what was the united states navy's contribution to the war

United States Navy operations during World War I  began on April 6, 1917, after the formal declaration of war on the German Empire. The American navy focused on countering enemy U-boats in the Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea, while convoying men and supplies to France and Italy. Because of United States' late entry into the war, her capital ships never engaged the German fleet, and few decisive submarine actions occurred.[2]

See also: Hindu–German Conspiracy

The main theater of World War I was the Western Front. In order to relieve the British and European allies already on the battle front, the United States Navy was tasked with transporting millions of American soldiers and supplies across the Atlantic to France. The United States Navy was ill-prepared for war, and the only solution was to begin deploying whatever was available on convoy duty and arming merchantmen with small naval guns manned by armed guard detachments.

Congress declared war on April 6, 1917, which meant the United States Coast Guard automatically became a part of the Department of the Navy.[Note 1] Destroyers and similar escort warships were considered the most effective means of sinking enemy submarines and protecting merchantmen. Therefore, destroyer squadrons were based in the British Isles at major ports including Queenston, Ireland. The capital ships took up positions with the British Royal Navy in the North Sea for an uneventful blockade of the German High Seas Fleet that would last even after the armistice into 1919.[4]

The first victory for the United States Navy took place in the Atlantic on October 15, 1917. The destroyer USSÂ Cassin, commanded by Lieutenant Commander W. N. Vernon, encountered U-61 off Mine Head, Ireland. After chasing the U-boat for an hour, U-61 turned around and fired a single torpedo, which struck Cassin on port the side. Gunner's Mate First Class Osmond Ingram noticed the torpedo just before it struck and alarmed the K-gun crew, who began firing depth charges. Cassin was heavily damaged, but her crew kept her afloat and continued firing. Ingram was killed and later was to receive the Medal of Honor, while nine others were wounded. Cassin struck U-61's conning tower, which forced her crew to disengage and retreat.[5]

On November 17, 1917, two destroyers became the first U.S. Navy ships to sink an enemy submarine. USS Fanning and USS Nicholson were escorting convoy OQ-20 eastbound, when a lookout sighted the periscope of U-58. The U-boat was forced to surface by depth charges and was subsequently defeated in a brief surface engagement. At least one shot from Nicholson struck the u-boat, killing two men and causing heavy damage. The thirty-nine survivors abandoned the sinking U-58 and were taken prisoner. Lieutenants Frank Berrien and Arthur S. Carpender both received the Navy Cross.[6]

Four United States Navy ships were lost during World War I, only two by enemy action, though six merchant ships with armed guards aboard were also destroyed. The first combat loss was USS Jacob Jones, a destroyer, which was sailing to Ireland in a zig-zag pattern with five other warships from Brest. On December 17, Kapitänleutnant Hans Rose of U-53 sighted the destroyer and attacked with a spread of torpedoes. One was spotted by the Americans, but despite taking evasive action, she was fatally damaged. Commander David W. Bagley ordered his crew to abandon ship, and as she sank the armed depth charges aboard began to detonate, adding to the already heavy casualties. Sixty-six of her crew were killed, and more injured; only thirty-eight survived. Jacob Jones was the first American destroyer ever lost in battle, and she went down within eight minutes.[7][8]

The largest loss of life for the U.S. Navy during the war was on the collier USS Cyclops in March 1918. She left Barbados on 4 March 1918 bound for Baltimore, Maryland, but was never seen again. She may have been sunk by a German submarine, but it is more likely that she capsized because of the shifting of her cargo of coal. Cyclops was lost with 236 crewmen and passengers.

Three United States Army and navy transports, USAT Henry R. Mallory, USAT Tenadores and USSÂ Mercury, received credit for defeating a U-boat on April 4, 1918. Sailing back to the United States from France, a U-boat surfaced at 11:45 and fired her torpedoes at the Mallory. Lookouts spotted the tracks, and the ship was able to evade the torpedo. The submarine was then spotted, and all three ships opened fire with their main guns, hitting the u-boat as it submerged. The Americans began dropping depth charges, but the unknown u-boat was not seen again.[9]

