when was the last time a wolverine was seen in michigan

In 2004, the first confirmed sighting of a wolverine in Michigan since the early 19th century took place, when a Michigan Department of Natural Resources wildlife biologist photographed a wolverine in Ubly, Michigan.[50] The specimen was found dead at the Minden City State Game Area in Sanilac County, Michigan in 2010; no further wolverines have been spotted in Michigan.[51]

Wolverine

G. g. luscus
G. g. gulo

Mustela gulo Linnaeus, 1758
Ursus luscus Linnaeus, 1758

The wolverine (/ˈwʊlvəriːn/) (also spelled wolverene), Gulo gulo (Gulo is Latin for "glutton"), also referred to as the glutton, carcajou, skunk bear, or quickhatch, is the largest land-dwelling species of the family Mustelidae. It is a stocky and muscular carnivore, more closely resembling a small bear than other mustelids. A solitary animal,[1] it has a reputation for ferocity and strength out of proportion to its size, with the documented ability to kill prey many times larger than itself.

The wolverine is found primarily in remote reaches of the Northern boreal forests and subarctic and alpine tundra of the Northern Hemisphere, with the greatest numbers in Northern Canada, the American state of Alaska, the mainland Nordic countries of Europe, and throughout western Russia and Siberia. Its population has steadily declined since the 19th century owing to trapping, range reduction and habitat fragmentation. The wolverine is now essentially absent from the southern end of its European range.

Genetic evidence suggests that the wolverine is most closely related to the tayra and martens, all of which shared a Eurasian ancestor.[2]

Within the Gulo gulo species, a clear separation occurs between two subspecies: the Old World form Gulo gulo gulo and the New World form G. g. luscus. Some authors had described as many as four additional North American subspecies, including ones limited to Vancouver Island (G. g. vancouverensis) and the Kenai Peninsula in Alaska (G. g. katschemakensis). However, the most currently accepted taxonomy recognizes either the two continental subspecies or G. gulo as a single Holarctic taxon.[1][3]

Recently compiled genetic evidence suggests most of North America's wolverines are descended from a single source, likely originating from Beringia during the last glaciation and rapidly expanding thereafter, though considerable uncertainty to this conclusion is due to the difficulty of collecting samples in the extremely depleted southern extent of the range.[3]

Anatomically, the wolverine is a stocky and muscular animal. With short legs, broad and rounded head, small eyes and short rounded ears, it more closely resembles a bear than it does other mustelids. Though its legs are short, its large, five-toed paws with crampon-like claws and plantigrade posture enable them to climb up and over steep cliffs, trees and snow-covered peaks with relative ease.[4]

The adult wolverine is about the size of a medium dog, with a length usually ranging from 65–107 cm (26–42 in), a tail of 17–26 cm (6.7–10.2 in), and a weight of 5.5–25 kg (12–55 lb), though exceptionally large males can weigh up to 32 kg (71 lb).[5][6][7][8] Another outsized specimen was reported to scale approximately 35 kg (77 lb).[9][10] The males are as much as 30% larger than the females and can be twice the females' weight. According to some sources, Eurasian wolverines are claimed to be larger and heavier than North American with average weights in excess of 20 kg (44 lb) but this may refer more specifically to areas such as Siberia, as data from European wolverines shows they are typically around the same size as their American counterparts.[9][11] The average weight of female wolverines from a study in the Northwest territories of Canada was 10.1 kg (22 lb) and that of males 15.3 kg (34 lb).[12] In a study from Alaska, the median weight of ten males was 16.7 kg (37 lb) while the average of two females was 9.6 kg (21 lb).[13] In Ontario, the mean weight of males and females was 13.6 kg (30 lb) and 9.9 kg (22 lb).[14] The average weights of wolverines were notably lower in a study from the Yukon, averaging 7.3 kg (16 lb) in females and 11.3 kg (25 lb) in males, perhaps because these animals from a "harvest population" had low fat deposits.[15] In Finland, the average weight was claimed as 11 to 12.6 kg (24 to 28 lb).[16][17] The average weight of male and female wolverines from Norway was listed as 14.6 kg (32 lb) and 10 kg (22 lb).[18] Shoulder height is reported from 30 to 45 cm (12 to 18 in).[19] It is the largest of terrestrial mustelids; only the marine-dwelling sea otter, the giant otter of the Amazon basin and the semi-aquatic African clawless otter are larger, while the European badger may reach a similar body mass, especially in autumn.

Wolverines have thick, dark, oily fur which is highly hydrophobic, making it resistant to frost. This has led to its traditional popularity among hunters and trappers as a lining in jackets and parkas in Arctic conditions. A light-silvery facial mask is distinct in some individuals, and a pale buff stripe runs laterally from the shoulders along the side and crossing the rump just above a 25–35 cm (9.8–13.8 in) bushy tail. Some individuals display prominent white hair patches on their throats or chests.[4]

Like many other mustelids, it has potent anal scent glands used for marking territory and sexual signaling. The pungent odor has given rise to the nicknames "skunk bear" and "nasty cat." Wolverines, like other mustelids, possess a special upper molar in the back of the mouth that is rotated 90 degrees, towards the inside of the mouth. This special characteristic allows wolverines to tear off meat from prey or carrion that has been frozen solid.[20][21]

Wolverines are considered to be primarily scavengers.[22]  A majority of the wolverine's sustenance is derived from carrion, on which it depends almost exclusively in winter and early spring. Wolverines may find carrion themselves, feed on it after the predator (often, a pack of wolves) has finished, or simply take it from another predator. Wolverines are also known to follow wolf and lynx trails, purportedly with the intent of scavenging the remains of their kills. Whether eating live prey or carrion, the wolverine's feeding style appears voracious, leading to the nickname of "glutton" (also the basis of the scientific name). However, this feeding style is believed to be an adaptation to food scarcity, especially in winter.[23]

The wolverine is also a powerful and versatile predator. Prey mainly consists of small to medium-sized mammals, but the wolverine has been recorded killing prey such as adult deer that are many times larger than itself. Prey species include porcupines, squirrels, chipmunks, beavers, marmots, moles, gophers, rabbits, voles, mice, rats, shrews, lemmings, caribou, roe deer, white-tailed deer, mule deer, sheep, goats, cattle, bison, moose,[24] and elk.[25] Smaller predators are occasionally preyed on, including martens, mink, foxes, Eurasian lynx,[26] weasels,[26] and coyote and wolf pups.  Wolverines have also been known to kill Canadian lynx in the Yukon of Canada.[27]  Wolverines often pursue live prey that are relatively easy to obtain, including animals caught in traps, newborn mammals, and deer (including adult moose and elk) when they are weakened by winter or immobilized by heavy snow. Their diets are sometimes supplemented by birds' eggs, birds (especially geese), roots, seeds, insect larvae, and berries.

