is comanche moon a prequel to lonesome dove

Comanche Moon is a television miniseries that is an adaptation of the novel of the same name where Woodrow Call and Gus McCrae are in their middle years, still serving as respected Texas Rangers. In terms of the Lonesome Dove series' storyline, it serves as a prequel to the original Lonesome Dove miniseries, and a sequel to Dead Man's Walk. It first aired on CBS beginning Sunday, January 13, and continuing Tuesday, January 15, and Wednesday, January 16, 2008.

Comanche Moon (miniseries)

The series starts in The Republic of Texas in the early 1800s with a massacre of Comanche chieftains, observed by a young Buffalo Hump. The opening coda then explains that The Texas Rangers "were formed as a volunteer troop to contain the Comanche" before indicating the locale as north-west Texas in 1858. Woodrow Call and Augustus McCrae join a party of eight others, led by Captain Scull and supported by a Kickapoo scout (Famous Shoes), who are hoping to capture Kicking Wolf, who is hiding in the camp of Buffalo Hump. Meanwhile, in Austin Clara Forsythe runs her shop and is visited by Maggie Tilton - the two become closer while both waiting for the party to return. In the nearby mansion, Inez Scull briefly seduces a young ranger, Jake Spoon.

The tables turn on the Rangers as the Captain's horse is stolen by Kicking Wolf. Scull departs with Famous Shoes to retrieve it, deputizing Call and McCrae to take the party back to Austin. The party comes across a burnt out wagon and are able to rescue a traumatized mother and her young daughters from some Comanche before returning to Austin. Separating at a river crossing to the Sierra, Scull then tracks his horse alone towards Yellow Cliffs in northern Mexico, a known slavers den, and finds an injured Kicking Wolf but no horse. Buffalo Hump then plans a combined and perhaps final raid to the ocean for all Comanche. In Austin, having met the governor, McCrae and Forsythe reunite, as do Call and Tilton (who announces she is carrying Call's child). Meanwhile, Scull is captured by Ahumado's men and put into a wooden cage. Call and McRae, now confirmed as Captains, are then tasked with retrieving Scull just as the Comanche army departs.

The show begins with a Comanche attack on Austin during which the town is ravaged. With the exception of a last stand at the Scull mansion, property losses are extensive, alongside most of the men being killed and the surviving women raped or kidnapped. News of the attacks filter back to the Rangers, who decide to return immediately, and learn of the extent of the devastation. Meanwhile, Scull, having survived the cage is moved to Ahumado's snake-pit while awaiting ransom. Blue Duck falls out with his father, Buffalo Hump, and is exiled, and the camp is devastated by cholera. Also, in Galveston, Forsythe is brought news of her parents' death in the raid and the loss of the store, and is proposed to by her other romantic interest, Bob Allen, a horse-trader from Nebraska.

In Austin, the governor re-issues the order to Call and McCrae to go and rescue Scull, on the proviso that they can convince cattle ranchers to provide them the 1000-head ransom on credit. After burying Bill Coleman, Call tries to come to terms with becoming a husband, while McCrae ponders why Forsythe chose Allen over him. En route to the ranchers, they have a run-in with some wild cattle before being directed to rancher Dick King and the "town" of Lonesome Dove. Unable to secure the ransom, Call and McCrae set off alone to rescue Scull. Meanwhile, in the snake-pit, Scull is still alive, although his sanity is weakening. Outside the pit, Ahumado is bitten by a spider and dies en route to the medicine tree, and the rest of the camp is abandoned. Scull is rescued and returned to Austin. McCrae loses the love of Forsythe when she learns of his affair, and Call remains restless since Tilton has had a son, named Newton.

Seven years later, in 1865, the American Civil War ends, Call is still single and McCrae is mourning the death of Nellie, his wife. Call remains listless, and is blind to Spoon moving in with Maggie (who now is a clerk at the store), and is equally unable to admit feelings for her or accept his son, even though he regularly has dinner with both of them. In Austin, Governor Pease is again in charge, but the pending arrival of Union cavalry represent a new phase in the struggle with the Comanche, with Rangers to be used as scouts. In Nebraska, Clara Allen, now a mother of two, hears of Nellie's death and mourns the loss of her own child too. In Boston, the Sculls are still married, although infidelity is still an ongoing source of tension.

On the plains, Blue Duck continues to attack and kill settlers, increasing the chances of "Blue coats" arriving in force to suppress the Comanche. Led by Charles Goodnight, the Rangers and cavalry locate a Comanche camp, and recapture "the Parker girl". Heading back to Austin, they meet Clara Allen who is visiting again in order to sell her family's property. Allen and McCrae rekindle their friendship, and she returns to her family in Nebraska, just as Maggie begins showing symptoms of TB. At the Comanche camp. Buffalo Hump realizes his time has come and leaves for good. His brother-in-law then relays the news to his nephew, Blue Duck at his hideaway in the forest. The Rangers and sheriffs soon raid the camp and hang most of the outlaws, but Blue Duck has already left seeking to kill his father, whose death represents the end of an era for the region.

As with others in the Lonesome Dove series, the teleplay was co-written by author Larry McMurtry and Diana Ossana. It was directed by Simon Wincer, with the music directed by Lennie Niehaus.

Events such as the shooting of the chieftains (ahistorical, but based on the Council House Fight), the attack on Austin (ahistorical, but based on the Great Raid of 1840), and the rescue of the white woman (historical, based on Cynthia Ann Parker) were all included in the series, although actual timelines or events were altered.

The series received generally negative reviews from critics. Common complaints were the clownish portrayal of the Texas Rangers, who were continually drunk on duty and tumbling into bed with beautiful women under the slightest pretext, the negative stereotyping of the Mexican characters, who were largely portrayed as unwashed wild-eyed drooling killers superstitiously worshiping long-vanished Aztec gods, and the simplistic portrayal of frontier women, who were either weak-willed, simpering victims or cruel and manipulative Gorgons. Brian Lowry from Variety called it "tedious, at times cartoonishly bad".[1]

It was released in Region 1 on DVD on February 26, 2008.


what does it mean to have mineral rights

Mineral rights are property rights to exploit an area for the minerals it harbors. Mineral rights can be separate from property ownership (see Split estate).

Mineral rights

Ownership of mineral rights (more properly "mineral interest") is an estate in real property. Technically it is known as a mineral estate, although often referred to as mineral rights. It is the right of the owner to exploit, mine, and/or produce any or all of the minerals lying below the surface of the property.

The mineral estate of the land includes all organic and inorganic substances that form a part of the soil. Exceptions include sand, gravel, limestone, and subsurface waterâ€”which are normally considered part of the surface estate.

Mineral interests can be found across the entire United States. The most common states known for oil and gas production include Texas, Oklahoma, North Dakota, California and New Mexico. Texas, being one of the highest producers of oil and gas, accounts for nearly a third of both crude oil and natural gas reserves in the United States. The Eagle Ford Shale and Permian Basin in Texas are the leaders in overall production of oil and gas. Therefore, mineral rights are common in these areas.

The Eagle Ford Shale extends into 24 counties. Due to the large amount of brittle carbonate in the Eagle Ford Shale, hydraulic fracking combined with horizontal drilling is the most common technique used during production. As a result, the Eagle Ford Shale is one of the largest producers of mineral rights. The Permian Basin is a “stacked play” with mineral formations spanning the Yates, San Andres, and Clear Fork.[1]

Mineral estates are sometimes severed from the surface estate. Such severance is accomplished with a conveyance or reservation of these rights. This conveyance or reservation includes minerals or substances considered minerals. Although technically not minerals, which are naturally occurring crystalline "solids," legal regimes typically include hydrocarbon resources such as oil and natural gas under the term "mineral rights." Such a conveyance or reservation includes royalties, bonuses and rentals. In the absence of such a conveyance, the surface owner retains the rights.

The five elements of a mineral right are:

The owner of a mineral interest may separately convey any or all of the above-listed interests. Minerals may be possessed as a life estate, which does not permit a person to sell them, but merely that they own the minerals so long as they live. After this, the rights revert to a predesignated entity, such as a specific organization or person.

It is possible for mineral right owners to sever and sell oil and gas royalties, while keeping the other mineral rights. In such case, if the oil lease expires, the royalty owner has nothing and the mineral owner still owns the minerals.

The four major stages for mineral rights leasing are:

There are three distinct but related aspects of ownership. They are:[4]

To bring oil and gas reserves to market, minerals are conveyed for a specified time to oil companies through a legally binding contract known as a lease. This arrangement between individual mineral owners and oil companies began prior to 1900[clarification needed] and still thrives today. Before exploration can begin, the mineral owner (lessor) and the oil company (lessee) must agree to certain terms regarding the rights, privileges and obligations of the respective parties during the exploration and possible production stages.

Although there are numerous other important details, the basic structure of the lease is straightforward: in exchange for an up-front lease bonus payment, plus a royalty percentage of the value of any production, the mineral owner grants the oil company the right to drill for a period of time, known as the primary term. If the term of the oil or gas lease extends beyond the primary term, and a well was not drilled, then the Lessee is required to pay the lessor a delay rental. This delay rental could be $1 or more per acre. In some cases, no drilling occurs and the lease simply expires.

The duration of the lease may be extended when drilling or production starts. This enters into the period of time known as the secondary term, which applies for as long as oil and gas is produced in paying quantities.[5]

A division order is not a contract. It is a stipulation for agreement as to what the Operator of a well or an oil and/or gas purchaser will disburse in terms of revenue to the mineral owner. The purpose of the division order is to show how the mineral revenues are divided up between the oil company,the owners of the mineral rights (royalty owners) and the overriding royalty interest owners. The Division Order needs a signature, a current address and social security number for individual royalty owners or tax identification number for companies.

The Oil and Gas Lease is a contract because it contains consideration, consent, legal tangible items and competency.

Many other line items can be negotiated by the time the contract is complete. When all parties come to an agreement the division order states how much revenue goes to each party involved.

Mineral owners may receive a monthly royalty check if oil, gas, or any other substances of value are extracted from below the surface and either sold or used by an oil and gas operating company. The royalty paid is a function of the net value of the proceeds from the sale of the oil, gas, or other substance, multiplied by the owner's revenue interest decimal, less any amounts deducted for taxes or other deductions.