The auxiliary yacht USSÂ Christabel engaged on May 21 the UC-56 twice off the coast of Spain while escorting a British merchantman.[10]
That afternoon an oil slick was spotted by Christabel's crew and later was spotted the wake of the submarine. Depth charges were dropped, but the submarine escaped, and returned to harass the convoy that night. At about 11:00pm lookouts on Cristabel sighted a periscope and immediately maneuvered to fire depth charges. Several successive hits damaged the U-boat, but it escaped and had to cruise on the surface to Santander to prevent its sinking. The crew of UC-56 were interned by Spain, but the U-boat was scuttled rather than be handed over. During the action, a few depth charges became loose aboard Christabel, and at great personal risk Ensign Daniel Augustus Joseph Sullivan secured them, earning him the Medal of Honor.[11]

On 6 June the British ocean liner SSÂ Dwinsk was attacked by U-151 about 400 miles east of the Bermudas. Twenty-two crewmen were lost, but the rest survived in the lifeboats. The U-boat remained in the area to use the lifeboats as bait for Allied ships. A few hours, later the auxiliary cruiser USS Von Steuben arrived and found the lifeboats. But before she reached, them a torpedo was spotted. Two guns opened fire, one on the incoming torpedo and the other on U-151's periscope. The cruiser also began evasive maneuvers and the torpedo missed her.[12]

U-156, under Richard Feldt, raided the port of Orleans, Massachusetts, on the morning of July 18. Feldt surfaced in the dark and positioned his boat off Nauset Beach. He then began shelling the civilian tugboat SS Perth Amboy and four wooden barges with his deck gun. All five targets were destroyed. A few shells missed and struck shore, becoming the first enemy shells on the continental United States since the 1846 Siege of Fort Texas at the beginning of the Mexican War. Nine Coast Guard Curtiss HS seaplanes spotted the U-boat and dropped bombs on her, but all failed to detonate.[13]

The following day, USS San Diego suffered an explosion while sailing from the Portsmouth Naval Yard to New York City. The armored cruiser was northeast of Fire Island when it is thought torpedo struck her port side below the waterline at the engine room below. The damage prevented a water tight hatch from sealing and the engine room and fire room No. 9 both flooded in minutes. Captain Harley H. Christy was convinced he was under a U-boat attack and ordered his men to battle stations. They began firing at anything that even vaguely resembled a periscope. When it was clear the ship could not be saved, Captain Christy gave the order to abandon ship. Twenty-eight minutes after the explosion, San Diego slipped under the waves, taking six crewmen with her. There was later some controversy over the sinking, as no U-boat was reported in the area. Eventually, the sinking was blamed on a sea mine possibly laid by U-156. USS San Diego was the only U.S. Navy capital ship lost in the war.[14]

The only lightvessel of the lost in combat was Diamond Shoal Lightship No. 71. On August 6, she was patrolling off North Carolina's Diamond Shoals when she encounter a sinking cargo ship, SSÂ Merak, a victim of U-140. The survivors were rescued, and LV-71's captain, Master Walter Barnett, sent out a warning to friendly that a U-boat was in the area. "U-140" intercepted the message and returned. Upon arrival, she surfaced and Commander Waldemar Kophamel demanded the Americans abandon the lightship. As LV-71 was unarmed, her crew had no choice but to row ashore in their boat, while the U-boat destroyed ship with its deck gun. There were no casualties on either side.[15][16][17]

USS  Mount Vernon was a German-owned ocean liner that was seized and armed by the United States Navy. On the morning of September 5, 1918, Mount Vernon was off the coast of France accompanied by four destroyers, when the periscope of U-82 was sighted. The auxiliary cruiser immediately opened fire with her main guns, damaging the submarine. However, U-82 managed to fire a torpedo. Mount Vernon tried to dodge the torpedo, but was unsuccessful. Thirty-six sailors were killed and thirteen wounded, but the ship was saved. USS Winslow, USS Conner, USS Wainwright and USS Nicholson all dropped depth charges, but the U-boat got safely away.[18]

With the encouragement of Assistant Secretary of the Navy Franklin D. Roosevelt,[19] the United States manufactured 100,000 naval mines for the North Sea Mine Barrage to prevent U-boats from reaching Atlantic shipping lanes.  The United States North Sea Mine Force commanded by Rear Admiral Joseph Strauss aboard the Atlantic Fleet Mine Force flagship USS Black Hawk laid the new type of mine in deeper water than had ever before been mined.[20] Rear Admiral Lewis Clinton-Baker, commanding the Royal Navy minelaying force at the time, described the barrage as the "biggest mine planting stunt in the world's history."  The official statistics on lost German submarines compiled on 1 March 1919 credited the North Sea mine barrage with the certain destruction of four U-boats, probable destruction of two more, and possible destruction of another two.[21]