Wolverines inhabiting the Old World (specifically, Fennoscandia) hunt more actively than their North American relatives.[28] This may be because competing predator populations in Eurasia are not as dense, making it more practical for the wolverine to hunt for itself than to wait for another animal to make a kill and then try to snatch it. They often feed on carrion left by wolves, so changes in wolf populations may affect the population of wolverines.[29] They are also known on occasion to eat plant material.[30]

Wolverines frequently cache their food during times of plenty. This is of particular importance to lactating females in the winter and early spring, a time when food is scarce.[31]

Wolves are thought to be the wolverine's most important natural predator, with the arrival of wolves to a wolverine's territory presumably leading the latter to abandon the area.[7]  Armed with powerful jaws, sharp claws, and a thick hide,[32] wolverines, like most mustelids, are remarkably strong for their size. They may defend kills against larger or more numerous predators such as wolves or bears.[33]  By far, their most serious predator is the gray wolf, with an extensive record of wolverine fatalities attributed to wolves in both North America and Eurasia.[34][35][36][37] At least one account reported a wolverine's apparent attempt to steal a kill from a black bear, although the bear won what was ultimately a fatal contest for the wolverine.[38] There are a few accounts of brown bears killing and consuming wolverines as well and, although also reported at times to be chased off prey, in some areas such as Denali National Park, wolverines seemed to try to actively avoid encounters with grizzly bears as they have been reported to in areas where wolves start hunting them.[39][40] In another account, a wolverine was claimed to have killed an adult polar bear but this account may be dubious.[41][42][better source needed]

Successful males will form lifetime relationships with two or three females, which they will visit occasionally, while other males are left without a mate.[43] Mating season is in the summer, but the actual implantation of the embryo (blastocyst) in the uterus is stayed until early winter, delaying the development of the fetus. Females will often not produce young if food is scarce. The gestation period is 30â€“50 days, and litters of typically two or three young ("kits") are born in the spring. Kits develop rapidly, reaching adult size within the first year. The typical longevity of a wolverine in captivity is around 15 to 17 years, but in the wild the average lifespan is more likely between 8 and 10 years.[44] Fathers make visits to their offspring until they are weaned at 10 weeks of age; also, once the young are about six months old, some reconnect with their fathers and travel together for a time.[43]

Wolverines live primarily in isolated arctic, boreal, and alpine regions of northern Canada, Alaska, Siberia, and Fennoscandia; they are also native to European Russia, the Baltic countries, the Russian Far East, northeast China and Mongolia. In 2008 and 2009, wolverines were sighted as far south as the Sierra Nevada, near Lake Tahoe, for the first time since 1922.[45][46][47][48] According to a U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service publication, as of 2014 "wolverines are found in the North Cascades in Washington and the Northern Rocky Mountains in Idaho, Montana, Oregon (Wallowa Range), and Wyoming. Individual wolverines have also moved into historic range in the Sierra Nevada Mountains of California and the Southern Rocky Mountains of Colorado, but have not established breeding populations in these areas."[49]

However, most New World wolverines live in Canada and Alaska.[30]

The world's total wolverine population is not known. The animal exhibits a low population density and requires a very large home range.[29] The wolverine is listed by the IUCN as Least Concern because of its "wide distribution, remaining large populations, and the unlikelihood that it is in decline at a rate fast enough to trigger even Near Threatened".[52]

The range of a male wolverine can be more than 620 km2 (240 mi2), encompassing the ranges of several females which have smaller home ranges of roughly 130–260 km2 (50–100 mi2). Adult wolverines try for the most part to keep nonoverlapping ranges with adults of the same sex.[21] Radio tracking suggests an animal can range hundreds of miles in a few months.

Female wolverines burrow into snow in February to create a den, which is used until weaning in mid-May. Areas inhabited nonseasonally by wolverines are thus restricted to zones with late-spring snowmelts. This fact has led to concern that global warming will shrink the ranges of wolverine populations.[43]

This requirement for large territories brings wolverines into conflict with human development, and hunting and trapping further reduce their numbers, causing them to disappear from large parts of their former range; attempts to have them declared an endangered species have met with little success.[29] In February 2013, the United States Fish and Wildlife Service proposed giving Endangered Species Act protections to the wolverine due to its winter habitat in the northern Rockies diminishing. This was as a result of a lawsuit brought by the Center for Biological Diversity and Defenders of Wildlife.[53][54]

The Wildlife Conservation Society reported in June 2009 that a wolverine researchers had been tracking for almost three months had crossed into northern Colorado. Society officials had tagged the young male wolverine in Wyoming near Grand Teton National Park and it had traveled southward for about 500 miles. It was the first wolverine seen in Colorado since 1919, and its appearance was also confirmed by the Colorado Division of Wildlife.[55] In May 2016 the same wolverine was killed by a cattle ranch-hand in North Dakota, ending a >800 mile trip by this lone male wolverine, dubbed M-56. This was the first verified sighting of a Wolverine in North Dakota in 150 years.[56] In February 2014, a wolverine was seen in Utah, the first confirmed sighting in that state in 30 years.[57]

Around a hundred wolverines are held in zoos across North America and Europe, and they have been bred in captivity, but only with difficulty and high infant mortality.[65]

The wolverine's questionable reputation as an insatiable glutton (reflected in the Latin genus name Gulo) may be in part due to a false etymology. The less common name for the animal in Norwegian, fjellfross, meaning "mountain cat", is thought to have worked its way into German as VielfraÃŸ,[66] which means "glutton" (literally "devours much"). Its name in other West Germanic languages is similar (e.g. Dutch: veelvraat).

The Finnish name is ahma, derived from ahmatti, which is translated as "glutton". Similarly, the Estonian name is ahm, with the equivalent meaning to the Finnish name. In Lithuanian is ernis, in Latvian—tinis or āmrija.

The Eastern Slavic росомаха (rosomakha) and the Polish and Czech name rosomák seem to be borrowed from the Finnish rasva-maha (fat belly). Similarly, the Hungarian name is rozsomák or torkosborz which means "gluttonous badger".[citation needed]

In French-speaking parts of Canada, the wolverine is referred to as carcajou, borrowed from the Innu-aimun or Montagnais kuàkuàtsheu.[67] However, in France, the wolverine's name is glouton (glutton).

Purported gluttony is reflected neither in the English name wolverine nor in the names used in North Germanic languages. The English word wolverine (alteration of the earlier form, wolvering, of uncertain origin) probably implies "a little wolf". The name in Proto-Norse, erafaz and Old Norse, jarfr, lives on in the regular Icelandic name jarfi, regular Norwegian name jerv, regular Swedish name järv and regular Danish name jærv.