The revenue decimal used to calculate the amount of an owner's royalty check is calculated with the following equation:[8]

Revenue interest decimal

=
(
A

/

U
)
∗
R
∗
(
P
∗
Y
−
D
)

{\displaystyle =(A/U)*R*(P*Y-D)}

It is common for royalty checks to fluctuate between pay periods due to monthly changes in oil or gas prices, or changes in the volumes produced by the associated oil or gas wells. Additionally, royalties may cease altogether if the associated wells quit producing marketable quantities of oil or gas, if the operating company has changed hands and the new operator has not yet established a new payment account for the owner, or if the operating company or product purchaser is missing appropriate paperwork or proper documentation of changes in ownership or contact information.


who has the highest h index in the world

Among the 22 scientific disciplines listed in the Thomson Reuters Essential Science Indicators Citation Thresholds [thus excluding non-science academics], physics has the second most citations after space science.[14] During the period January 1, 2000 â€“ February 28, 2010, a physicist had to receive 2073 citations to be among the most cited 1% of physicists in the world.[14] The threshold for space science is the highest (2236 citations), and physics is followed by clinical medicine (1390) and molecular biology & genetics (1229). Most disciplines, such as environment/ecology (390), have fewer scientists, fewer papers, and fewer citations.[14] Therefore, these disciplines have lower citation thresholds in the Essential Science Indicators, with the lowest citation thresholds observed in social sciences (154), computer science (149), and multidisciplinary sciences (147).[14]

h-index

The h-index is an author-level metric that attempts to measure both the productivity and citation impact of the publications of a scientist or scholar. The index is based on the set of the scientist's most cited papers and the number of citations that they have received in other publications. The index can also be applied to the productivity and impact of a scholarly journal[1] as well as a group of scientists, such as a department or university or country.[2] The index was suggested in 2005 by Jorge E. Hirsch, a physicist at UCSD, as a tool for determining theoretical physicists' relative quality[3] and is sometimes called the Hirsch index or Hirsch number.

The definition of the index is that a scholar with an index of h has published h papers each of which has been cited in other papers at least h times.[4] Thus, the h-index reflects both the number of publications and the number of citations per publication. The index is designed to improve upon simpler measures such as the total number of citations or publications. The index works properly only for comparing scientists working in the same field; citation conventions differ widely among different fields.

Formally, if f is the function that corresponds to the number of citations for each publication, we compute the h index as follows. First we order the values of f from the largest to the lowest value. Then, we look for the last position in which f is greater than or equal to the position (we call h this position). For example, if we have a researcher with 5 publications A, B, C, D, and E with 10, 8, 5, 4, and 3 citations, respectively, the h index is equal to 4 because the 4th publication has 4 citations and the 5th has only 3. In contrast, if the same publications have 25, 8, 5, 3, and 3, then the index is 3 because the fourth paper has only 3 citations.

If we have the function f ordered in decreasing order from the largest value to the lowest one, we can compute the h index as follows:

The Hirsch index is equivalent to the Eddington number, an earlier metric used for evaluating cyclists. The h-index serves as an alternative to more traditional journal impact factor metrics in the evaluation of the impact of the work of a particular researcher. Because only the most highly cited articles contribute to the h-index, its determination is a simpler process. Hirsch has demonstrated that h has high predictive value for whether a scientist has won honors like National Academy membership or the Nobel Prize. The h-index grows as citations accumulate and thus it depends on the "academic age" of a researcher.

The h-index can be manually determined using citation databases or using automatic tools. Subscription-based databases such as Scopus and the Web of Science provide automated calculators. Harzing's Publish or Perish program calculates the h-index based on Google Scholar entries. From July 2011 Google have provided an automatically-calculated h-index and i10-index within their own Google Scholar profile.[5] In addition, specific databases, such as the INSPIRE-HEP database can automatically calculate the h-index for researchers working in high energy physics.

Each database is likely to produce a different h for the same scholar, because of different coverage.[6] A detailed study showed that the Web of Science has strong coverage of journal publications, but poor coverage of high impact conferences. Scopus has better coverage of conferences, but poor coverage of publications prior to 1996; Google Scholar has the best coverage of conferences and most journals (though not all), but like Scopus has limited coverage of pre-1990 publications.[7][8] The exclusion of conference proceedings papers is a particular problem for scholars in computer science, where conference proceedings are considered an important part of the literature.[9] Google Scholar has been criticized for producing "phantom citations," including gray literature in its citation counts, and failing to follow the rules of Boolean logic when combining search terms.[10] For example, the Meho and Yang study found that Google Scholar identified 53% more citations than Web of Science and Scopus combined, but noted that because most of the additional citations reported by Google Scholar were from low-impact journals or conference proceedings, they did not significantly alter the relative ranking of the individuals. It has been suggested that in order to deal with the sometimes wide variation in h for a single academic measured across the possible citation databases, one should assume false negatives in the databases are more problematic than false positives and take the maximum h measured for an academic.[11]

Little systematic investigation has been done on how the h-index behaves over different institutions, nations, times and academic fields/disciplines, but it is clear that differences between disciplines can be at a factor of x10 and more. Also, h values have gone up in recent decades. An academic with h 20 may thus be a modest scientist, or a leader in their field.

Comparing results between individuals will have to take into account (a) career stage, (b) publication frequency in the field, and (c) citation frequency in the field. An individual (a) at a more senior career stage will have published more and the publications will have had more time to accumulate citations. How many publications a person authors or co-authors per year (b), and many citations a publication attracts per year (c) differs greatly between academic fields. How much more a senior person (a) is cited differs from field to field - e.g. in lab sciences it is common to always cite the director of the lab. How citations are distributed over time (c) is different - e.g. medical science publications attract many citations in the first years, while humanities publications have a slower but more lasting citation pattern. Finally, the correlation between publications and "success" differs widely between fields and other social factors (e.g. Oxford/Cambridge dons used to care about peer recognition, but not publications or citations).

Hirsch suggested that, for physicists, a value for h of about 12 might be typical for advancement to tenure (associate professor) at major [US] research universities. A value of about 18 could mean a full professorship, 15â€“20 could mean a fellowship in the American Physical Society, and 45 or higher could mean membership in the United States National Academy of Sciences.[12]

For the most highly cited scientists in the period 1983â€“2002, Hirsch identified the top 10 in the life sciences (in order of decreasing h): Solomon H. Snyder, h = 191; David Baltimore, h = 160; Robert C. Gallo, h = 154; Pierre Chambon, h = 153; Bert Vogelstein, h = 151; Salvador Moncada, h = 143; Charles A. Dinarello, h = 138; Tadamitsu Kishimoto, h = 134; Ronald M. Evans, h = 127; and Axel Ullrich, h = 120. Among 36 new inductees in the National Academy of Sciences in biological and biomedical sciences in 2005, the median h-index was 57.[3] However, he points out that values of h will vary between different fields.[13]

Numbers are very different in social science disciplines: The Impact of the Social Sciences team at London School of Economics found that social scientists in the United Kingdom had lower average h-indices. The h-indices for ("full") professors, based on Google Scholar data ranged from 2.8 (in law), through 3.4 (in political science), 3.7 (in sociology), 6.5 (in geography) and 7.6 (in economics). On average across the disciplines, a professor in the social sciences had an h-index about twice that of a lecturer or a senior lecturer, though the difference was the smallest in geography.[15]

Hirsch intended the h-index to address the main disadvantages of other bibliometric indicators, such as total number of papers or total number of citations. Total number of papers does not account for the quality of scientific publications, while total number of citations can be disproportionately affected by participation in a single publication of major influence (for instance, methodological papers proposing successful new techniques, methods or approximations, which can generate a large number of citations), or having many publications with few citations each. The h-index is intended to measure simultaneously the quality and quantity of scientific output.

There are a number of situations in which h may provide misleading information about a scientist's output:[16] Most of these however are not exclusive to the h-index.

Various proposals to modify the h-index in order to emphasize different features have been made.[29][30][31][32][33][34] As the variants have proliferated, comparative studies have become possible showing that most proposals are highly correlated with the original h-index,[35] although alternative indexes may be important to decide between comparable CVs, as often the case in evaluation processes.


who sang i wanna be a cowboys sweetheart

"I Want to Be a Cowboy's Sweetheart" is a country and Western song written and first recorded in 1935 by Ruby Blevins, who performed as Patsy Montana.  It was the first country song by a female artist to sell more than one million copies.[1] Montana wrote the song in 1934 when she was feeling lonely and missing her boyfriend; it was recorded a year later when producer Art Satherly, of ARC Records, needed one more song at a Prairie Ramblers recording session.[2] Montana was the group's soloist at the time. Her song is based on Stuart Hamblen's western song Texas Plains: he is therefore credited as a cowriter. Patsy Montana embellished the simpler musical pattern of the original, especially with her yodeling. Patsy also used a lot of the original words: the song is somewhat of a feminine answer to its precursor.

I Want to Be a Cowboy's Sweetheart

Members of the Western Writers of America chose it as one of the Top 100 Western songs of all time.[3]  In 2012 her record was added to the Library of Congress's National Recording Registry list of "culturally, historically, or aesthetically important" American sound recordings.[2]

"I Want to Be a Cowboy's Sweetheart" has been recorded by, among others,
Rosalie Allen, in a 1940s yodeling version,[4]
Patti Page (as a single)[5]
Suzy Bogguss (on her 1989 album Somewhere Between),
the Dixie Chicks (on their 1990 debut album Thank Heavens for Dale Evans),
Lynn Anderson (on her 1992 album Cowboy's Sweetheart),
LeAnn Rimes (on her 1994 album All That),[6]
Nickel Creek on their 2003 album Little Cowpoke,
Phish (performed in 1996 and released in 2007 on Vegas 96) and Cyndi Lauper featuring yodeling from Jewel (on her 2016 album "Detour"). Rock-pop Mexican duo Ha-Ash made a Spanish yodeling version of the song called "Vaquera" (Cowgirl) included in their 2005 album Mundos opuestos.

