to be partially in the arm:

The musculocutaneous nerve, from C5, C6, C7, is the main supplier of muscles of the anterior compartment. It originates from the lateral cord of the brachial plexus of nerves. It pierces the coracobrachialis muscle and gives off branches to the muscle, as well as to brachialis and biceps brachii. It terminates as the anterior cutaneous nerve of the forearm.

The radial nerve, which is from the fifth cervical spinal nerve to the first thoracic spinal nerve, originates as the continuation of the posterior cord of the brachial plexus. This nerve enters the lower triangular space (an imaginary space bounded by, amongst others, the shaft of the humerus and the triceps brachii) of the arm and lies deep to the triceps brachii. Here it travels with the deep artery of the arm, which sits in the radial groove of the humerus. This fact is very important clinically as a fracture of the shaft of the bone here can cause lesions or even transections in the nerve.

Other nerves passing through give no supply to the arm. These include:

The main artery in the arm is the brachial artery. This artery is a continuation of the axillary artery. The point at which the axillary becomes the brachial is distal to the lower border of teres major. The brachial artery gives off an unimportant branch, the deep artery of arm. This branching occurs just below the lower border of teres major.

The brachial artery continues to the cubital fossa in the anterior compartment of the arm. It travels in a plane between the biceps and triceps muscles, the same as the median nerve and basilic vein. It is accompanied by venae comitantes (accompanying veins). It gives branches to the muscles of the anterior compartment. The artery is in between the median nerve and the tendon of the biceps muscle in the cubital fossa. It then continues into the forearm.

The deep artery of the arm travels through the lower triangular space with the radial nerve. From here onwards it has an intimate relationship with the radial nerve. They are both found deep to the triceps muscle and are located on the spiral groove of the humerus. Therefore, fracture of the bone may not only lead to lesion of the radial nerve, but also haematoma of the internal structures of the arm. The artery then continues on to anastamose with the recurrent radial branch of the brachial artery, providing a diffuse blood supply for the elbow joint.

The veins of the arm carry blood from the extremities of the limb, as well as drain the arm itself. The two main veins are the basilic and the cephalic veins. There is a connecting vein between the two, the median cubital vein, which passes through the cubital fossa and is clinically important for venepuncture (withdrawing blood).

The basilic vein travels on the medial side of the arm and terminates at the level of the seventh rib.

The cephalic vein travels on the lateral side of the arm and terminates as the axillary vein. It passes through the deltopectoral triangle, a space between the deltoid and the pectoralis major muscles.

The cubital fossa is clinically important for venepuncture and for blood pressure measurement.[citation needed]

When the arm is fractured this may refer to a fracture of the humerus bone.

Veins on the arm may be taken when a coronary artery bypass graft is needed.

In other animals, the term arm can also be used for analogous structures, (such as one of the paired forelimbs of a four-legged animal or the arms of cephalopods). In anatomical usage, the term arm may[1] sometimes refer specifically to the segment between the shoulder and the elbow,[4][5] while the segment between the elbow and wrist is the forearm. However, in common, literary, and historical usage, arm refers to the entire upper limb from shoulder to wrist. This article uses the former definition; see upper limb for the wider definition.[citation needed]

In primates the arm is adapted for precise positioning of the hand and thus assist in the hand's manipulative tasks. The ball and socket shoulder joint allows for movement of the arms in a wide circular plane, while the structure of the two forearm bones which can rotate around each other allows for additional range of motion at that level.[citation needed]

Upper limb.


what is the origin of the name dimitri

Dmitry (Russian: Дми́трий); Church Slavic form: Dimitry or Dimitri (Дими́трий); ancient Russian forms: D'mitr(iy) or Dmitr (Дьмитр(ии) or Дъмитръ) is a male given name, the Russian version of Greek Demetrios (Δημήτριος Dēmētrios [ðiˈmitrios]). The meaning of the name is a "devoted to," "dedicated to, or "follower of Demeter" (Δημήτηρ Dēmētēr), "mother-earth", the Greek goddess of agriculture.

Dmitry

Short forms of the name from the 13th-14th centuries are: Mit, Mitya, Mityay, Mit'ka or Miten'ka (Мить, Ми́тя, Митя́й, Ми́тька, or Ми́тенька); from the 20th century (originated from the Church Slavic form) are: Dima, Dimka, Dimochka, Dimulya, Dimusha etc. (Ди́ма, Ди́мка, Ди́мочка, Диму́ля, Диму́ша, etc.)