Many cities, teams, and organizations use the wolverine as a mascot. For example, the US state of Michigan is, by tradition, known as "the Wolverine State", and the University of Michigan takes the animal as their mascot. The association is well and long established: for example, many Detroiters volunteered to fight during the American Civil War and George Armstrong Custer, who led the Michigan Brigade, called them the "Wolverines". The origins of this association are obscure; it may derive from a busy trade in wolverine furs in Sault Ste. Marie in the 18th century or may recall a disparagement intended to compare early settlers in Michigan with the vicious mammal. Wolverines are, however, extremely rare in Michigan. A sighting in February 2004 near Ubly was the first confirmed sighting in Michigan in 200 years.[68] The animal was found dead in 2010.[69]

Marvel Comics character James Howlett was given the name "Wolverine" because of his short stature, adamantium claws, and ferocity.

In the movie Red Dawn, the group of American-youth partisans fighting a communist invasion are The Wolverines, led by a character played by Patrick Swayze.

The wolverine figures prominently in the mythology of the Innu people of eastern Québec and Labrador. In at least one Innu myth, it is the creator of the world.[70]


what is the electron domain geometry about phosphorus in the hexafluorophosphate anion (pf 6  − )

Hexafluorophosphate is an anion with chemical formula of PF−6. It is an octahedral species.  It imparts no color to its salts. PF−6 is isoelectronic with sulfur hexafluoride, SF6, and the hexafluorosilicate dianion, SiF2−6, and fluoroantimonate SbF−6. Being poorly nucleophilic, hexafluorophosphate is classified as a non-coordinating anion.[2][3]

Hexafluorophosphate

Hexafluorophosphate salts can be prepared by the reaction of phosphorus pentachloride and alkali or ammonium halide in a solution of hydrofluoric acid:[4]

Hexafluorophosphoric acid can be prepared by direct reaction of hydrogen fluoride with phosphorus pentafluoride.[5]  It is a strong Brønsted acid that is typically generated in situ immediately prior to its use.

These reactions require specialized equipment to safely handle the hazards associated with hydrofluoric acid and hydrogen fluoride.

Several methods of Quantitative analysis for the hexafluorophosphate ion have been developed.  Tetraphenylarsonium chloride, [(C6H5)4As]Cl, has been used both for titrimetric[6] and gravimetric[7] quantifications of hexafluorophosphate.  Both of these determinations depend on the formation of tetraphenylarsonium hexafluorophosphate:

Hexafluorophosphate can also be determined spectrophotometrically with ferroin.[8]

Hydrolysis is extremely slower under basic conditions.[9] Acid-catalyzed hydrolysis to the phosphate ion is also slow.[10] Nonetheless, hexafluorophosphate is prone to decomposition with the release of hydrogen fluoride in ionic liquids.[11]

Hexafluorophosphate is a common counteranion for cationic metal complexes. It is one of three widely used non-coordinating anions are hexafluorophosphate, tetrafluoroborate BF−4, and perchlorate ClO−4.  Of these, the hexafluorophosphate ion has the least coordinating tendency.[12]

Hexafluorophosphate salts can be prepared by reactions of silver hexafluorophosphate with halide salts.  Precipitation of insoluble silver halide helps drive this reaction to completion.  Since hexafluorophosphate salts are often insoluble in water but soluble in polar organic solvents, even the addition of ammonium hexafluorophosphate (NH4PF6) to aqueous solutions of many organic and inorganic salts gives solid precipitates of hexafluorophosphate salts. One example is the synthesis of rhodocenium salts:[13]  The overall conversion equation is

Tetrakis(acetonitrile)copper(I) hexafluorophosphate is produced by the addition of hexafluorophosphoric acid to a suspension of copper(I) oxide in acetonitrile:[14]

While the hexafluorophosphate ion is generally inert and hence a suitable counterion, its solvolysis can be induced by highly electrophilic metal centers. For example, the tris(solvento) rhodium complex [(η5-C5Me5)Rh(Me2CO)3](PF6)2 undergoes solvolysis when heated in acetone, forming a difluorophosphate-bridged complex [(η5-C5Me5)Rh(μ-OPF2O)3Rh(η5-C5Me5)]PF6.[15][16]

Practical uses of the hexafluorophosphate ion typically exploit one or more of the following properties: that it is a non-coordinating anion; that hexafluorophosphate compounds are typically soluble in organic solvents, particularly polar ones, but have low solubility in aqueous solution; or, that it has a high degree of stability, including resistance to both acidic and basic hydrolysis.

The main commercial use of hexafluorophosphate is as its lithium salt, lithium hexafluorophosphate. This salt, in combination with dimethyl carbonate, is a common electrolyte in commercial secondary batteries such as lithium-ion cells.  This application exploits the high solubility of hexafluorophosphate salts in organic solvents and the resistance of these salts to reduction by the alkali metal cathode.[17]  Since the lithium ions in these batteries are generally present as coordination complexes within the electrolyte,[18] the non-coordinating nature of the hexafluorophosphate ion is also a useful property for these applications.

Room temperature ionic liquids such as 1-butyl-3-methylimidazolium hexafluorophosphate (typically abbreviated as bmimPF6) have been prepared.[19] The advantage of the anion exchange in favour of a non-coordinating anion is that the resulting ionic liquid has much greater thermal stability. 1-Butyl-3-methylimidazolium chloride decomposes to N-methylimidazole and 1-chlorobutane or to N-butylimidazole and chloromethane.  Such decompositions are not possible for bmimPF6  However, thermal decompositions of hexafluorophosphate ionic liquids to generate hydrogen fluoride gas are known.[11]


when does water stop flowing from hypotonic to hypertonic solution

A plant cell in hypotonic solution will absorb water by endosmosis, so that the increased volume of water in the cell will increase pressure, making the protoplasm push against the cell wall, a condition known as turgor. Turgor makes plant cells push against each other in the same way and is the main line method of support in non-woody plant tissue. Plant cell walls resist further water entry after a certain point, known as full turgor, which stops plant cells from bursting as animal cells do in the same conditions. This is also the reason that plants stand upright. Without the stiffness of the plant cells the plant would fall under its own weight. Turgor pressure allows plants to stay firm and erect, and plants without turgor pressure (known as flaccid) wilt. A cell begins to decline in turgor pressure only when there is no air spaces surrounding it and eventually leads to a greater osmotic pressure than that of the cell.[1] Vacuoles play a role in turgor pressure when water leaves the cell due to hyperosmotic solutions containing solutes such as mannitol, sorbitol, and sucrose.[2]

Plasmolysis

Plasmolysis is the process in which cells lose water in a hypertonic solution. The reverse process, cytolysis, can occur if the cell is in a hypotonic solution resulting in a lower external osmotic pressure and a net flow of water into the cell. Through observation of plasmolysis and deplasmolysis, it is possible to determine the tonicity of the cell's environment as well as the rate solute molecules cross the cellular membrane.