Bogguss' version peaked at #77 on the Hot Country Songs chart in 1988.


when did the north sydney bears leave the nrl

The North Sydney Bears are an Australian rugby league football club based in North Sydney, New South Wales. They compete in the New South Wales Cup, having exited the National Rugby League following the 1999 NRL season after 92 years of top-grade competition. The Bears are based on Sydney's Lower North Shore, and have played at North Sydney Oval since 1910. There is a bid supporting a resurrection of the club in the NRL as the Central Coast Bears, based in Gosford, New South Wales.[1]

North Sydney Bears

The club was established in 1908, making it one of the original founding members of the New South Wales Rugby Football League, and one of Australia's first rugby league football clubs. North Sydney continued competing with some success in the first half of the 20th century in the NSWRL, and through the ARL and NRL premierships until they merged with Manly-Warringah Sea Eagles to form the Northern Eagles for the 2000 season. The merged club lasted only until 2002 when it split again, with the Bears not returning to first grade and being represented at the highest order in the NSWRL competition the second-tier rugby league competition, where they continue to play today.

North Sydney were in a partnership with the Rabbitohs serving as Souths' reserve grade side from 2007 until the agreement ended in 2018.  In total, 247 players who had been affiliated with Souths played with Norths in The Intrust Super Premiership NSW.[2] Until the end of season 2009, Souths were coached by the Bears' record-breaking top points scorer, Jason Taylor.  In September 2018, North Sydney announced that they had signed a 5 year deal to become the Sydney Roosters feeder club and reserve grade side with Taylor returning to the club as head coach.[3]

North Sydney was formed as a foundation club of the newly arrived rugby league game in 1908 and were known as the Shoremen. Like the other Sydney district clubs, Norths were largely born from players and officials from the local Rugby Union club, Northern Suburbs Rugby Club. The club initially struggled to obtain access to North Sydney Oval, but council obstruction was removed and the Shoremen played their first real home game in 1910.[4] Many good players such as Andy Morton, Jimmy Devereaux and Sid Deane were lost to English clubs in the years after making the semi-finals in the season of 1908.[citation needed]

They were nearly dropped from the competition during World War I because of dwindling spectator numbers. Towards the end of the war, Norths' fortunes improved, playing quality and spectators numbers increased and they won 2 premierships in 1921–22 coached by Chris McKivat. Unfortunately, these would be their last first grade premierships and their last grand final appearance was in 1943.[5] when an injury riddled North Sydney were beaten by Newtown 34–7. North Sydney's Captain-coach in the Grand Final of 1943 was the future doyen of rugby league broadcasters, Frank Hyde. Hyde, who was living in Lane Cove at the time, had been forced to switch from Balmain to Norths in 1941 due to the league's residency rules which stated that a player was required to live in their club's district. As Lane Cove was in North Sydney's district, the club protested to the NSWRFL and claimed Hyde from Balmain.[6]

The team became known as the North Sydney Bears during the 1950s after accepting a sponsorship from the nearby Big Bear supermarket at Neutral Bay.[7]

The 1952 season saw North Sydney reach the finals for the first time since 1943. Norths went on to make the finals again in 1953 & 1954 losing to Souths and St George respectively. Norths then had to wait 10 years to make the finals again, this time against Balmain where they lost 11-9.  The following year North Sydney came 2nd in the regular season but were defeated 47-7 by St George and then lost to South Sydney the following week 14-9.[8][9][10]

During that time, North Sydney produced arguably the greatest winger the game has ever seen in Ken Irvine. Irvine held the record for most first grade tries for one club (171) until he was overtaken by Melbourne player Billy Slater.[11]

New South Wales representative Queenslander, Bruce Walker, captained the Bears in the final of the 1976 Amco Cup.

It would be 17 long years before North Sydney made the finals series again when they finished 3rd in the 1982 season.  North Sydney were coached that year by the great Ron Willey.  Norths were knocked out of the finals series that year in consecutive games, firstly losing to Manly and then Eastern Suburbs the following week.  In 1986, North Sydney made the finals series again, this time they were eliminated by Balmain in the first week.[12]

The nineties saw finals appearances and near misses in 1991, and 1994â€“1998, In that time period Norths made the preliminary final 4 times but fell short on each occasion. In 1991, North Sydney finished the regular season in 3rd place and defeated arch rivals Manly in the first week of the finals. In the next match, North Sydney had the chance to make their first grand final in 48 years if they could defeat Penrith.  After being behind on the scoreboard 12-0, Norths fought their way back into the match to level the scores at 14-14.  Normally a reliable goal kicker, Darryl Halligan missed 4 shots at goal and only kicked 1 from 5 including a penalty miss in the dying minutes.  Penrith won the match 16-14 despite the fact that Norths scored more tries in the game.[13]

On 14 July 1994, the club was fined $87,000 for breaching the salary cap.[14] That year they came within one match of the grand final but lost to Canberra.[15]

North Sydney remained loyal to the Australian Rugby League during the Super League war of the mid-1990s. In the 1996 ARL season Norths came within one match of the Grand Final but lost the game to the St George Dragons 29-12.[16]

The following year saw two separate national rugby league championships, and confirmation of the club's intention to move north to New South Wales' Central Coast.[17]

In the 1997 season, North Sydney again made the preliminary final against Newcastle at The Sydney Football Stadium.  The winner of the match was to play minor premiers Manly in The Grand final.  With the score 12-8 in favor of Newcastle with under 10 minutes to play Jason Taylor set up Michael Buettner for a try which made the score 12-12.  Normally a very reliable kicker and one of the most accurate in the competition, Taylor had already missed two previous conversions in the match but if he was to kick this goal it could send North Sydney through to their first grade final since 1943.  Taylor ended up missing the goal.  With the scores locked at 12-12, Newcastle player Matthew Johns kicked a field goal with 2 minutes to play to make it 13-12.  With only seconds remaining Norths frantically threw the ball around and lost it, the ball was swooped up by Newcastle's Owen Craigie and he raced away to score a try and won the game.[18][19]

In 1998, Norths finished 5th on the table and qualified for the finals.  Once again they were eliminated from the finals after losing both their matches in consecutive weeks. Against Parramatta 25-12 and then the following week against Canterbury 23-2.[20]

By the start of the 1999 NRL season the future looked bright with plans for the move north well underway, but one unfortunate and apparently non-negotiable outcome of the Super League war's peace deal was a criterion designed to reduce the number of teams in the NRL to fourteen.[21]

On August 28, 1999, Norths played their final game as a first grade side against the North Queensland Cowboys in Townsville.  Norths won the game 28-18.[22]

Due to having a debt of around $4 million, the North Sydney club was not considered under the NRL's inclusion criteria, although in later years other clubs, such as Cronulla, West Tigers, the Warriors and the Gold Coast have all incurred significantly larger debts.[21]

The joint venture club played out of Brookvale Oval and North Power Stadium (now BlueTongue Stadium) at Gosford, a ground successfully lobbied and built for the Bears, but poor on-field performances and factional fighting led to the collapse of the Northern Eagles in 2002, after only three years. After this, the Northern Eagles' licence then reverted to the Manly-Warringah Sea Eagles, leaving the foundation club out of the top flight of rugby league in Australia after more than 90 years.[23]

North Sydney play in the second-tier NSW Cup competition, serving as the reserve side for the Sydney Roosters. They have also been affiliated with the New Zealand Warriors, the South Sydney Rabbitohs and the Melbourne Storm in the past.[24]

In the 2007 NSWRL Premier League the North Sydney Bears made the Grand Final facing off against Sydney rivals Parramatta. They were beaten 20-15 by Weller Hauraki, scoring a controversial try with just 13 seconds to go, which many believed should not have been allowed due to a forward pass.[25] North Sydney finished the 2008 season as NSW Cup minor premiers and were eliminated in the finals in straight sets.

In 2009 the Bears lost to Balmain Tigers in extra time to miss out on the Grand Final 19â€“18. 2010 was a poor season for the Bears, who received the wooden spoon. However this was turned around in the 2011 season with the Bears reaching the preliminary final and losing to eventual premiers the Canterbury Bulldogs. Deon Apps and Curtis Johnston represented the Bears in the 2011 NSW Residents side with Johnston finishing up leading try scorer for the competition by the end of the regular season with 28 tries, Johnston would play 110 games with the Bears NSW Cup scoring 97 tries in 6 seasons.

2012 saw the Bears make the semi finals, missing out on the minor premiership by points differential to the Bulldogs. They lost their first semi final to Newcastle Knights but had a chance to remain in the running of the competition the week after only to give up a 24â€“6 lead to the Newtown Jets and lose in extra time 32-30 from a Daniel Mortimer 35-metre penalty goal. The Newtown Jets went on to beat Balmain Tigers in the 2012 NSW Cup Grand Final. In 2013, the Bears recorded several large victories in the regular season and finished third. They defeated the Newcastle Knights 32-28 in the first week of the finals, and were then eliminated by minor premiers and eventual NSW Cup premiers the Cronulla Sharks in the preliminary final, who recorded a convincing 38-6 win. This was the third consecutive season that the Bears had been eliminated in the finals by the team which would eventually win the premiership. This was also Matt King's final game of Rugby League.

After three consecutive top four finishes, season 2014 was a horror year for the Bears, who recorded only two wins throughout the entire season and finished with the wooden spoon, eight points below the second-last placed Manly Warringah. Season 2015 saw a strong improvement as the Bears won nine games throughout the season and returned to the NSW Cup finals, only to be eliminated by the Bulldogs in Week One, and finished eighth. In the 2016 NSW Cup North Sydney finished the season in 10th place and therefore missed the finals.[26]

In the 2017 season, Norths finished 6th on the ladder and qualified for the finals.  On 3 September 2017, Norths played against Newcastle in the first elimination match and were defeated 40-18 ending their season.[27]  On September 19, it was announced that Ben Gardiner was leaving as coach of the club after two and a half years in charge.[28]

On 11 October 2017, Shane Millard was announced as new head coach by the club.[29] On 20 May 2018, it was revealed that North Sydney were in advanced negotiations to sign former NRL player Todd Carney. South Sydney who have a partnership with Norths were not happy with this decision and declared that there would be no NRL pathway for Carney and declared that they might withdraw their relationship with Norths as a result. North Sydney chairman Perry Lopez said of the deal “We are the North Sydney Bears, we’re not South Sydney,” The decision is based on what’s best for our club. At the end of the day, if they don’t like the decision the Bears make, they can take it up with us. “If Souths don’t agree with what we’re doing and decide it’s not in our interest, we will look at the other avenues we have to ensure we have a competitive ISP side. At the end of the day, we are the North Sydney Bears and we’ll look to not just have a competitive side but a winning side. This decision comes on the back of that. Our club is a 1908 foundation club,”. “We are here to win games and show our fans a product they can be proud of. We are super excited to have a player of Todd Carney’s calibre join the mighty North Sydney Bears".