American naval operations in the Mediterranean took the form of escorting convoys and delivering supplies. The Mediterranean was not without enemies, Austro-Hungarian forces in northern Italy and the Ottoman Empire were two major threats though by 1917 their navies were mostly defeated or blockaded by ships of the Otranto Barrage. Other than the land Battle of Vittorio Veneto, the Americans engaged in only two memorable battles in the Mediterranean theater.[22]

The first was when USS Lydonia together with HMS Basilisk sank a U-boat off Algiers on May 8, 1918. Lydonia and Basilisk were steaming with a convoy from Bizerte to Gibraltar when they came across the German submarine UB-70. A coordinated depth charge attack ensued but the Germans were able to torpedo the British merchant ship SS Ingleside, which sank. After a fifteen-minute running battle, the depth charging was stopped and survivors of the Ingleside were rescued. Heavy seas prevented an immediate assessment of possible damage to the submarine but later evaluations credited USS Lydonia and HMS Basilisk with sinking UB-70 when she failed to show up at any port.[23]

Twelve American submarine chasers under Captain Charles P. Nelson were part of attack on the Austro-Hungarian held naval base at Durazzo, Albania. The battle began on October 11 with Italian and British aircraft bombarding Austro-Hungarian concentrations within the city while the allied fleet was still crossing the Adriatic Sea. When they arrived, the larger ships engaged shore batteries while the Americans plotted a path through a sea mine field and engaged two Austro-Hungarian submarines, U-29 and U-31. Two destroyers and a torpedo boat were also damaged by American and British ships with help from some Italian MAS boats and one merchant vessel was sunk. In the end no Americans were hurt in the battle and the naval base was left in ruins. For his leadership and courage at Durrazo Captain Nelson received the Navy Distinguished Service Medal as well as other foreign decorations.[24][25]

Coast Guard Captain Leroy Reinburg of USS Druid engaged enemy submarines near the Strait of Gibraltar in November 1918. The Druid was operating as part of the Gibraltar Barrage, a squadron of American and British ships assigned to keeping enemy U-boats from passing from the Mediterranean into the Atlantic. On November 8, 1918, men aboard USS Druid sighted three surfaced submarines going through the strait. The weather was foul and the seas rough but the barrage squadron attacked anyway, first with gunfire and then with depth charges. HMS Privet reported that she shot a hole through one of the submarines' conning towers with a 4-inch (100 mm) gun but other than that no other damage was thought to have occurred. USS Druid and her compatriots were successful in defending the strait and on the following day the Americans helped rescue the British crew of the battleship HMS Britannia which had been torpedoed by UB-50 while passing through Gibraltar into the Mediterranean. The war ended three days later on November 11.[26]

American naval forces in the Pacific Theater of World War I were far removed from the conflict with Germany and the other Central Powers. Although Imperial Germany possessed Pacific colonies at the beginning of the war, all of the isolated colonies had easily been conquered by the Allies by 1915. The only significant United States naval presence in the Pacific was a cruiser squadron under Admiral Austin M. Knight.[27]

There was only one engagement in the theater involving the United States, and it took place just one day after the United States declared war. In December 1914 the German auxiliary cruiser SMS Cormoran was commerce raiding in the South Pacific, when her commander put in for provisions on the then neutral island of Guam, a United States territory. Captain Adalbert Zuckschwerdt needed coal, but there was little to be had. As a result, the ship was stranded and her crew were interned for the next three years. When the war with Germany finally began on April 6, 1917, the old schooner USS Supply was ordered to demand the Cormoran surrender or be sunk. Captain Zuckschwerdt refused to hand over his ship, knowing it would be used against his country. Instead, he ordered his men to scuttle her. In an attempt to prevent this, the captain of the USS Supply ordered the United States Marines on board to open fire on German crew. Nine German sailors would be killed, either by the rifle fire or the explosion that sank the Cormoran.[28]

"Damn the torpedoes, go ahead!" Admiral David Farragut at Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864.

"The Navy Needs You! Don't READ American History, MAKE IT!"