If a plant cell is placed in a hypertonic solution, the plant cell loses water and hence turgor pressure by plasmolysis: pressure decreases to the point where the protoplasm of the cell peels away from the cell wall, leaving gaps between the cell wall and the membrane and making the plant cell shrink and crumple. A continued decrease in pressure eventually leads to cytorrhysis â€“ the complete collapse of the cell wall. Plants with cells in this condition wilt. After plasmolysis the gap between the cell wall and the cell membrane in a plant cell is filled with hypertonic solution. This is because as the solution surrounding the cell is hypertonic, exosmosis takes place and the space between the cell wall and cytoplasm is filled with solutes, as most of the water drains away and hence the concentration inside the cell becomes more hypertonic. There are some mechanisms in plants to prevent excess water loss in the same way as excess water gain. Plasmolysis can be reversed if the cell is placed in a hypotonic solution. Stomata help keep water in the plant so it does not dry out. Wax also keeps water in the plant. The equivalent process in animal cells is called crenation.

The liquid content of the cell leaks out due to exosmosis. The cell collapses, and the cell membrane pulls away from the cell wall (in plants). Most animal cells consist of only a phospholipid bilayer (plasma membrane) and not a cell wall, therefore shrinking up under such conditions.

Plasmolysis only occurs in extreme conditions and rarely happens in nature. It is induced in the laboratory by immersing cells in strong saline or sugar (sucrose) solutions to cause exosmosis, often using Elodea plants or onion epidermal cells, which have colored cell sap so that the process is clearly visible. Methylene blue can be used to stain plant cells.

Plasmolysis is mainly known as shrinking of cell membrane in hypertonic solution and great pressure.

Plasmolysis can be of two types, either concave plasmolysis or convex plasmolysis. Convex plasmolysis is always irreversible while concave plasmolysis is usually reversible.[3] During concave plasmolysis, the plasma membrane and the enclosed protoplast partially shrinks from the cell wall due to half-spherical, inwarding curving pockets forming between the plasma membrane and the cell wall. During convex plasmolysis, the plasma membrane and the enclosed protoplast shrinks completely from the cell wall, with the plasma membrane's ends in a symmetrically, spherically curved pattern.[4]


who came up with the social model of disability

In 1983, the disabled academic Mike Oliver coined the phrase "social model of disability" in reference to these ideological developments.[4] Oliver focused on the idea of an individual model (of which the medical was a part) versus a social model, derived from the distinction originally made between impairment and disability by the UPIAS.[5]

Social model of disability

The social model of disability is a reaction to the dominant medical model of disability which in itself is a functional analysis of the body as machine to be fixed in order to conform with normative values.[1] The social model of disability identifies systemic barriers, negative attitudes and exclusion by society (purposely or inadvertently) that mean society is the main contributory factor in disabling people. While physical, sensory, intellectual, or psychological variations may cause individual functional limitation or impairments, these do not have to lead to disability unless society fails to take account of and include people regardless of their individual differences. The origins of the approach can be traced to the 1960s; the specific term emerged from the United Kingdom in the 1980s.

In 1975, the UK organization Union of the Physically Impaired Against Segregation (UPIAS) claimed: "In our view it is society which disables physically impaired people. Disability is something imposed on top of our impairments by the way we are unnecessarily isolated and excluded from full participation in society."[2][3]

The "social model" was extended and developed by academics and activists in Australia, the UK, US and other countries, and extended to include all disabled people, including those who have learning difficulties / learning disabilities / or who are mentally handicapped, or people with emotional, mental health or behavioural problems.[6][7]

Oliver did not intend the "social model of disability" to be an all encompassing theory of disability, rather a starting point in reframing how society views disability.[8]

A fundamental aspect of the social model concerns equality. The struggle for equality is often compared to the struggles of other socially marginalized groups. Equal rights are said to give empowerment and the "ability" to make decisions and the opportunity to live life to the fullest. A related phrase often used by disability rights campaigners, as with other social activism, is "Nothing About Us Without Us."[9]

The social model of disability focuses on changes required in society. These might be in terms of:

The social model of disability implies that attempts to change, "fix" or "cure" individuals, especially when used against the wishes of the patient, can be discriminatory and prejudiced. This attitude, which may be seen as stemming from a medical model and a subjective value system, can harm the self-esteem and social inclusion of those constantly subjected to it (e.g. being told they are not as good or valuable, in an overall and core sense, as others). Some communities have actively resisted "treatments", while, for example, defending a unique culture or set of abilities. In the deaf community, sign language is valued even if most people do not know it and some parents argue against cochlear implants for deaf infants who cannot consent to them.[11] People diagnosed as being on the autism spectrum may argue against efforts to change them to be more like others. They argue instead for acceptance of neurodiversity and accommodation to different needs and goals.[12] Some people diagnosed with a mental disorder argue that they are just different and don't necessarily conform. The biopsychosocial model of disease/disability is a holistic attempt by practitioners to address this.[13]

The social model implies that practices such as eugenics are founded on social values and a prejudiced understanding of the potential and value of those labeled disabled. "Over 200,000 disabled people were the first victims of the Holocaust."[14]

A 1986 article stated: "It is important that we do not allow ourselves to be dismissed as if we all come under this one great metaphysical category 'the disabled'. The effect of this is a depersonalization, a sweeping dismissal of our individuality, and a denial of our right to be seen as people with our own uniqueness, rather than as the anonymous constituents of a category or group. These words that lump us all together -'the disabled','spina bifida', 'tetraplegic','muscular dystrophyâ€™, - are nothing more than terminological rubbish bins into which all the important things about us as people get thrown away."[15]

The social model of disability is based on a distinction between the terms "impairment" and "disability." Impairment is used to refer to the actual attributes (or lack of attributes), the abnormality, of a person, whether in terms of limbs, organs or mechanisms, including psychological. Disability is used to refer to the restrictions caused by society when it does not give equivalent attention and accommodation to the needs of individuals with impairments.[16]

The social model also relates to economics. It proposes that people can be disabled by a lack of resources to meet their needs. It addresses issues such as the under-estimation of the potential of people to contribute to society and add economic value to society, if given equal rights and equally suitable facilities and opportunities as others. Economic research on companies that attempt to accommodate disability in their workforce suggest they outperform competitors.[17]

In Autumn 2001, the UK Office for National Statistics identified that approximately one fifth of the working age population was disabled - 7.1 million disabled people as opposed to 29.8 million able people - and in this analysis also provided insight into some of the reasons why disabled people were unwilling to enter the labour market, such as that the reduction in disability benefits in entering the labour market would not make it worthwhile to enter into employment. A three-pronged approach was suggested: "incentives to work via the tax and benefit system, for example through the Disabled Personâ€™s Tax Credit; helping people back into work, for example via the New Deal for Disabled People; and tackling discrimination in the workplace via anti-discrimination policy. Underpinning this are the Disability Discrimination Act (DDA) 1995 and the Disability Rights Commission."[18]