On 21 May 2018, Carney officially signed with North Sydney, in reaction to the signing, General Manager of football at Souths Shane Richardson said "We've spoken to Norths about Todd Carney and it's our position that we will develop our young halves, as opposed to bringing in a player from outside the club in this instance," Richardson said. "'The 'Rabbitoh Way' is to build a culture that rewards young players for hard work, a culture that has respect for the club and its people, respects the members and sponsors that invest financially and emotionally into what we are doing here at South Sydney, and a culture of developing young players that want to play for South Sydney and that we see having a future NRL career".[30][31]
On 1 July 2018, Carney's move to North Sydney was blocked after Carney refused to pay a $15,000 release fee.  The Northern Pride who Carney was contracted with demanded that Norths pay the fee which the club refused to do and hoped that a deal could be met between Carney's management team and The Queensland Cup side before the June 30 transfer window closed.  Carney spoke to the media saying "I had that option with the Bears but Souths have blocked that, I'm sure something will come up".  Carney's blocked move coincided with the departure of Souths contracted player Robbie Farah who spent the first 12 weeks playing for North Sydney.[32][33]

On 25 August 2018, Norths lost their last game of the season against the New Zealand Warriors due to a last minute try scored by Chanel Harris-Tavita.  Norths came into the game with an outside chance of making the finals but the loss ensured Norths finished outside the top 8 and with a bad point points differential meant they finished in second last place on the table.[34]

On 5 September 2018, North Sydney announced that they were ending their agreement with Souths to act as their reserve grade side and had signed a 5 year deal to join the Sydney Roosters as their new feeder club team for the 2019 season.  Former North Sydney player and the club's leading record point scorer Jason Taylor was named as new head coach.[35]

The Bears have won eight premierships in reserve grade, making them the second most successful club currently participating in the competition. They last won a premiership in 1993, defeating Newcastle in the grand final 5-4. The Bears have also been the only team to have participated in every season of reserve grade since the competition's inception in 1908.[36]

There is a movement for a return to first-grade Rugby League for the club, with the North Sydney Bears moving to Gosford (on the Central Coast, New South Wales) and becoming the Central Coast Bears. The Bears bid committee is lobbying the NRL for inclusion as the next expansion team. They are headed up by Perry Lopez and Greg Florimo and has the corporate backing of a number of local Central Coast and some North Shore businesses. The proposed team would play 11 games in Gosford and 1 game at North Sydney Oval (obviously against Manly as part of a heritage or rivalry round). North Sydney legend David Fairleigh is proposed to become the inaugural coach. Prominent rugby league personalities who have publicly backed the club include Phil Gould, Andrew Johns and Peter Sterling while support has also come from as high up as Federal Treasurer and North Sydney MP Joe Hockey.[37][38]

Bears fan Alan McLoughlin, a Central Coast resident, set up a Facebook petition to bring the Bears to Gosford.[39]

The Central Coast Bears have 7,200 financial members with new members joining weekly.[40] They were aiming for 5,000 by March 2011, when the official bid was due to be handed in to the NRL but passed that mark in 2010. Mortgage House signed a three-year deal to sponsor the Central Coast Bears, also becoming a major jersey sponsor for the Bears. In November 2010, it was reported that Ken Sayer, CEO of Mortgage House, planned to underwrite the bid for $10 million to help ensure their financial equity was shored up when the bid was submitted.[41] Both major political parties showed support for the Central Coast Bears bid in 2010â€“2011, with Labor supporting the bid by granting $100,000 for the Bears,[42] and the Liberal party supporting the bid by promising to acquire land at Mt Penang, Central Coast, NSW to build a state-of-the-art Sports Centre of Excellence in the lead up to the 2011 New South Wales state election.[43]

With weekly membership drives and ongoing community involvement, the Central Coast Bears targeted entry into the NRL in 2015,[44] but this date passed without admission. In 2016, it was reported that there were moves for the Bears to buy the Gold Coast Titans franchise.[45]  The General Manager of Norths and most capped player of the club Greg Florimo said at the time of North Sydney's first public interest in purchasing The Gold Coast licence as "the last chance".  Florimo then went on to say "I don't see too many other options presenting themselves, The energy and finance that we put into the Central Coast bid really didn't come to fruition... so we're going hard to the plate on this".[46]

Throughout 2017 there was much media speculation around North Sydney and their moves to purchase the struggling Gold Coast Titans licence when it went on sale by The NRL.  North Sydney reportedly placed a $7 million bid to purchase The Gold Coast Licence and as part of the bid if they were to be successful was to rename the side The Gold Coast Bears and continue to play games at Robina plus taking two games to North Sydney Oval with one game being held against fierce rivals The Manly-Warringah Sea Eagles.  The Gold Coast colors would also change to Norths red and black with the logo being changed as well to fit the proposed new club.  On November 3, 2017, it was revealed that Norths had failed in their bid to purchase The Gold Coast licence.  On 14 December 2017, it was officially announced by The NRL that the consortium of Darryl Kelly and self made property tycoon Rebecca Frizelle had won the bid to purchase The Gold Coast Titans.[47][48][49]

On 22 February 2018, it was announced that North Sydney were in talks with a Western Australian consortium with the possibility of creating a franchise and to seek inclusion into The NRL.[50]

Rebranded as Norths, the North Sydney Leagues Club was established by the district's football club, the North Sydney Bears, in 1955 in a house in the Sydney suburb of Neutral Bay. In 1964, the club moved to new premises, its current location, in Abbott Street, Cammeray.

In the fifty years the new building has stood, a number of redesigns and refurbishments have taken place. In 2014 facilities comprised two dining areas, function rooms, a 530-seat auditorium, a fitness and wellness centre, indoor and outdoor lounge areas, a bottle shop, a TAB, two squash courts, a courtesy bus service, a members rewards program and a multi-level car park for 320 vehicles.[citation needed] Membership in 2016 stood at 21,500.[citation needed]

In 1996, Norths merged with the North Sydney Bowling Club, which was established in 1888 and is the second oldest club (by one day) in Australia. This Bowling Club was transformed and re-branded as The Greens North Sydney in November 2014. Norths also amalgamated with the Seagulls, a border club at Tweed Heads on the far north coast of New South Wales, the oldest provincial rugby league club in Australia.[51]

Updated: 16 July 2018Source(s): North Sydney Bears & [2]

On 26 August 2006 the club announced their "Team of the Century".[52]

^ Did not play first grade for Norths

5 Biggest Wins

Highest Score Conceded

Most appearances for the club

Most Tries for the club

Most Goals for the club

Most Points for the club

Most Points in a season

Most Consecutive Wins

Most Consecutive Losses

Home and Away Attendances

Finals Attendance Record

Premierships: (2) 1921, 1922

Runners-Up: (1) 1943

Minor Premierships: (2) 1921, 1922

Wooden Spoons: (7) 1917, 1919, 1941, 1948, 1950, 1951, 1979

Finals Appearances: 1908, 1921, 1922, 1928, 1935, 1936, 1943, 1952, 1953, 1954, 1964, 1965, 1982, 1991, 1994, 1995, 1996, 1997, 1998

Undefeated Season:  1921 (8 games: 7 wins 1 draw)

Reserve Grade Premierships:  1940, 1942, 1955, 1959, 1989, 1991, 1992, 1993

Third Grade Premiership [and equivalent competitions]:  1937, 1945, 1946, 1959

President's Cup:  1918, 1933

H 'Jersey' Flegg Memorial Trophy:  1998

Sevens: Runners-Up:  1996, 1997

City Cup:  Winners: 1920, 1922 Runners-Up 1913, 1959

League Cup:  Runners-Up: 1919

State Championship:  Runners-Up: 1945

Pre-season Competition:  Runners-Up: 1964, 1966, 1977

Midweek Cup [as Amco Cup]:  Runners-up: 1976

Channel 10 Challenge Cup:  Winners: 1978


when was fear and loathing in las vegas made

Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas is a 1998 American black comedy road film adapted from Hunter S. Thompson's novel of the same name. It was co-written and directed by Terry Gilliam, starring Johnny Depp as Raoul Duke and Benicio del Toro as Dr. Gonzo. The two embark on an initially assigned journey with journalistic purpose which turns out to be an exploration of the Las Vegas setting under the effect of psychoactive substances.

Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas (film)

Though a critical and financial failure, Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas has since become a cult film due in large part to its release on DVD, including a Special Edition released by The Criterion Collection.

In 1971, Raoul Duke and Dr. Gonzo speed across the Nevada desert. Duke, under the influence of mescaline, complains of a swarm of giant bats, before going through the pair's inventory of psychoactive drugs. Shortly afterward, the duo stop to pick up a young hitchhiker, and explain what they are doing. Duke has been assigned by an unnamed magazine to travel to Las Vegas and cover the Mint 400 motorcycle race. However, they have also decided to take advantage of the trip by purchasing a large number of drugs, and rent a red Chevrolet Impala convertible. The young man soon becomes terrified of the antics of the duo, and flees on foot. Trying to reach Vegas before the hitchhiker can go to the police, Gonzo gives Duke part of a sheet of Sunshine Acid, then informs him that there is little chance of making it before the drug kicks in. By the time they reach the strip, Duke is in the full throes of his trip, and barely makes it through the check-in, all the while hallucinating that the hotel clerk is a moray eel, and that his fellow bar patrons are lizards in the depths of an orgy.