"Gee!! I Wish I Were A Man"

"Help your country! Enlist in the Navy"

"I Want You for the Navy"


when did the song body like a backroad come out

On February 1, 2017, Hunt released the lead single from his upcoming second studio album, "Body Like a Back Road".[36]

Sam Hunt

Sam Lowry Hunt (born December 8, 1984) is an American singer and songwriter. Born in Cedartown, Georgia, Hunt played football in his high school and college years and once attempted to pursue a professional sports career before signing with MCA Nashville in 2014.

Prior to his successful solo career, Hunt was credited for writing singles for Kenny Chesney, Keith Urban, Billy Currington, and Reba McEntire. His debut studio album, Montevallo, broke several chart records with five singles spawned from the record, including three consecutive Hot Country Songs chart and four Country Airplay chart number ones. The lead single from the album, "Leave the Night On", peaked concurrently on the Hot Country Songs and Country Airplay charts, making Hunt the first country music artist in 22 years, since Billy Ray Cyrus, to reach the top of three country music charts simultaneously in the Nielsen SoundScan-era.[5] He is also the first country music artist since Clint Black to occupy both year-end number one album and single with Montevallo and "Take Your Time".[6][7][8] The fifth single "Make You Miss Me" from Montevallo, hit number one on the Country Airplay chart, thus making Hunt the first solo male artist to land four number ones on the Country Airplay chart from a debut studio album.[9][8]

Since the launch of his career, Hunt has quickly assumed recognition from both inside and outside the country music community for his boundary-breaking artistry, incorporating use of R&B and pop into the production and songwriting of his songs. He has been honored with numerous awards, including one American Music Award, and one CMT Music Award, as well as nominations for Billboard Music Awards and Grammy Awards.

Hunt was born on December 8, 1984, in Cedartown, Georgia, United States, the eldest of three children born to Allen and Joan Hunt, an insurance agent and a teacher respectively.[2][10] He studied at Cedartown High School where he played football. He was named 2002 Co-Offensive Player of the Year, was selected for the Georgia Sportswriters Association All-State Class AAA first-team as an all-purpose player, and was a Wendy's High School Heisman nominee.[11]

He was a quarterback at Middle Tennessee State University from 2003 to 2004. He dressed for every game in 2003 but did not play in any.[2] He had limited action in six games in 2004, attempting one pass and rushing once for one yard.[2][12] Hunt transferred to at UAB in 2005 and redshirted his first season there.[2] He played in only 7 games during the 2006 season due to injuries, completing 48 of 82 passes for 655 yards, 2 touchdowns and 5 interceptions.[2][12] He also rushed 69 times for 159 yards and 1 touchdown. Hunt completed 155 of 331 passes for 1,905 yards, 10 touchdowns and 14 interceptions in 2007. He also rushed 68 times for 287 yards and 2 touchdowns.[12] At UAB, he majored in philosophy before graduating with a business degree in economics.[2][13][14] After practice every day, he would teach himself how to play acoustic guitar. With respect to the root of his interest in music, Hunt recalled between stops in tour, "I never saw myself as a musician or having any musical talent... I was just killing time that summer, and a buddy had recently bought a guitar. I picked it up one day and on a whim thought, 'You know, I think I want to buy a guitar.'" Hunt's college roommates, having listened to a few songs he wrote, encouraged him to book shows at bars, marking the start of his pursuit of a career in music.[15]

After graduating from UAB in 2007, he had a tryout with the Kansas City Chiefs of the National Football League in 2008.[16][17][18] "I knew this was a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity, and I needed to find out if I could take it all the way," Hunt said. In 2008, two months after the unsuccessful attempt to impress the football team, to the surprise of his family and friends, he left to pursue a music career, and moved to Nashville along with a friend with only "some food and two mattresses and [...] his mom's minivan".[19][20]

Hunt co-wrote Kenny Chesney's 2012 hit "Come Over", for which he received an ASCAP award.[21] He also wrote two singles released in 2014: Keith Urban's "Cop Car" and Billy Currington's "We Are Tonight". Hunt independently released the single "Raised on It" in September 2013 and in October 2013, he released via his website a free 12-song mixtape titled Between the Pines.[22] Hunt also co-wrote "Love Somebody", the title track from Reba McEntire's twenty-seventh studio album of the same name.[23]