In the United Kingdom, the Disability Discrimination Act defines disability using the medical model - disabled people are defined as people with certain conditions, or certain limitations on their ability to carry out "normal day-to-day activities." But the requirement of employers and service providers to make "reasonable adjustments" to their policies or practices, or physical aspects of their premises, follows the social model.[19] By making adjustments, employers and service providers are removing the barriers that disable - according to the social model, they are effectively removing the person's disability. In 2006, amendments to the act called for local authorities and others to actively promote disability equality. This enforcement came in the shape of the Disability Equality Duty in December 2006.[20] In 2010, The Disability Discrimination Act (1995) was amalgamated into the Equality Act 2010 along with other pertinent discrimination legislation. It extends the law on discrimination to indirect discrimination. For example, if a carer of a person with a disability is discriminated against, this is now also unlawful.[21] Since October 2010, when it came into effect, employers may not legally ask questions about illness or disability at interview for a job or for a referee to comment on such in a reference, except where there is a need to make reasonable adjustments for an interview to proceed. Following an offer of a job, an employer can lawfully ask such questions.[22]

In the United States, the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 (ADA), revision of 2008 effective in January 2009, is a wide-ranging civil rights law that prohibits discrimination based on disability.[23] It affords similar protections against discrimination to Americans with disabilities as the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which made discrimination based on race, religion, sex, national origin, and other characteristics illegal. Certain specific conditions are excluded, such as alcoholism and transsexualism.

In 2007, the European Court of Justice in the Chacon Navas v Eurest Colectividades SA court case, defined disability narrowly according to a medical definition that excluded temporary illness, when considering the Directive establishing a general framework for equal treatment in employment and occupation (Council Directive 2000/78/EC). The directive did not provide for any definition of disability, despite discourse in policy documents previously in the EU about endorsing the social model of disability. This allowed the Court of Justice to take a narrow medical definition.[citation needed]


who did ed too tall jones play for

Ed Lee Jones (born February 23, 1951), commonly known as Ed "Too Tall" Jones, is a retired American football player who played 15 seasons (1974–1978, 1980–1989) in the National Football League (NFL) for the Dallas Cowboys.[1] In 1979, he briefly left football to attempt a career in professional boxing.[2]

Ed "Too Tall" Jones

Jones was born in Jackson, Tennessee. He attended Jackson Central Merry High School where he played baseball and basketball. He only played three football games, because his high school did not support the sport until his senior year. His basketball skills earned him All-America honors and scholarship offers from several Division I (NCAA) programs. He also had offers from Major League Baseball teams to play first base in their farm systems.

As a senior, he fought a Golden Gloves boxing match, recording a knockout of his opponent in less than a minute. He stopped shortly after that, when his basketball coach read an article about the fight, and made him choose between basketball and boxing.

He signed with Tennessee State University to play basketball, but left the team after two seasons, to concentrate on playing football under head coach John Merritt.

The 6 ft 9 in (2.06 m) Jones received his famous nickname during his first football practice, after a teammate mentioned that his pants didn't fit, because he was “too tall to play football".[3] In his new sport, he became a two-time All-American defensive lineman, playing on a team that only lost 2 games, en route to winning the black college football national championship in 1971 and 1973.

Jones ranks third in school history in sacks in a season (12) and fifth in career sacks (38). In 1999, he was voted to the 50th Anniversary Senior Bowl All-Time Team.[4]

In the 1974 NFL Draft, for the first time in their history, the Dallas Cowboys had the first overall draft choice. The No. 1 selection was acquired from the Houston Oilers in exchange for Tody Smith and Billy Parks. The Cowboys ended up drafting Jones, making him the first football player from a historically black college to go that high in the NFL draft.

He became a starter at left defensive end during his second season in 1975 and by 1977 he had helped the Cowboys win Super Bowl XII. After playing five years for the Cowboys from 1974 through 1978, Jones at 28 years old and in the prime of his athletic career, left football to attempt a professional boxing career.

A former Golden Gloves fighter in Tennessee, Jones would fight six professional bouts as a heavyweight, with a perfect 6â€“0 record and five knockouts.[5] Due to his high profile as a football player, all of Jones' fights were televised nationally, by CBS.

His pro boxing debut, held in Las Cruces, New Mexico, on November 3, 1979, was controversial. Despite giving away over fifty pounds, opponent Abraham Yaqui Meneses dropped Jones with a left hook in the sixth and final round, then hit him again (illegally) when Jones was down. Jones' cornerman then entered the ring (also illegally) and attempted to revive his fighter with an ammonia bottle. Referee Buddy Basilico reasoned that since both fighters had broken the rules, he would punish neither of them, and let the fight go on. Jones survived the round and was awarded a narrow majority decision, causing the pro-Meneses crowd to boo loudly.[6]

The Meneses bout was the only one of Jones' fights he would not win by knockout. But his other five opponents were journeymen at best, with the arguable exception of Mexican heavyweight champ Fernando Montes, whom Jones knocked out in just 44 seconds on November 24, 1979. After his last ring appearance on January 26, 1980, Jones announced he would return to play for the Dallas Cowboys. In a 2016 interview, Jones called boxing his favorite sport and said that fighting "was probably the best decision [he] ever made," because his boxing training regimen made him a better football player.[7]

He returned to play for the 1980 season, replacing John Dutton at defensive end and performing better than his first stint with the team.

Jones earned All-Pro and Pro Bowl honors three times from 1981 to 1983. He retired at the end of the 1989 season, having never missed a game, playing the most games by any Cowboys player (232) and being tied with Mark Tuinei and Bill Bates for most seasons (15).[8]

Jones was one of the most dominant defensive players of his era, playing in 16 playoff games and three Super Bowls. He was part of three NFC championship teams and the Super Bowl XII champion. His success batting down passes convinced the NFL to keep track of it as an official stat.[9]

The NFL didn't start recognizing quarterback sacks as an official stat until 1982; although the Cowboys have their own records, dating back before the 1982 season. According to the Cowboys' stats, Jones is unofficially credited with a total of 106 quarterback sacks (third most in team history) and officially with 57. He is the fifth leading tackler in franchise history with 1,032.

In 1985, he achieved a career high of 13 sacks.

Jones was a guest referee at the World Wrestling Federation's WrestleMania 2 pay-per-view in 1986. He refereed from outside of the ring during the 20-man battle royale which included American football stars of the day.

Jones starred in a GEICO commercial that initially aired in late 2009. The commercial rhetorically asks if Jones is indeed "too tall," then confirms it by showing a nurse attempting to measure his height, but breaking the medical scale's height rod when it doesn't reach high enough. The nurse then mutters, "I'm just going to guesstimate."[10]


where did the battle of lake george take place

The Battle of Lake George was fought on 8 September 1755, in the north of the Province of New York. The battle was part of a campaign by the British to expel the French from North America, in the French and Indian War.

Battle of Lake George

On one side were 1,500 French, Canadien, and Indian troops under the command of the Baron de Dieskau. On the other side were 1,500 colonial troops under William Johnson and 200 Mohawks led by a noted war chief, Hendrick Theyanoguin.

The battle consisted of three separate phases and ended in victory for the British and their allies. After the battle, Johnson decided to build Fort William Henry in order to consolidate his gains.