The next day, Duke arrives at the race, and heads out with his photographer, a man by the name of Lacerda. During the coverage, Duke becomes irrational and believes that they are in the middle of a battlefield, so he fires Lacerda and returns to the hotel. After consuming more mescaline, as well as huffing diethyl ether, Duke and Gonzo arrive at the Bazooko Circus casino, but leave shortly afterwards, the chaotic atmosphere frightening Gonzo. Back in the hotel room, Duke leaves Gonzo unattended, and tries his luck at a quick round of Big Six. When Duke returns, he finds that Gonzo, after consuming a full sheet of LSD, has trashed the room, and is sitting fully clothed in the bathtub, attempting to pull the tape player in with him, as he wants to hear the song better. He pleads with Duke to throw the machine into the water when the song "White Rabbit" peaks. Duke agrees, but instead throws a grapefruit at Gonzo's head before running outside.

The next morning, Duke awakens to an exorbitant room service bill, and no sign of Gonzo (who has returned to Los Angeles while Duke slept), and attempts to leave town. As he nears Baker, California, a highway patrolman pulls him over for speeding, and advises him to sleep at a nearby rest stop. Duke instead heads to a payphone and calls Gonzo, learning that he has a suite in his name at the Flamingo Las Vegas so he can cover a district attorney's convention on narcotics. Duke checks into his suite, only to be met by an LSD-tripping Gonzo, and a young girl by the name of Lucy he has brought with him. Gonzo explains that Lucy has come to Las Vegas to meet Barbra Streisand, and that he gave her LSD on the plane not realizing she had never taken it before. Sensing the trouble this could get them into, Duke convinces Gonzo to ditch Lucy in another hotel before her trip wears off.

Gonzo accompanies Duke to the D.A.'s convention, and the pair discreetly snort cocaine as the guest speaker delivers a comically out-of-touch speech about "marijuana addicts" before showing a brief film. Unable to take it, Duke and Gonzo flee back to their room, only to discover that Lucy has called. Their trips mostly over, Gonzo deals with Lucy over the phone (pretending that he is being savagely beaten by thugs), as Duke attempts to mellow out by trying some of Gonzo's stash of adrenochrome. However, the trip spirals out of control, and Duke is reduced to an incoherent mess before he blacks out.

After an unspecified amount of time passes, Duke wakes up to a complete ruin of the once pristine suite. After discovering his tape recorder, he attempts to remember what has happened. As he listens, he has brief memories of the general mayhem that has taken place, including a heated encounter with a waitress at a diner, convincing a distraught cleaning woman that they are police officers investigating a drug ring, and attempting to buy an orangutan.

Duke drops Gonzo off at the airport, after missing the entrance, driving across the tarmac and pulling up right next to the plane, before returning to the hotel one last time to finish his article. Duke then speeds back to Los Angeles.

Hunter S. Thompson also has a brief cameo in the film while Duke has a flashback to a San Francisco music club, The Matrix, where Thompson can be seen sitting at a table as Depp walks by narrating his inner monologue, "There I was... Mother of God, there I am! Holy fuck! Clearly I was a victim of the drug explosion."

Martin Scorsese and Oliver Stone each tried to get the film off the ground, but were unsuccessful and moved on.[1]

Rhino Films began work on a film version as early as 1992.[2] Head of Production and the film's producer Stephen Nemeth originally wanted Lee Tamahori to direct, but he wasn't available until after the January 1997 start date.[2] Depp wanted Bruce Robinson to direct, but he was "unavailable... by choice".[3] Rhino appealed to Thompson for an extension on the film rights but the author and his lawyers denied the extension. Under pressure, Rhino countered by green-lighting the film and hiring Alex Cox to direct within a few days.[2] According to Nemeth, Cox could "do it for a price, could do it quickly and could get this movie going in four months."[2]

Rhino hired Terry Gilliam and was granted an extension from Thompson but only with the stipulation that the director made the film. Rhino did not want to commit to Gilliam in case he didn't work out.[2] Thompson remembers, "They just kept asking for more [time]. I got kind of agitated about it, because I thought they were trying to put off doing it. So I began to charge them more... I wanted to see the movie done, once it got started."[2] The studio threatened to make the film with Cox and without Depp and del Toro. The two actors were upset when producer Laila Nabulsi told them of Rhino's plans.[2] Universal Pictures stepped in to distribute the film and Depp and Gilliam were paid $500,000 each but the director still did not have a firm deal in place. In retaliation, Depp and Gilliam locked Rhino out of the set during filming.[2]

During the initial development to get the film made, Jack Nicholson and Marlon Brando were originally considered for the roles of Duke and Gonzo but they both grew too old.[4] Afterward, Dan Aykroyd and John Belushi were considered for the duo, but that fell apart when Belushi died. John Malkovich was later considered for the role of Duke, but he grew too old too. At one point John Cusack was almost cast (Cusack had previously directed the play version of Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas, with his brother playing Duke).[5] However, after Hunter S. Thompson met with Johnny Depp he became convinced that no one else could play him. When Cox and Davies started writing the screenplay, Depp and del Toro committed to starring in the film.[2]

Gilliam said in an interview that his films are actor-led, the performance of the two characters in fear and loathing is hyper realistic but truthful. 'I am interested in real people in bizarre, twisted environments that force them to actâ€¦to react against.' [6]

Dr. Gonzo is based on Thompson's friend Oscar Zeta Acosta, who disappeared sometime in 1974.[7] Thompson changed Acosta's ethnic identity to "Samoan" to deflect suspicion from Acosta, who was in trouble with the Los Angeles County Bar Association. He was the "Chicano lawyer" notorious for his party binges.

The lead actors undertook extraordinary preparations for their respective roles. Del Toro gained more than 45 pounds (18Â kg) in nine weeks before filming began, and extensively researched Acosta's life.[7][8] In the spring of 1997, Depp moved into the basement of Thompson's Owl Farm home and lived there for four months, doing research for the role as well as studying Thompson's habits and mannerisms.[9] The actor went through Thompson's original manuscript, mementos and notebooks that he kept during the actual trip.[9] Depp remembers, "He saved it all. Not only is [the book] true, but there's more. And it was worse."[10] Depp even traded his car for Thompson's red Chevrolet Caprice convertible, known to fans as The Great Red Shark, and drove it around California during his preparation for the role.[11] Many of the costumes that Depp wears in the film are genuine articles of clothing that Depp borrowed from Thompson, and the writer himself shaved Depp's head to match his own natural male pattern baldness.[9] Other props, such as Duke's cigarette filter (a TarGard Permanent Filter System), Hawaiian shirts, hats, a patchwork jacket, a silver medallion (given to him by Oscar Acosta) and IDs, belonged to Thompson.[11]

Cox started writing the screenplay with Tod Davies, a UCLA Thompson scholar.During pre-production, Cox and producer Laila Nabulsi had "creative differences" and she forced Rhino to choose between her and Cox.[2] She had an arrangement with Thompson to produce the film and the studio fired Cox and paid him $60,000 in script fees. Thompson's disapproval of the Cox/Davies script treatment is documented in the film Breakfast with Hunter.

The decision was made to not use the Cox/Davies script, which gave Gilliam only ten days to write another.[12] Gilliam has stated in an interview "When we were writing the script, we really tried not to invent anything. We sort of cannibalized the book."[13] The director enlisted the help of Tony Grisoni and they wrote the script at Gilliam's home in May 1997. Grisoni remembers, "I'd sit at the keyboard, and we'd talk and talk and I'd keep typing."[12] One of the most important scenes from the book that Gilliam wanted to put in the film was the confrontation between Duke and Dr. Gonzo and the waitress of the North Star Coffee Lounge. The director said, "This is two guys who have gone beyond the pale, this is unforgivable â€“ that scene, it's ugly. My approach, rather than to throw it out, was to make that scene the low point."[14]

Initially, the studio wanted Gilliam to update the book for the 1990s, which he considered, "And then I looked at the film and said, 'No, that's apologizing. I don't want to apologize for this thing. It is what it is.' It's an artifact. If it's an accurate representation of that book, which I thought was an accurate representation of a particular time and place and people."[15] Terry Gilliam, while speaking to Sight & Sound magazine, highlighted if he had updated the movie to the 1990s it would just "be a story about two people going to excess" by keeping it set in the 70's, using the backdrop of the Vietnam War and a perceived loss of the American dream, offers reasoning to the characters actions.[16]

When the film approached release, Gilliam learned that the Writers Guild of America (WGA) would not allow Cox and Davies to be removed from the credits even though none of their material was used in the production of the film. According to WGA rules, Gilliam and Grisoni had to prove that they wrote 60% of their script. The director said, "But there have been at least five previous attempts at adapting the book, and they all come from the book. They all use the same scenes."[17] Gilliam remarked in an interview, "The end result was we didn't exist. As a director, I was automatically deemed a 'production executive' by the guild and, by definition, discriminated against. But for Tony to go without any credit would be really unfair."[18] David Kanter, agent for Cox and Davies, argued, "About 60 percent of the decisions they made on what stays in from the book are in the film â€“ as well as their attitude of wide-eyed anarchy."[18] According to the audio commentary by Gilliam on the Criterion Collection DVD, during the period where it appeared that only Cox and Davies would be credited for the screenplay, the film was to begin with a short scene in which it is explained that no matter what is said in the credits, no writers were involved in the making of the film. When this changed in early May 1998 after the WGA revised its decision and gave credit to Gilliam and Grisoni first and Cox and Davies second, the short was not needed.[14] Angered over having to share credit, Gilliam publicly burned his WGA card at a May 22 book signing on Broadway.[19][14]

According to Gilliam, there was no firm budget in place when filming started.[20] Cinematographer Gilliam felt that it was not a well-organized film and said, "Certain people didn't... I'm not going to name names but it was a strange film, like one leg was shorter than the other. There was all sorts of chaos."[12] While Depp was on location in Los Angeles, he got a phone call from comedian Bill Murray who had played Thompson in Where the Buffalo Roam. He warned Depp, "Be careful or you'll find yourself ten years from now still doing himâ€¦ Make sure your next role is some drastically different guy."[21]