In January 2014, it was confirmed that he had signed a recording contract with MCA Nashville. On August 12, 2014, he released X2C, a four-song EP, intended as a preview of his debut studio album.[24] The EP debuted at number 36 on the US Billboard 200 and number five on the Billboard Top Country Albums chart, selling 8,000 copies in its first week.[25]

Hunt's first single for MCA Nashville was "Leave the Night On", which went to number one on the Country Airplay chart in October 2014[26] and has since been certified Platinum by the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA).[27] The music video for the song earned Hunt two CMT Music Awards nominations, winning him Breakthrough Video of the Year, as well as one Billboard Music Award nomination. His debut studio album Montevallo, was released on October 27, 2014.[28] On the same day, Sam Hunt released Between the Pines: Acoustic Mixtape. The album is made up of acoustic versions of his hit songs, including his versions of ones that he wrote for other artists. Universal Music Group Nashville president Cindy Mabe explained the date of the release: "The idea was to release it on the same date that Montevallo was released [in 2014] as a one-year anniversary gift to fans and Sam's way to offer more music and a thanks for the support."[29] On November 5, 2014, Montevallo debuted at number one on the Top Country Albums chart and number three on the US Billboard 200.[30] It opened with 70,000 units sold. The album included his own version of "Cop Car". The second single from the album "Take Your Time", peaked at number 20 on the US Billboard Hot 100. The track spent 11 weeks at number one of Hunt's 17 weeks in 2015 on the Billboard Hot Country Songs chart, making him the sixteenth artist in the chart's 57-year history – and the fifth in the past 50 years – to rule for 10 weeks or more.[31] With Montevallo and "Take Your Time", Hunt became the first country music artist since Clint Black to have his debut studio album and single to peak atop the year-end charts in the same year.[7][8] Five days after the release of Montevallo, Hunt announced his first tour Lipstick Graffiti. Tickets went on sale on November 14, 2014. Within a short time of going on sale, the tour sold out at 15 of the venues.[32] In 2015, he served as an opening act (alongside Hunter Hayes) for Lady Antebellum's Wheels Up Tour.

Hunt was featured on Billboard for the issue of August 29, 2015, where he opened about breaking down country music stereotypes.[33] He served as a background vocalist on Carrie Underwood's song "Heartbeat", which was released in October 2015.[34] To commemorate the one-year anniversary of Hunt's debut studio album Montevallo, Between the Pines was re-released on October 27, 2015, peaking at number 31 on the US Billboard 200.[35] Hunt won his first American Music Award for New Artist of the Year on November 22, 2015 in Los Angeles, California.

For the week of September 10, 2016, Hunt's fifth single "Make You Miss Me" from Montevallo, hit number one on the Country Airplay chart, thus making him the first solo male artist to land four number ones on the Country Airplay chart from a debut studio album.[8]

Writing for Billboard, Elias Leight observed on Hunt's vocal performance, describing his vocal performance in studio sessions as a "rough, heartthrob voice [that] shines clearly", but noted that his live vocals "[weren't] always easy to hear." Leight furthered by praising Hunt's delivery to be "a mix of speaking and rapid-fire singing that sets him apart from other country singers," but commented its impact was diminished because of his live singing. Finally, Hunt's live performance of "Make You Miss Me" rendered the music writer "the clearest glimpse of his husky mid-range, smooth but rugged voice" in a setting where "there were no beats crowding him or guitars to compete with."[37]

Hunt's music contains elements of country, R&B and pop. Dwight Yoakam, while speaking to Entertainment Tonight, commented on Hunt's music, saying "It reminds me a little bit of, with the infusion of soul and southern R&B, with the things that happened surrounding the album that Ray Charles put out â€“ the very historic album The Modern Sounds of Country Music back in the early '60s[...] It was a reinterpretation that not only intrigued country audiences at the time, but it brought a brand new audience to the country music world."[38] His songwriting was heavily influenced by Brad Paisley, whose early hit "He Didn't Have to Be" had a big impact on him as a kid growing up in Georgia:[39] "I remember being at church on Wednesday night at Wednesday night supper, and getting the keys from my mom well before it was over to just go sit in the car and to turn the radio on and hopefully wait and catch that song."[39] He also cites Billy Currington, Usher, K-Ci & JoJo, R. Kelly, Ginuwine[40] and Alice Cooper[39] as musical influences.