William Johnson, who had recently been named the British agent to the Iroquois, arrived at the southern end of Lac du Saint Sacrement on 28 August 1755 and renamed it Lake George in honor of his sovereign, George II. His intention was to advance via Lake George and Lake Champlain to attack French-held Fort St. Frédéric at Crown Point, which was a keystone in the defense of Canada.[2]

With a view to stopping Johnson's advance, Dieskau had already left Crown Point for an encampment situated between the two lakes (later to be built into Fort Carillon, the precursor of Fort Ticonderoga.) On 4 September Dieskau decided to launch a raid on Johnson's base, the recently constructed Fort Edward (at the time called Fort Lyman) on the Hudson River.[3] His aim was to destroy the boats, supplies and artillery that Johnson needed for his campaign.[4] Leaving half his force at Carillon, Dieskau led the rest on an alternate route to the Hudson by landing his men at South Bay and then marching them east of Lake George along Wood Creek.[5] Dieskau arrived near Fort Edward on the evening of 7 September 1755 with 222 French regular grenadiers from the Régiment de la Reine and the Régiment de Languedoc, 600 Canadian militia and 700 Abenaki and Caughnawaga Mohawk allies.[6]

Johnson, camped 14 miles (23Â km) north of Fort Edward at the southern end of Lake George, was alerted by scouts to the presence of the enemy forces to his south, and he dispatched a messenger to warn the 500-man garrison at Fort Edward. But the messenger was intercepted, and soon afterward a supply train was captured, with the result that the disposition of all of Johnson's forces became known to Dieskau. The Indians in the French party, after holding council, declined to assault Fort Edward because they expected it to be defended with cannons; so in the morning Dieskau gave the order to march north toward the lake.[7]

At 9 am on 8 September, Johnson sent Colonel Ephraim Williams south to reinforce Fort Edward with 200 Mohawk allies and 1,000 troops from Williams' Massachusetts Regiment and Colonel Nathan Whiting's Connecticut Regiment. Dieskau, warned by a deserter of Williams' approach, blocked the portage road with his French grenadiers and sent his Canadians and Indians to ambush the British from both sides of the road.[8] They lay in wait in a ravine three miles south of the present-day village of Lake George.[9]

Williams' column marched straight into the trap and were engulfed in a blaze of enemy musketry. In an engagement known as "The Bloody Morning Scout", Williams and Hendrick were killed along with many of their troops. At this point, the French regulars, brought forward by Dieskau, poured volleys into the beleaguered colonial troops.[10] Most of the New Englanders fled toward Johnson's camp, while about 100 of their comrades under Whiting and Lt. Col. Seth Pomeroy and most of the surviving Mohawks covered their withdrawal with a fighting retreat.[11] The British rearguard were able to inflict substantial casualties on their overconfident pursuers. Pomeroy noted that his men "killed great numbers of them; they were seen to drop like pigeons".[12] One of those killed in this phase of the battle was Jacques Legardeur de Saint-Pierre, the highly respected commander of Dieskau's Canadian and Indian forces. His fall caused great dismay, particularly to the French Indians.

Dieskau ordered his Canadians and Indians to follow up their success with an attack on Johnson's camp. However, with their morale already shaken by the loss of their leader, the Caughnawagas "did not wish to attack an entrenched camp, the defenders of which included hundreds of their Mohawk kinsmen. The Abenakis would not go forward without the Caughnawagas, and neither would the Canadians".[11] Hoping to shame the Indians into attacking, Dieskau formed his 222 French grenadiers into a column, six abreast, and led them in person along the Lake Road into the clearing where Johnson's camp was, around which Sir William had hurriedly constructed defensive barricades of "wagons, overturned boats and hewn-down trees".[12] Once the grenadiers were out in the open ground, the British gunners, crewing Johnson's three cannons, loaded up with grapeshot and cut "lanes, streets and alleys"[13] through the French ranks. When Johnson was wounded and forced to retire to his tent for treatment, Gen. Phineas Lyman took over command. When Dieskau went down with a serious wound, the French attack was abandoned.

After the French withdrawal, the British found about 20 severely wounded Frenchmen who were lying too close to the field of fire of Johnson's artillery for their comrades to retrieve them. They included Baron Dieskau, who had paid the price of leading from the front with a shot through the bladder.[14] (Benjamin West painted a portrait of Johnson saving a French Officerâ€”allegedly Baron Dieskau.)[15]

Meanwhile, Col. Joseph Blanchard, commander of Fort Edward, saw the smoke from the battle in the distance and sent out Nathaniel Folsom's 80-strong company of the New Hampshire Provincial Regiment and 40 New York Provincials under Capt. McGennis to investigate.

Hearing the report of guns in the direction of the Lake, they pressed forward, and when within about two miles of it, fell in with the baggage of the French army protected by a guard, which they immediately attacked and dispersed. About four o'clock in the afternoon, some 300 of the French army appeared in sight. They had rallied, and retreating in tolerable order. Capt. Folsom posted his men among the trees, and as the enemy approached, they poured in upon them a well directed and galling fire. He continued the attack in this manner till prevented by darkness, killing many of the enemy, taking some of them prisoners, and finally driving them from the field. He then collected his own wounded, and securing them with many of the enemy's packs, he brought his prisoners and booty safe into camp. The next day the rest of the baggage was brought in, thus securing the entire baggage and ammunition of the French army. In this brilliant affair, Folsom lost only six men, but McGennis was mortally wounded, and died soon after. The loss of the French was very considerable.[16]

The bodies of the French troops who were killed in this engagement (actually Canada-born French colonials and their Native American allies, not French regulars) were thrown into the pool "which bears to this day the name of Bloody Pond".[17]

The Battle of Lake George, comprising three parts, eventually ended in a British victory.[18] Johnson's expedition eventually stopped short of Fort St. Frédéric and the strategic result at Lake George was significant. Johnson was able to advance a considerable distance down the lake and consolidated his gains by building Fort William Henry at its southern end. Historian Fred Anderson writes that had Dieskau succeeded in halting Johnson at Fort Edward, it would have not only ended the threat to Fort St. Frédéric but would also "roll back New York's and New England's defenses to Albany itself".[19]

The death of Ephraim Williams was commemorated in early versions of the satirical song Yankee Doodle.[citation needed]

There seem to be as many different versions of the casualties suffered at Lake George as there are accounts of the battle.

James P. Millard[20] says: "Peter Palmer states in his history[21] that "the loss of the English this day was about two hundred and sixteen killed and ninety-six wounded; of the French the loss was much greater." He claims Johnson estimated the French loss at five to six hundred, while stating that another source noted it as "a little short of eight hundred".

W. Max Reid[22] says, "The English loss in killed, wounded, and missing at the battle of Lake George was 262, and that of the French, by their own account, was 228".