Shooting on location in Las Vegas began on August 3, 1997 and lasted 56 days. The production ran into problems when they wanted to shoot in a casino. They were only allowed to film between two and six in the morning, given only six tables to put extras around and insisted that the extras really gamble."[12] Exterior shots of the Bazooko Casino were filmed in front of the Stardust hotel/casino with the interiors constructed with a Warner Bros. Hollywood soundstage.[22] To get the period look of Vegas in the 1970s, Gilliam and Pecorini used rear-projection footage from the old television show, Vega$. According to the cinematographer, this footage heightened the film's "already otherworldly tone an extra notch."[22]

Nicola Pecorini was hired based on an audition reel he sent Gilliam that made fun of the fact that he had only one eye (he lost the other to retinal cancer).[22] According to Pecorini, the look of the film was influenced by the paintings of Robert Yarber that are "very hallucinatory: the paintings use all kinds of neon colors, and the light sources don't necessarily make sense."[22] According to Gilliam, they used him as a guide "While mixing our palette of deeply disturbing fluorescent colors."[23]

For the desert scenes, Pecorini wanted a specific, undefined quality without a real horizon to convey the notion that the landscape never ended and to emphasize "a certain kind of unreality outside the characters' car, because everything that matters to them is within the Red Shark."[22] For the scene where Duke hallucinates a lounge full of lizards, the production was supposed to have 25 animatronic reptiles but they only received seven or eight.[22] The production used motion-control techniques to make it look like they had a whole room of them and made multiple passes with the cameras outfitting the lizards with different costumes each time.[22]

During production, it was Gilliam's intention that it should feel like a drug trip from beginning to end. He said in an interview, "We start out at full speed and it's WOOOO! The drug kicks in and you're on speed! Whoah! You get the buzz â€“ it's crazy, it's outrageous, the carpet's moving and everybody's laughing and having a great time. But then, ever so slowly, the walls start closing in and it's like you're never going to get out of this fucking place. It's an ugly nightmare and there's no escape."[11] To convey the effects of the various drugs, Gilliam and Pecorini assembled a list of "phases" that detailed the "cinematic qualities" of each drug consumed.[22] For ether, Pecorini said they used a "loose depth of field; everything becomes non-defined"; for adrenochrome, "everything gets narrow and claustrophobic, move closer with lens"; mescaline was simulated by having "colors melt into each other, flares with no sources, play with color temperatures"; for amyl nitrite, the "perception of light gets very uneven, light levels increase and decrease during the shots"; and for LSD, "everything extremely wide, hallucinations via morphs, shapes, colors, and sound."[22]

Pecorini and Gillam decided they want the film to be shot wide-angle but because of the small budget they couldn't afford the downfalls of anamorphic lenses so they paired the Arriflex 535, Arri BL-4S and the Arri 35-iii with a set of Zeiss Standard Primes and the Kodak's 250D Vision 5246 filmstock in order to achieve the saturated look the film has.[24]

The music belongs to the psychedelic rock and classic rock genre. The soundtrack contains songs used in the film with sound bites of the film before each song. Most of the music is present in the soundtrack with a few exceptions; The Lennon Sisters' version of "My Favorite Things" (from The Sound of Music) which plays at the beginning of the picture, Jefferson Airplane "Somebody to Love (Jefferson Airplane song)" which is heard during a flashback, Debbie Reynolds "Tammy (song)", Perry Como "Magic Moments", Beck, Bogert & Appice "Lady", Tom Jones (singer) "It's Not Unusual", Frank Sinatra "You're Getting To Be A Habit With Me", Combustible Edison "Spy vs Spy (Australian band)", The Out-Islanders "Moon Mist" Polynesian Fantasy(album), and a recording of "Ball and Chain" by Janis Joplin.

The Rolling Stones song "Jumping Jack Flash" is heard at the conclusion of the film as Thompson drives out of Las Vegas. Gilliam could not pay $300,000 (half of the soundtrack budget) for the rights to "Sympathy for the Devil" by The Rolling Stones, which plays a prominent role in the book.[2]

The Dead Kennedys rendition of "Viva Las Vegas" is heard at the very end of the closing credits.

Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas underwent preview test screenings – a process that Gilliam does not enjoy. "I always get very tense in those (test screenings), because I'm ready to fight. I know the pressure from the studio is,'somebody didn't like that, change it!'"[10] The filmmaker said that it was important to him that Thompson like the film and recalls the writer's reaction at a screening, "Hunter watched it for the first time at the premiere and he was making all this fucking noise! Apparently it all came flooding back to him, he was reliving the whole trip! He was yelling out and jumping on his seat like it was a roller coaster, ducking and diving, shouting 'SHIT! LOOK OUT! GODDAMN BATS!' That was fantastic – if he thought we'd captured it, then we must have done it!"[11] Thompson himself stated, "Yeah, I liked it. It's not my show, but I appreciated it. Depp did a hell of a job. His narration is what really held the film together, I think. If you hadn't had that, it would have just been a series of wild scenes."[25]

Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas debuted at the 1998 Cannes Film Festival[26] and Gilliam said, "I'm curious about the reaction... If I'm going to be disappointed, it's because it doesn't make any waves, that people are not outraged."[27]

By the time Fear and Loathing was released as a Criterion Collection DVD in 2003, Thompson showed his approval of the Gilliam version by recording a full-length audio commentary for the film and participating in several DVD special features.[28]

On an audio commentary track in the Criterion edition of the DVD, Gilliam expresses great pride in the film and says it was one of the few times where he did not have to fight extensively with the studio during the filming.[29] Gilliam chalks this up to the fact that many of the studio executives read Thompson's book in their youth and understood it could not be made into a conventional Hollywood film. However, he does express frustration with the advertising campaign used during its initial release, which he says tried to sell it as wacky comedy.[29] The film was later released by Universal Studios on HD DVD and, subsequently, Blu-ray; Criterion released the film on Blu-ray on April 26, 2011.[30]

The film was labeled with an R-Restricted MPAA rating for pervasive extreme drug use and related bizarre behavior, strong language, and brief nudity and also rated 18+ in the UK.[31]

The film opened in wide release on May 22, 1998 and grossed $3.3 million in 1,126 theaters on its first weekend. The film went on to gross $10.6 million, well below its budget of $18.5 million.[32] However, the movie reignited interest in Thompson's novel. Vintage Press reported an initial reprint of 100,000 copies to tie in with the film's release, but demand was higher than expected and forced the novel to go back to print a further five times.[33]

Gilliam wanted to provoke strong reactions to his film as he said in an interview, "I want it to be seen as one of the great movies of all time, and one of the most hated movies of all time."[10] Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas polarized critics; it currently has a 49% "Rotten" rating on Rotten Tomatoes.[34]

In The New York Times, Stephen Holden wrote, "Even the most precise cinematic realizations of Mr. Thompson's images don't begin to match the surreal ferocity of the author's language."[35] Stephen Hunter, in his review for the Washington Post, wrote, "It tells no story at all. Little episodes of no particular import come and go...But the movie is too grotesque to be entered emotionally."[36] Mike Clark, of USA Today, found the film, "simply unwatchable."[37] In The Guardian, Gaby Wood wrote, "After a while, though, the ups and downs don't come frequently enough even for the audience, and there's an element of the tedium usually found in someone else's druggy experiences."[38] Roger Ebert thought the movie was a disgrace. He gave the film one star out of four and said it was "a horrible mess of a movie, without shape, trajectory or purposeâ€“a one joke movie, if it had one joke. The two characters wander witlessly past the bizarre backdrops of Las Vegas (some real, some hallucinated, all interchangeable) while zonked out of their minds. Humor depends on attitude. Beyond a certain point, you don't have an attitude, you simply inhabit a state."[39]

Gene Siskel's "thumbs-up" review at the time also noted the film successfully captured the book's themes into film, adding "What the film is about and what the book is about is using Las Vegas as a metaphor for – or a location for – the worst of America, the extremes of America, the money obsession, the visual vulgarity of America."[40] Michael O'Sullivan gave the film a positive review in the Washington Post. "What elevates the tale from being a mere drug chronicle is the same thing that lifted the book into the realm of literature. It's the sense that Gilliam, like Thompson, is always totally in command of the medium, while abandoning himself utterly to unpredictable forces beyond his control."[41] Empire magazine voted the film the 469th greatest film in their "500 Greatest Movies of All Time" list.[42]

Since the film's release on home media, including The Criterion Collection Special Edition, the film had attained cult status. This led to the film being re-screened at various cinemas such as The Prince Charles Cinema in Leicester Square, London and a special screening from original VHS tape at Swordtail Studio London in 2016.[43]

The increased attention for the film has also led to some news outlets to reconsider the mixed original reception of the film; Joe Queenan of The Guardian argued that "No, Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas is not breathtakingly self-indulgent and just plain awful; it is actually jaw-droppingly great. Those of you who do not share this opinion are idiots."[44] Scott Tobias of The A.V. Club argued in his more recent review of the film that "the film would have had a greater impact had it been produced at the time, when Brewster McCloud proved that anything was possible, but short of a time machine, Gilliam does what he can to bring the era back to life.".[45]

The film was nominated for a variety of awards that both praised and condemned it. Terry Gilliam was nominated for the Palme d'Or at the Cannes Film Festival 1998[46] while Johnny Depp won the best foreign actor award from the Russian Guild of Film Critics in 1998.[46]

However Depp and Del Toro were also nominated by the Stinkers Bad Movie Awards for worst on-screen couple, and during the same awards Del Toro's portrayal of Dr. Gonzo was also nominated for the worst supporting actor.[46]


what is the biggest kodiak bear ever recorded

An average adult male measures 244 cm (8 ft 0 in) in length, and stands 133 cm (4 ft 4 in) tall at the shoulder. The largest recorded wild male weighed 751 kg (1,656 lb), and had a hind foot measurement of 46 cm (18 in).[7] A large male Kodiak bear stands up to 1.5 m (4.9 ft) tall at the shoulder, when it is standing on all four legs. When standing fully upright on its hind legs, a large male could reach a height of 3 m (9.8 ft).[2] The largest verified size for a captive Kodiak bear was for a specimen that lived at the Dakota Zoo in Bismarck, North Dakota. Nicknamed "Clyde," he weighed 966 kg (2,130 lb) when he died in June 1987 at the age of 22. According to zoo director Terry Lincoln, Clyde probably weighed close to 1,090 kg (2,400 lb) a year earlier. He still had a fat layer of 9 in (23 cm) when he died.[8][a]

Kodiak bear

The Kodiak bear (Ursus arctos middendorffi), also known as the Kodiak brown bear, sometimes the Alaskan brown bear, inhabits the islands of the Kodiak Archipelago in southwest Alaska.[2] It is the largest recognized subspecies of brown bear, and one of the two largest bears alive today, the other being the polar bear.[3]

Physiologically, the Kodiak bear is very similar to the other brown bear subspecies, such as the mainland grizzly bear (Ursus arctos horribilis) and the now-extinct California grizzly bear (U. a. californicus†), with the main difference being in size. While there is generally much variation in size between brown bears in different areas, most usually weigh between 115 and 360 kg (254 and 794 lb).[4] The Kodiak bear, on the other hand, commonly reaches sizes of 300 to 600 kg (660 to 1,320 lb), and has even been known to exceed weights of 680 kg (1,500 lb).[2] Despite this large variation in size, the diet and lifestyle of the Kodiak bear does not differ greatly from that of other brown bears.