Dmitry is one of the most popular names in Russia. The statistics shows that for five months in the period from March 16 to August 16 in 2005 in Moscow: 1390 boys were named Alexander, 1087 Maksim, 1085 Nikita, 1070 Ivan, 867 Dmitry.[citation needed]

The feast of the martyr Saint Dimitri Solunski is celebrated on Saturday before November 8 [Old Style October 26].

The name day (именины): October 26 (November 8 on the Julian Calendar) See also: Eastern Orthodox liturgical calendar.

The Saturday before October 26/November 8 is called Demetrius Saturday and commemorates those Orthodox soldiers who fell in the Battle of Kulikovo.


where did the phrase the best thing since sliced bread come from

Sliced bread is a loaf of bread that has been sliced with a machine and packaged for convenience. It was first sold in 1928, advertised as "the greatest forward step in the baking industry since bread was wrapped". This led to the popular phrase "greatest thing since sliced bread".

Sliced bread

Otto Frederick Rohwedder of Davenport, Iowa, United States, invented the first loaf-at-a-time bread-slicing machine. A prototype he built in 1912 was destroyed in a fire[1] and it was not until 1928 that Rohwedder had a fully working machine ready. The first commercial use of the machine was by the Chillicothe Baking Company of Chillicothe, Missouri, which sold their first slices on July 7, 1928.[2] Their product, "Kleen Maid Sliced Bread", proved a success. Battle Creek, Michigan, has a competing claim as the first city to sell bread sliced by Rohwedder's machine; however, historians have produced no documentation backing up Battle Creek's claim.[3] The bread was advertised as "the greatest forward step in the baking industry since bread was wrapped."

St. Louis baker Gustav Papendick bought Rohwedder's second bread slicer and set out to improve it by devising a way to keep the slices together at least long enough to allow the loaves to be wrapped.[1] After failures trying rubber bands and metal pins, he settled on placing the slices into a cardboard tray. The tray aligned the slices, allowing mechanized wrapping machines to function.[4]

W.E. Long, who promoted the Holsum Bread brand, used by various independent bakers around the country, pioneered and promoted the packaging of sliced bread beginning in 1928.[5] In 1930 Wonder Bread, first sold in 1925, started marketing sliced bread nationwide.

As commercially sliced bread resulted in uniform and somewhat thinner slices, people ate more slices of bread at a time, and ate bread more frequently, because of the ease of eating another piece of bread. This increased consumption of bread and, in turn, increased consumption of spreads, such as jam, to put on the bread.[1]

During 1943, U.S. officials imposed a short-lived ban on sliced bread as a wartime conservation measure.[6][7] The ban was ordered by Claude R. Wickard who held the position of Food Administrator, and took effect on January 18, 1943. According to The New York Times, officials explained that "the ready-sliced loaf must have a heavier wrapping than an unsliced one if it is not to dry out." It was also intended to counteract a rise in the price of bread, caused by the Office of Price Administration's authorization of a ten percent increase in flour prices.[8]

In a Sunday radio address on January 24, New York City Mayor LaGuardia suggested that bakeries that had their own bread-slicing machines should be allowed to continue to use them, and on January 26, 1943, a letter appeared in The New York Times from a distraught housewife:

I should like to let you know how important sliced bread is to the morale and saneness of a household. My husband and four children are all in a rush during and after breakfast. Without ready-sliced bread I must do the slicing for toast—two pieces for each one—that's ten. For their lunches I must cut by hand at least twenty slices, for two sandwiches apiece. Afterward I make my own toast. Twenty-two slices of bread to be cut in a hurry![9]

On January 26, however, John F. Conaboy, the New York Area Supervisor of the Food Distribution Administration, warned bakeries, delicatessens, and other stores that were continuing to slice bread to stop, saying that "to protect the cooperating bakeries against the unfair competition of those who continue to slice their own bread... we are prepared to take stern measures if necessary."[10]

On March 8, 1943, the ban was rescinded. Wickard stated that "Our experience with the order, however, leads us to believe that the savings are not as much as we expected, and the War Production Board tells us that sufficient wax paper to wrap sliced bread for four months is in the hands of paper processor and the baking industry."[8]

Due to its convenience, sliced bread is popular in many parts of the world, and the usual thickness varies by company and country:

The phrase "the greatest thing since sliced bread" is a common hyperbole used to praise an invention or development. A writer for The Kansas City Star wrote that "the phrase is the ultimate depiction of innovative achievement and American know-how."[13]

In 1940, a form of bread consisting of two wrapped half-loaves was advertised as the "greatest convenience since sliced bread".[14]