Ian K. Steele[23] says of the British losses, "The official returns, corrected, read 154 dead, 103 wounded, and 67 missing. Most of those listed as missing had not deserted into woods full of Canadians and Indians; most of the missing were later found dead. Pomeroy was preoccupied with the losses, but overlooked the Iroquois casualties, which brought the totals to 223 dead and about 108 wounded".

Of the French losses, Steele[24] says, "The official French journal of the operation probably minimized Indian casualties in a total count of 149 dead, 163 wounded, and 27 taken prisoner. The reported number of those killed, wounded, and captured was remarkably close on both sides, with those fighting for the English losing 331 and the French, 339." Steele does not give a reason for his suspicion that the Indian casualties were under-reported.

In his 2009 book, Combattre pour la France en AmÃ©rique, Marcel Fournier diverges considerably from the other sources in reporting the casualties for the Battle of Lac St-Sacrement (as the French called it) at 800 killed or wounded for the British and 200 killed or wounded for the French.[25]

A letter of 20 October 1755, from Monsieur Doreil to the Comte d'Argenson, a senior French commander in North America,[26] confirms that the French grenadiers paid for their assault on Johnson's entrenchments with the loss of more than a third of their total strength: the Regiment de la Reine had 21 killed or missing and 30 wounded, while the Regiment de Languedoc had 5 killed and 21 wounded.

Map showing location of fighting in the French and Indian War

French forts on Lake George.

Landsat photo of Lakes Champlain and George and portions of the Hudson and Richelieu Rivers.

Map showing the Lake Champlain and Richelieu River watershed.

The watershed of the Hudson and Mohawk Rivers.


is blackhawk and central city the same place

Black Hawk is located adjacent to Central City, another historic mining settlement in Gregory Gulch. The two cities form the federally designated Central City/Black Hawk National Historic District. The area flourished during the mining boom of the late 19th century following the construction of mills and a railroad link to Golden. The town declined during the 20th century, but has been revived in recent years after the 1991 establishment of casino gambling following a statewide initiative in 1990. In early 2010, the Black Hawk city council passed a law banning the riding of bicycles in the town, drawing a reaction from bicycle advocacy groups and international press. The ban was overturned by the Colorado Supreme Court in 2013.[11]

Black Hawk, Colorado

The City of Black Hawk is a Home Rule Municipality in Gilpin County, Colorado, United States. The city population was 118 at the 2010 United States Census,[10] making Black Hawk the least populous city (rather than town) in Colorado. The tiny city is an historic mining settlement founded in 1859 during the Pike's Peak Gold Rush. Black Hawk is a part of the Denver-Aurora-Lakewood, CO Metropolitan Statistical Area.

The town is located along the north fork of Clear Creek and Gregory Gulch. Black Hawk was established in 1859.[12] In May 1859 the discovery of gold in Gregory Gulch by its namesake, John H. Gregory, brought thousands of prospectors and miners into the area, combing the hills for more gold veins. The Bobtail lode was discovered the following month.[13] Hardrock mining boomed for a few years, but then declined in the mid-1860s as the miners exhausted the shallow parts of the veins that contained free gold, and found that their amalgamation mills could not recover gold from the deeper sulfide ores.[14]

Nathaniel P. Hill built Colorado's first successful ore smelter in Black Hawk in 1868. Hill's smelter could recover gold from the sulfide ores, an achievement that saved hardrock mining in Black Hawk, Central City, and Idaho Springs from ruin. Other smelters were built nearby. Black Hawk's advantageous location on North Clear Creek made it the center of ore processing for the area, and it became known as the "City of Mills".[15]

The Colorado Central Railroad extended its line to the town in 1872.[13] A restored depot and locomotive are on display on the east side of downtown. Black Hawk was also served by the two-foot-gauge Gilpin Tramway which climbed from Black Hawk to the mines above Central City. Many historic buildings in the town have been restored following the opening of the casinos in 1991.

The town has been in heated competition for gambling revenue with its neighbor Central City since casinos opened in both towns in 1991. Development of the area down Clear Creek from the historic Black Hawk townsite lining State Highway 119 has flourished. Gamblers from Denver pass the Blackhawk casinos before they arrive at Central City, and, as a result, Black Hawk has realized much more revenue from gambling than Central City. Gambling in Black Hawk also benefits from less restrictive building codes; while Central City until recently limited building heights to 53 feet (16Â m) to preserve the historic character of the town, Black Hawk has no such limits. In an attempt to close the competitive gap, Central City built the Central City Parkway from Interstate 70 near Idaho Springs as an alternative route, leading guests first to Central City, and then to Black Hawk. The Central City Parkway opened November 19, 2004. However, Black Hawk continues to have three times the number of casinos, and generates more than seven times the gambling revenue that Central City does.[16]

Although the 1990 statewide referendum allowing casino gambling in Black Hawk was promoted as a way to promote historic preservation in Black Hawk, critics have charged that it has had the opposite effect, and that the historic appearance of Black Hawk has been sacrificed to allow construction of the large casinos.[17][18][19][20]

Tax from the gambling revenue provides funding for the State Historical Fund, administered by the Colorado Office of Archaeology and Historic Preservation.[21]

In February 2013, the Colorado Supreme Court overturned a citywide ban on bicycle traffic through Black Hawk, ruling that the city had failed to comply with state traffic law.[11] In 2010, the city of Black Hawk banned bicycle use on most of the streets in the city. The ban was prompted by a surge in traffic following the change in maximum casino betting limits from $5 to $100. Black Hawk City Manager Michael Copp said that the city council, which passed the new law, believed it was best for the casinos and their patrons. The penalty for riding a bicycle through Black Hawk was a $68 fine.[22][23] Bicycle advocacy groups challenged the bike ban, with the case ultimately going to the Colorado Supreme Court.[24][25] State Highway 119 and County Road 279 in Black Hawk are part of the Great Parks Bicycle Route and the Peak to Peak Scenic Byway touring route.

According to the United States Census Bureau, the city has a total area of 1.95 square miles (5.04Â km2).[10]

The Black Hawk & Central City Tramway, operated by the cities of Black Hawk and Central City, provides a free shuttle between the two towns. Ramblin Express and Ace Express Coaches provides transportation from Denver.[26]

As of the census[28] of 2000, there were 118 people, 54 households, and 28 families residing in the city. The population density was 80.9 people per square mile (31.2/km²). There were 79 housing units at an average density of 54.2 per square mile (20.9/km²). The racial makeup of the city was 84.75% White, 3.39% African American, 0.85% Native American, 5.93% from other races, and 5.08% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 10.17% of the population.

There were 54 households out of which 18.5% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 40.7% were married couples living together, 5.6% had a female householder with no husband present, and 46.3% were non-families. 33.3% of all households were made up of individuals and 9.3% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.19 and the average family size was 2.69.

In the city, the population was spread out with 17.8% under the age of 18, 5.9% from 18 to 24, 33.1% from 25 to 44, 34.7% from 45 to 64, and 8.5% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 41 years. For every 100 females there were 131.4 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 131.0 males.