Hunt told Taste of Country that he does not write his songs with a specific genre in mind, but rather follows his instinct.[40] “I want to sound different than everybody else," said Hunt talking about his musical style. "To use a football phrase, I try to zig when other people zag.”[20] Commenting on his interpretation of country music, he told Rolling Stone Country, "I think country songs are truthful songs about life written by country people, but the beats and sounds will continue to evolve."[41] Billy Dukes of Taste of Country, on observing "Break Up in a Small Town", referred the song as "likely the wordiest song of 2015" and Hunt's "most genre-bending release to country radio", adding "Any talk of which genre Hunt belongs in misses the point. His story hits hard. It’s deep and emotional and sincere and all the things we expect from a great country song."[42]

In a 2015 interview with Billboard, Hunt remarked on the position of women in his music, "Respect for women was a very important part of my upbringing," and added, "The women in my life demanded that from me." Hunt even named his album Montevallo, after the hometown of a former girlfriend and consulted her in the lyrical production: "I spent a lot of time talking to her about the songs and asking, 'What do you think about this?' Her perspective was a powerful part of me being able to connect with a female audience, not just a male audience."[20]

In January 2017, it was announced that Hunt became engaged to Hannah Lee Fowler.[43] Fowler, whom Hunt had been dating on-and-off since 2008, was the main inspiration behind his album Montevallo.[44] Her name and their story are also referenced in his song "Drinkin' Too Much."[45] They were married on April 15, 2017 in Hunt's hometown of Cedartown, Georgia.[46]


plant of north africa and the middle east with plume-like bristles

As currently envisioned, Pennisetum is a genus of 80 to 140 species.[7][10][11][13] The various species are native to Africa, Asia, Australia, and Latin America, with some of them widely naturalized in Europe and North America, as well as on various oceanic islands.[2]

Pennisetum

Pennisetum /ˌpɛnɪˈsiːtəm/[5] is a widespread genus of plants in the grass family, native to tropical and warm temperate regions of the world. They are known commonly as fountaingrasses (fountain grasses)[6][7][8][9]

Pennisetum is closely related to the genus Cenchrus,[10] and the boundary between them is unclear.[11] Cenchrus was derived from Pennisetum and the two are grouped in a monophyletic clade.[12] Some species now in Pennisetum were once members of Cenchrus, and some have been moved back. A main morphological character used to distinguish them is the degree of fusion of the bristles in the inflorescence, but this is often unreliable. Authors recently proposed to transfer Pennisetum into Cenchrus, along with the related genus Odontelytrum.[13]

They are annual or perennial grasses. Some are petite while others can produce stems up to 8 meters tall.[11] The inflorescence is a very dense, narrow panicle containing fascicles of spikelets interspersed with bristles. There are three kinds of bristle, and some species have all three, while others do not. Some bristles are coated in hairs, sometimes long, showy, plumelike hairs that inspired the genus name, the Latin penna ("feather") and seta ("bristle").[11]

The genus includes pearl millet (P. glaucum), an important food crop. Napier grass (P. purpureum) is used for grazing livestock in Africa. African fountaingrass (P. setaceum) is used as an ornamental plant.

Many Pennisetum grasses are noxious weeds, including kikuyu grass (P. clandestinum) and feathertop grass (P. villosum).

The herbage and seeds of these grasses are food for herbivores, such as the chestnut-breasted mannikin (Lonchura castaneothorax), the caterpillar of the butterfly Melanitis phedima, and the larvae of the fly genus Delia.

The genus is a host of the pathogenic fungus Cochliobolus sativus.

numerous species now considered better suited to other genera, primarily Cenchrus but also a few in Echinochloa and Setaria


the macula is the sensory organ that responds to

The macula of the utricle, or utricular macula is the region of the utricle that receives the utricular filaments of the vestibulocochlear nerve. The portion of the utricle that forms the macula forms a sort of pouch or cul-de-sac, with a thickened floor and anterior wall. The macula of utricle allows a person to perceive changes in longitudinal acceleration (in horizontal directions only).

Macula of utricle

The macula consists of three layers. The bottom layer is made of sensory hair cells which are embedded in bottom of a gelatinous layer. Each hair cell has between 40 and 70 steriocilia and a kinocilium, which lies in the middle of the steriocilia and is the most important receptor.