Encounters between people and Kodiak bears have been very frequent since ancient times. Today, these encounters have become more common as a result of the increase in the human population in the region. Such encounters have included the hunting of bears by humans for their fur or meat, and, less commonly, attacks by bears upon humans. More recently, as conservation efforts have become more commonplace, concerns over the sustenance and stability of the Kodiak bear population have arisen. The IUCN classifies Ursus arctos, the species to which the Kodiak belongs, as being of "least concern" in terms of endangerment or extinction. However, the IUCN does not differentiate between subspecies; therefore, it is unknown whether the Kodiak bear population is as healthy as is stated. As a result, the Alaska Department of Fish and Game, along with, to a lesser extent, the United States Fish and Wildlife Service, closely monitors the number of bears hunted in the state.

Taxonomist C.H. Merriam was first to recognize the Kodiak bear as a unique subspecies of the brown bear, and he named it "Ursus middendorffi" in honor of the celebrated Baltic naturalist, Dr. A. Th. von Middendorff.[1] Subsequent taxonomic work merged all North American brown bears into a single species (Ursus arctos). Genetic samples from bears on Kodiak have shown that they are related to brown bears on the Alaska Peninsula and Kamchatka, Russia, and all brown bears roughly north of the US. Kodiak bears have been genetically isolated since at least the last ice age (10,000 to 12,000 years ago) and very little genetic diversity exists within the population.[5] Although the current population is healthy and productive, and has shown no overt adverse signs of inbreeding, it may be more susceptible to new diseases or parasites than other, more diverse brown bear populations.

Hair colors range from blonde to orange (typically females or bears from southern parts of the archipelago) to dark brown. Cubs often retain a white "natal ring" around their neck for the first few years of life. The Kodiak bears' color is similar to that of their very close relative, the grizzly bear and the Eurasian brown bear.[citation needed]

The size range for females (sows) is from 181 to 318 kg (399 to 701 lb), and for males (boars), it is 272 to 635 kg (600 to 1,400 lb).[2][6] Mature males average 477–534 kg (1,052–1,177 lb) over the course of the year,[7] and can weigh up to 680 kg (1,500 lb) at peak times. Females are typically about 20% smaller and 30% lighter than males,[2] and adult sizes are attained when they are 6 years old. Bears weigh the least when they emerge from their dens in the spring, and can increase their weight by 20–30%[6] during late summer and fall. Captive bears can sometimes attain weights that are considerably greater than those of their counterparts in the wilderness.

Kodiak bears are the largest brown bear, comparable in size to polar bears. This makes Kodiak bears and polar bears both the two largest members of the bear family and Kodiak bears the largest extant terrestrial[b] carnivorans.[3]

The standard method of evaluating the size of bears is by measuring their skulls. Most North American hunting organizations and management agencies use calipers to measure the length of the skull (back of sagittal crest on the back of the skull to the front tooth), and the width (maximum width between the zygomatic arches — "cheek bones"). The total skull size is the sum of these two measurements. The largest bear ever killed in North America was from Kodiak Island, with a total skull size of 78.1 cm (30.7 in), and eight of the top 10 brown bears listed in the Boone and Crockett record book are from Kodiak.[12] The average skull size of Kodiak bears that were killed by hunters in the first five years of the 21st century was 63.8 cm (25.1 in) for boars, and 55.4 cm (21.8 in) for sows.[13]

This brown bear population only occurs on the islands of the Kodiak Archipelago (Kodiak, Afognak, Shuyak, Raspberry, Uganik, Sitkalidak, and adjacent islands). The Kodiak bear population was estimated to include 3,526 bears in 2005, yielding an estimated archipelago-wide population density of 270 bears per 1000Â km2 (700 per 1000 sq.mi). During the past decade the population has been slowly increasing.[14]

Kodiak bears reach sexual maturity at age five, but most sows are over nine years old when they successfully wean their first litter. The average time between litters is four years. Sows continue to produce cubs throughout their lives, but their productivity diminishes after they are 20 years old.[15] Mating season for Kodiak bears is during May and June. They are serially monogamous (having one partner at a time), staying together from two days to two weeks. As soon as the egg is fertilized and divides a few times, it enters a state of suspended animation until autumn when it finally implants on the uterine wall and begins to grow again. Cubs are born in the den during January or February.[2] Weighing less than 450 g (1 lb) at birth with little hair and closed eyes, they suckle for several months, emerging from the den in May or June, weighing 6.8–9.1 kilograms (15–20 pounds).[2] Typical litter sizes on Kodiak are two or three cubs,[2] with a long-term average of 2.4 cubs per litter.[15] However, Kodiak bears have six functional nipples and litters up to six cubs have been reported.[16] Sows are sometimes seen with five or six cubs in tow, probably due to adopting cubs from other litters.[2] Most cubs stay with their mothers for three years. Almost half of the cubs die before they leave,[15] with cannibalism by adult males being one of the major causes of death.

Kodiak bears that have recently left their mothers, at ages 3–5 years, have high mortality rates[2] with only 56% of males and 89% of females surviving.[14] Most young female bears stay within or near their mother’s home range, while most males move farther away. Most adult sows die of natural causes (56%), while most adult male bears are killed by hunters (91%).[14] The oldest known boar in the wild was 27 years old, and the oldest sow was 35.[17]

Kodiak bears begin entering their dens in late October. Pregnant sows are usually the first to go to dens; males are the last. Males begin emerging from their dens in early April, while sows with new cubs may stay in dens until late June. Bears living on the north end of Kodiak Island tend to have longer denning periods than bears in the southern areas. Most Kodiak bears dig their dens in hill or mountain sides and they use a wide variety of denning habitats depending on which part of the archipelago they live. Almost a quarter of the adult bears forgo denning, staying somewhat active throughout the winter.[2][14]

Bears on Kodiak are naturally active during the day, but when faced with competition for food or space, they adopt a more nocturnal (active at night) lifestyle. This behavior is especially evident in the bears that live near and within Kodiak City. Kodiak bears do not defend territories, but they do have traditional areas that they use each year (home ranges). Because of the rich variety of foods available on Kodiak, the bears on the archipelago have some of the smallest home ranges of any brown bear populations in North America[18] and a great deal of overlap occurs among the ranges of individual bears. Home ranges of adult sows on Kodiak Island average 130 km2 (50 sq mi), while boar home ranges average 250 km2 (97 sq mi).[14]

The islands of the Kodiak Archipelago have a subpolar oceanic climate with cool temperatures, overcast skies, fog, windy conditions and moderate to heavy precipitation throughout most of the year. Although the archipelago only covers about 13,000 km2 (5,000 sq mi), a rich variety of topography and vegetation ranges from dense forests of Sitka spruce on the northern islands, to steep, glaciated mountains rising to Koniag Peak's 1,360 m (4,470 ft) along the central spine of Kodiak Island, to rolling hills and flat tundra on the south end of the archipelago. About 14,000 people live on the archipelago, primarily in and around the city of Kodiak and six outlying villages. Roads and other human alterations are generally limited to Afognak Island and the northeastern part of Kodiak Island. About half of the archipelago is included in the Kodiak National Wildlife Refuge.[14]

Bears live throughout the archipelago, adapting to local resources and retaining relatively small home ranges and comparable densities in most habitats. Emerging vegetation and animals that died during the winter are the first foods bears eat in the spring. As summer progresses, a wide variety of vegetation supplies nutritional needs until salmon return. Salmon runs extend from May through September on most of the archipelago and bears consume the five species of Pacific salmon that spawn in local streams and lakes. In the late summer and early fall, bears consume several types of berries. Bears also feed on wind-rowed seaweed and invertebrates on some beaches throughout the year. Although deer are abundant on the archipelago and mountain goats are abundant on Kodiak Island, few Kodiak bears actively prey on them. Another food source available year-round is the garbage supplied by the human population of Kodiak Island.The bears are showing interest in early arriving Elder Berries.[19][14]

The Kodiak bear is much like other brown bears in intelligence, although its tendency to feed in large dense groups leads to more complex social behaviors.

Kodiak bears are generally solitary in nature; however, when food is concentrated in small areas, such as along salmon spawning streams, grass/sedge flats, berry patches, a dead whale, or even an open garbage dump, they often occur in large groups. Along a few streams on Kodiak, up to 60 bears can be seen simultaneously in a 2.6 km2 (1.0 sq mi) area. To maximize food intake at these ecologically important areas, bears have learned to minimize fighting and fatal interactions by developing a complex communication (both verbal and body posturing) and social structure.