The median income for a household in the city was $44,583, and the median income for a family was $52,500. Males had a median income of $29,688 versus $20,833 for females. The per capita income for the city was $25,985. None of the population and none of the families were below the poverty line.

Black Hawk Public Schools are part of the Gilpin County School District RE-1. The district has one elementary school and one high school, Gilpin County Elementary School and Gilpin County Undivided High School.[29]

Tina Goar is the Superintendent of Schools.[30]

There are approximately 380 students enrolled in the district.[31]

While smaller, Black Hawk has more casinos than Atlantic City, New Jersey.


when was the second blue water bridge built

The second three-lane bridge, just south of the first bridge, opened on July 22, 1997. The first bridge was immediately closed for extensive renovation. During this period, the new span used a three-lane configuration reminiscent of the one employed on the original bridge. A flyover ramp on the U.S. side temporarily diverted westbound traffic from the new bridge to the toll plaza, which was blocked off after the original bridge was rehabilitated.[12] The original span was reopened on November 13, 1999, making the Blue Water Bridge the largest infrastructure-crossing project in North America.[13]

Blue Water Bridge

Cars: $3.00 USD or $4.00 CAD (to Canada) and $3.50 USD or $4.00 CAD (to US) as of April 22, 2016. Extra Axles: $4.00 CAD or $3.50 USD.

The Blue Water Bridge is a twin-span international bridge across the St. Clair River that links Port Huron, Michigan, United States, and Point Edward, Ontario, Canada. The Blue Water Bridge connects Highway 402 in Ontario with both Interstate 69 (I-69) and Interstate 94 (I-94) in Michigan.

The original span is a cantilever truss bridge with a total length of 6,178 feet (1,883 m) and a main span of 871 feet (265 m). The second, newer span is a continuous tied-arch bridge with a total length of 6,109 feet (1,862 m) and a main span of 922 feet (281 m).

Together, the two bridges are the second-busiest commercial crossing between the United States and Canada, after the Ambassador Bridge at Detroit-Windsor. They are the fourth-busiest overall international crossing in Ontario in terms of total number of vehicles.[2] Overall, in Canada, they are the third-busiest bridges after the Champlain Bridge, in Montreal, and the Ambassador Bridge. They also provide one of the four shortest routes of land travel between the Northeastern United States (particularly New England) and the central United States. The Blue Water Bridges are jointly owned and maintained by Canada and the United States: Federal Bridge Corporation, a Crown corporation of the Government of Canada, is in charge of the Canadian side,[3] and the Michigan Department of Transportation (MDOT) is in charge of the U.S. side.[4] A toll is charged to cross the bridges, which is used to pay for maintenance and operations.

The first bridge was fully opened to traffic on October 10, 1938.[5] The lead engineer was Polish-born Ralph Modjeski. This bridge originally had two lanes for vehicles as well as sidewalks; the latter were removed in the 1980s to make room for a third lane for automobiles. The third lane for each direction started from the apex of the bridge in order to accommodate long lineups entering each sides' respective border crossings.

In 1928, Maynard D. Smith hired a Pennsylvania-based company named Modjeski and Masters to build what would become the Blue Water Bridge. Ralph Modjeski, a Polish-born engineer who would become known as "America's greatest bridge builder", served as lead engineer for the project. In developing a design, Modjeski faced obstacles posed by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, which sought to ensure that the St. Clair River remain navigable for military and commercial vessels. Bridge construction could not interfere with navigation, bridge builders could not use floating platforms, and the completed span was required to clear the water by 150Â ft. Originally, Modjeski proposed a mammoth suspension-style bridge with tall towers and massive cable anchorages; however, because of the 150-ft. vertical clearance requirement for shipping, he opted instead for a cantilevered through-truss design.[citation needed]

In 1935, the Michigan Legislature passed a law (Act 147, Public Acts of 1935) creating a State Bridge Commission to finance the design and erection of the main bridge structure of the Blue Water Bridge. The commission was approved by the United States Congress in August 1935 (Public Law 411 of 1935). The law permitted the commission to sell bonds ($.25 toll for travelers) that would be repaid by the revenue from the tolls collected within 30 years.

When the bridge and its associated bonds were paid off, Michigan Governor John Swainson used an executive order to cancel the $.25 toll that had been collected. "Stoically", he effectively cancelled his own father's "$6,115-a-year toll-collector's job", which John A. C. Swainson held since 1957.[6]

In 1964, the eastern terminus of I-94 was completed at the foot of the Blue Water Bridge on the American side.[7] Traffic volumes steadily increased, spurred by the completion of Highway 402 in 1982 which provided a continuous freeway link to Highway 401 on the Canadian side. In 1984, I-69 was completed to Port Huron which meant that three freeways converged on the three-lane bridge.[7]

As a precursor to the upcoming twinning project, the customs and toll collection booths on both sides were extensively reconfigured in the early 1990s. On the American side, the I-beam girder overpass crossing Pine Grove Avenue was replaced by a much wider embankment, which also added a four-story customs office building in the center. On the Canadian side this necessitated the demolition of the original booths that had been in use since 1938; these were noted for their Art Deco style but they were too low to accommodate semi-trailer trucks which had been directed to the outside.

In 1992, it was determined that traffic on the bridge had exceeded its rated capacity,[8][9] so bridge authorities decided to add a second span in order to accommodate the higher traffic. During the debate over the form of the second span, five possible designs were proposed from 1994â€“1995. Over half of public opinion had mostly favored a duplicate of the first bridge, while the cable-stayed bridge came in second with around 21%. The Blue Water Bridge Authority had rejected both designs, due to the duplicate creating a false sense of history, while the cable-stayed option was feared to overshadow the existing bridge. Another cost-effective but unpopular design was the parallel truss. The continuous-tied arch design, which was a distant third place in polls, was chosen for two reasons. One was that it blends in with the original span yet stands out on its own, and the other is lower maintenance costs because fewer spans are involved.

The twinning project was a combined effort between Modjeski & Masters (American engineers) and Buckland & Taylor Ltd. (Canadian engineers). During the construction, two temporary masts were erected to assist in the construction of the tied arch; the towers were painted red and lighted, enabling them to be seen from afar.[10] The approaches to the new bridge use box girders, compared to the original which hold up the road deck with trusses.[11]

In 2007, in accordance with Federal Identity Program requirements, the Blue Water Bridge Authority agreed on a name for the federal Crown corporate organization: Blue Water Bridge Canada.[14]

In March 2009, the Canadian government announced that CA$13.5 million (US$10.8 million) in funding would be allocated toward upgrading the border crossing facilities at the Blue Water Bridge. The work was scheduled to begin in May 2009.[15]

Construction was also underway in 2011 to widen and improve both Highway 402 on the Canadian side[16] and co-signed Interstate 94/69 on the American side approaching the Blue Water Bridge.[17] The projects, completed the following year, added dedicated lanes separating Blue Water Bridge traffic from local traffic.