On top of this layer lie calcium carbonate crystals called statoconia or otoliths. The otoliths are relatively heavy, providing weight to the membrane as well as inertia. This allows for a greater sense of gravity and motion.

The gelatinous layer and the statoconia together are referred to as the otolithic membrane, where the tips of the stereocilia and kinocilium are embedded. When the head is tilted such that gravity pulls on the statoconia the gelatinous layer is pulled in the same direction also causing the sensory hairs to bend.

Unbent and at rest hairs in the macula have a base rate of depolarization of 90-100 action potentials a second. The brain suppresses this, and we ignore it and know that our body is stabilized. If the head moves or the body accelerates or decelerates, then bending occurs.

Depending on the direction of bending, the hair cells will either be excited or inhibited resulting in either an increase or decrease in firing frequency of the hair cells.

The macula is also sensitive to linear acceleration as the inertia possessed by the statoconia can also shift the gelatinous layer during increases and decreases in linear velocity.


city scape is a work for orchestra composed by

City Scape is an orchestral piece composed by Jennifer Higdon in 2002 and commissioned by the Atlanta Symphony Orchestra. On November 14, 2002, the piece was premiered under the direction of Robert Spano. This piece dedicated to Robert Spano calls for a concerto grosso, in which 35 instruments are used; yet many of these instruments have featured solos that are scattered throughout the piece. The piece lasts a total of 31 minutes.[1]

City Scape

City Scape is a piece in three movements that paints an image of where Jennifer Higdon grew up in Atlanta, Georgia: “Skyline,” “River Sings a Song to Trees,” and “Peachtree Street.” The movements can be played either separately or together at the discretion of the conductor. Jennifer Higdon wanted to invoke certain images and aspects of Atlanta.[2] When asked by a musician if she was trying to express a sidewalk in her music, she commented that there was not a precise image in her piece. Instead, there were “bustle of traffic and intensity of moving down the street.”[citation needed] Thus she wanted to give an overall image as opposed to Strauss who wanted to depict a single detailed object.

In the first movement entitled “Skyline,” Jennifer Higdon wanted to express the city’s profile through the steel buildings and monuments that represent Atlanta’s signature skyline. The steel buildings represent a sense of boldness, strength, and growth along with people who live and work there. Therefore, within the first few measures of the piece, the boldness is most noticeable during the synchronized brass introduction along with percussions that accent this moment. However, near the middle of the movement, the piece has a lighter texture as noted with the wind players. This lighter texture represents the swirling of people who are moving in and out of the building. This movement is reminiscent of the styles from Aaron Copland, William Schuman and Samuel Barber in terms of urban soundscape.[3] Her inspiration for this piece as she recalls were “coming out intact and so fast, [she] put it down in short score and orchestrated it later.” Ironically, although she is considered a neo-romantic composer, her choice to write about the skyscraper is an interesting choice since most neo-romanticist usually oppose the civilized scenery and prefer to express something that is more nature-oriented.

The second movement “River Sings a Song to Trees” is the most tranquil compared of the three movements. This movement was in reference to the more nature-like part of the city such as the creeks and parks, which is in huge contrast to the skyscrapers in the last movement. More specifically the piece was inspired by the creak that ran through Higdon’s yard on Ferncliff Road in Buckhead. She describes Atlanta as this “giant green carpet with buildings poking out” as seen from an airplane.

Finally her last movement “Peachstreet Street,” despite the serene title, is a representation of the roadways into and out of the cities. Since each street is bustling with energy and people, she wanted to reflect people moving about quickly with their business. Therefore, the theme from the first movement returns in this movement; yet at the same time, the presence of new parts illustrates the diversity as well in these original city streets. This large finale brings the piece to a close as she ties the orchestral tones into one larger voice at the end.