In most circumstances, Kodiak bears keep away and attempt to avoid encounters with people. The most notable exceptions to this behavior pattern occur when bears are surprised, threatened, or attracted by human food, garbage, or hunter-killed game. Bear safety precautions aim at avoiding such situations, understanding bear needs and behavior, and learning how to recognize the warning signs bears give when stressed.[20][21]

One fatal bear attack on a person on the Kodiak archipelago occurred in 1999.[22] The National Geographic Society filmed a television program about two brown bear attacks. A fatal attack occurred on Uganik Island (November 3, 1999), which is part of the Kodiak archipelago; the other attack occurred on Raspberry Island, home to two full-service wilderness lodges. Both hunters were returning to game they had killed previously and left alone to go kill another. One of the hunters was killed by the bear and the other, after being attacked, stabbed the bear with a knife, then recovered his rifle and killed the attacking bear. Prior to that, the last fatality was in 1921.[23] Both incidents involved hunters who were hunting by themselves. About once every other year, a bear injures a person on Kodiak.[24]

Early human occupants of the archipelago when the land was locked into the ice age looked to the sea for their sustenance. At that time, Kodiak Natives (Alutiiqs) occasionally hunted bears, using their meat for food, hides for clothing and bedding, and teeth for adornment. Traditional stories often revolved around the similarity between bears and humans, and around the mystical nature of bears because of their proximity to the spirit world.[25]

Russian hunters came to the area in the late 18th century to capitalize on the abundant fur resources. Bear hides were considered a "minor fur" and sold for about the same price as river otter pelts. The number of bears harvested increased substantially when sea otter populations declined and after the United States acquired Alaska in 1867,[citation needed] bear harvests on Kodiak increased, peaking at as many as 250 bears per year. Commercial fishing activities increased in the late 1880s and canneries proliferated throughout the archipelago. Bears were viewed as competitors for the salmon resource and were routinely shot when seen on streams or coasts. At the same time, sportsmen and scientists had recognized the Kodiak bear as the largest in the world, and they voiced concerns about overharvesting the population.[23]

Professional interest in guided Kodiak bear hunts and a concern for unregulated resource use in frontier lands such as Alaska prompted the territorial government’s newly established Alaska Game Commission to abolish commercial bear hunting (selling the hides) on the archipelago in 1925. The impacts of the new regulations seemed to restore bear populations on the Kodiak islands. By the 1930s, ranchers on northeast Kodiak reported an increase in bear problems and demanded action. Bears were also seen as a threat to the expanding commercial salmon-fishing industry. To address the dilemma of conserving bears while protecting cattle, salmon, and people, President Franklin D. Roosevelt created the Kodiak National Wildlife Refuge by executive order in 1941.[25] The 7,700 km2 (1,900,000 acres) refuge roughly encompasses the southwestern two-thirds of Kodiak Island, Uganik Island, the Red Peaks area on northwestern Afognak Island, and all of Ban Island.

Alaska achieved statehood in 1959 and assumed responsibility for managing the stateâ€™s wildlife. The Alaska Board of Game reduced bear-hunting seasons on Afognak and Raspberry Islands and on the Kodiak National Wildlife Refuge, but liberalized bear seasons on nonrefuge lands on Kodiak. During the 1960s, state biologists worked with ranchers along the Kodiak road system to examine and reduce the predation problem. Biologists reported that cattle and bears were not compatible on the same ranges and potential solutions included poisons, fences to isolate cattle ranges, and aerial shooting of bears. Again, sport hunters voiced their support for Kodiak bears. In spite of public pressure, the state continued actively pursuing and dispatching problem bears until 1970.[26]

In 1971, the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA) resolved many long-standing land issues with aboriginal Alaskans statewide. The impacts were felt strongly on the archipelago as large areas were conveyed to the Native corporations. Federal management of the National Forest lands on Afognak was transferred to Native Corporation ownership with passage of the Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act in 1980 (ANILCA), and the Kodiak National Wildlife Refuge lost control of 130,000 hectares (310,000 acres) of prime bear habitat (more than 17% of refuge lands).[25]

In 1975, construction of a logging road began on Afognak Island, and timber harvesting began in 1977. In 1979, work began on an environmental impact statement for the Terror Lake hydroelectric project on Kodiak Island. That project included an earthen dam on Terror Lake with Kodiak National Wildlife Refuge and a 10 km (6 mi) tunnel through a mountain ridge to a penstock and powerhouse in the Kizhuyak River drainage. The hydro project was the first significant invasion of inland bear habitat on Kodiak Island. To address the opposition encountered from the public and agencies, a mitigation settlement was negotiated in 1981 which included brown bear research and establishment of the Kodiak Brown Bear Trust.[27] The hydroelectric project was completed in 1985. Human alteration of bear habitat on Kodiak and Afognak Islands spurred renewed interest and funding for bear research on the archipelago, resulting in a surge of baseline and applied bear research on Kodiak through the 1980s and 1990s.

Bears were not directly harmed by the Exxon Valdez oil spill in 1989, although some were displaced from traditional feeding and traveling areas by cleanup crews. No one was injured by a bear, and no Kodiak bears were killed. To mitigate the adverse impacts of the spill, Exxon reached a settlement with the state and federal governments. Paradoxically, the impacts of the oil spill and the subsequent cleanup and settlement proved to be beneficial to bears on Kodiak. Bear-safety training exposed thousands of workers to factual information about bears, and money from the settlement fund was used for funding land acquisitions. By the close of the 20th century, over 80% of the refuge lands that had been lost as a result of ANCSA and ANILCA were reinstated into the refuge, either through direct purchase or by means of conservation easements. Lands were also purchased in America, Westtown, and Shuyak Islands and transferred into state ownership. The Kodiak Brown Bear Trust coordinated a coalition of sportsmen and other wildlife conservation groups from around the nation to lobby for use of settlement funds to acquire Kodiak lands. The groups also directly contributed funding to protect small parcels of important bear habitat around the islands.[25]

In 2001, a citizens advisory committee was established to work closely with the Alaska Department of Fish and Game (ADF&G), with the cooperation of Kodiak NWR, to develop a management plan addressing several problems that affect bears, including hunting, habitat, and viewing. The resulting Kodiak Archipelago Bear Conservation and Management Plan[28] was crafted over several months by representatives from 12 diverse user groups, which, after hearing from a variety of experts from agencies and receiving extensive public input, developed more than 270 recommendations for managing and conserving Kodiak bears. Despite the diversity of viewpoints expressed by members of the group, all of the recommendations were by consensus.

The underlying themes of the recommendations were continued conservation of the bear population at its current level, increased education programs to teach people how to live with bears on Kodiak, and protection of bear habitat with allowances for continued human use of the archipelago. Although the group's role is merely advisory, government management agencies expressed a commitment to implement all of the regulations that were feasible and within their legal jurisdictions.

The International Union for Conservation of Nature Red List does not list subspecies. The brown bear species, of which the Kodiak subspecies is a member, is listed as Lower Risk or Least Concern.[29] The Kodiak is not listed as an endangered species by the Endangered Species Act of the U.S. Fish and Wildlife service.[30]

Kodiak bear research and habitat protection is done cooperatively by the ADF&G and Kodiak National Wildlife Refuge. Bear hunting is managed by the ADF&G, and hunting regulations are established by the Alaska Board of Game. Currently, a finely tuned management system distributes hunters in 32 different areas during two seasons (spring: April 1 – May 15, and fall: October 25 – November 30). Each year, about 4,500 people apply for the 496 permits offered for Kodiak bear hunts (two-thirds to Alaska residents, one-third to nonresidents). Nonresidents are required to hire a registered guide who is authorized to hunt in a particular area, and this can cost from $10,000–$22,000. All hunters must come into the Alaska Department of Fish and Game office in Kodiak prior to going into the field for a brief orientation and must check out before they leave the island. Every bear that is legally killed on the archipelago must be inspected by an ADF&G wildlife biologist before it can be taken from the islands.[31] Pelts receive a stamp from an ADF&G officer if the hunter and guide provide proper documentation to prove licensing. Pelts cannot be transported or legally preserved or sold without the official stamp. Hunting laws are strictly enforced by the ADF&G officers who often have the full support of the local community. Illegal hunting and fishing is frowned upon by the community which maintains a healthy respect for the island's environmental laws, as well. Stiff penalties accompany illegal hunting and fishing. The island's remote location makes trafficking in illegal pelts difficult for would-be poachers.

Since statehood, the reported number of Kodiak bears killed by hunters has ranged from 77 (1968–1969) to 206 (1965–1966). From 2000 to 2006, an average of 173 Kodiak bears were killed by hunters each year (118 during the fall season and 55 in the spring season). Over 75% of those were males. An additional nine bears were reported killed annually in defense of life or property during the same time. The number of large, trophy-sized bears (total skull size at least 28 inches (71 cm)) killed by hunters in recent years has been increasing. In the 1970s, only 2.5% of the bears killed on Kodiak were trophy-sized; in the 1990s and 2000s, the proportion increased to almost 9%.[13]

In the past 20 years, bear viewing has become increasingly popular on Kodiak and other parts of Alaska. The most accessible bear-viewing location on Kodiak, Frazer River, had over 1,100 people come in 2007. Visitor numbers have been increasing at about 10% annually and development of additional bear viewing areas on Kodiak is planned. Also, other bear viewing opportunities exist through air-taxi, charter boat, remote lodge, and trekking operations on the archipelago.

Although bear-viewing is often considered a "nonconsumptive" use, it can have serious impacts on bear populations if it is not conducted properly. Most viewing occurs at places where bears congregate because of feeding opportunities that are critical to their survival. If some bears avoid these areas because people are there, those bears may not get the fat and protein they need to make it through the upcoming winter. Consequently, unmanaged bear viewing could affect several bears, especially productive sows with cubs.

Often, bear-viewing and bear-hunting are considered incompatible. Even if the bear population is healthy and bear hunting is sustainable, ethical questions arise especially if hunting occurs near viewing areas and either during or soon after the viewing season. Many feel that it is not fair to encourage bears to be close to people during the summer, only to allow them to be shot in the fall. The Kodiak bear plan recognized bear hunting as a legitimate, traditional, and biologically justifiable activity. It recommended that agencies find ways to make bear hunting and bear viewing compatible on the archipelago.[28]

The Aluutiq people hold the bear with importance. Its Alutiiq name is Taqukaâ€™aq (Bear),[32][33] with the pronunciation varying between Northern and Southern dialects.[34]