Her piece received positive criticism from local and national newspaper alike: “'SkyLine' is a lively, inventive concert opener by Jennifer Higdon... she really knows how to write idiomatically for a large orchestra-to make the instruments really sound. 'SkyLine' has a strong rhythmic propulsion, witty orchestral effects, and a refreshing sense of vigor and optimism. Spano gave a dynamic, beautifully detailed reading to this masterful vignette" as stated by The Coral Gables Gazette.[4] The Atlanta Journal-Constitution characterized the piece as “jaunty, propulsive optimism” and that the movement “ends with cresting excitement.”[5]


is mass eye and ear part of partners healthcare

In a notice published on April 2, 2018, Mass. Eye and Ear's President John Fernandez announce the finalization of the agreement to make MEE a part of the Partners HealthCare hospital and physicians network.[11]

Massachusetts Eye and Ear

Massachusetts Eye and Ear (Mass. Eye and Ear, or MEE) is a specialty hospital located in Boston, Massachusetts, United States, which focuses on ophthalmology (eye), otolaryngology (ear/nose/throat), and related medicine and research. Founded in 1824 as the Boston Eye Infirmary (BEI), it has also been known as the Massachusetts Charitable Eye and Ear Infirmary (MCEEI), and Massachusetts Eye and Ear Infirmary (MEEI).[2] It is a teaching partner of Harvard Medical School.

Mass. Eye and Ear has earned an international reputation for its successful treatment of the most difficult diseases and conditions of the eye, ear, nose, throat, head, and neck, and for its outstanding contributions to medical research and education. In 2015, MEEI has been ranked by U.S. News & World Report as the 4th best hospital in the United States for ophthalmology and 1st in the nation for otolaryngology.[3][4]

The primary teaching hospital for Harvard Medical School in ophthalmology and otolaryngology, Mass. Eye and Ear trains more than 110 residents and fellows each year in its various sub-specialties, including cornea, neuro-ophthalmology, retina, eye pathology, pediatrics, glaucoma, ocular oncology, immunology, head & neck surgery, oncology, pediatric otolaryngology, facial plastics, otology and oto-neurology.[2] In addition to ophthalmology and otolarynology, the hospital provides patient services and conducts research and clinical training in audiology (diagnostics, hearing aids and cochlear implants), balance (vestibular), facial nerve, thyroid, voice and speech, and vision rehabilitation.

The hospital's main campus is located in Boston's West End, surrounded by various Massachusetts General Hospital (MGH) buildings. MEEI and MGH are both Harvard Medical School teaching hospitals, the MGH departments of Otolaryngology and Ophthalmology are actually departments at MEEI,[5][6] and both hospitals tend to refer patients to one another. Despite this organizational and physical closeness, MEEI is a separate organization from MGH, with its own Board of Directors and executive team. Notwithstanding this distinction, maps will often show the entire area labeled as "Massachusetts General Hospital".

Consisting of a 12-story tower, the current main building was completed in 1973.[7] It houses 42 inpatient beds.[1]

The transit stop serving the two hospitals is "Charles/MGH" on the MBTA Red Line train. The signs at the train station (which was rebuilt and opened in 2007) have smaller printing reading "Mass. Eye and Ear Infirmary" in addition to the prominent "Charles/MGH" signs. C. Stephen Foster developed the first ocular immunology service at Massachusetts Eye and Ear Infirmary.[8][9]

The main campus is also home to the Norman Knight Hyperbaric Medicine Center, which provides 24-hour emergency treatment for smoke inhalation, carbon monoxide poisoning, and diving injuries such as decompression sickness ("the bends"). Treatment for problem-wound healing is also conducted in the Center.[10]

Mass. Eye and Ear has a total of 18 sites in the Greater Boston region, including locations in the Longwood Medical Area, Joslin Diabetes Center in Boston, and Braintree, Concord, Duxbury, East Bridgewater, Milton, Medford, Newton, Plainville, Providence RI, Quincy, Stoneham, Waltham, Weymouth.[12]


what do the buttons on the playstation controller mean

Using the simple geometric shapes of a green triangle, a red circle, a blue cross, and a pink square (,,, ) to label its action buttons rather than traditionally used letters or numbers, the PlayStation Controller established a trademark which would be incorporated heavily into the PlayStation brand. In an interview with Teiyu Goto, designer of the original PlayStation Controller, he explained what the symbols mean: The circle and cross represent "yes" and "no," respectively; the triangle symbolizes a point of view and the square is equated to a sheet of paper there to be used to access menus.[3] The order of the shapes also coincides with the order children are able to draw them from ages 3 to 6 years, moving clockwise, starting with the circle and ending with the triangle.

PlayStation Controller

The PlayStation Controller is the first gamepad released by Sony Computer Entertainment for its PlayStation video game console. The original version (model SCPH-1010) was released alongside the PlayStation on December 3, 1994.[1]

Based on the basic button configuration established with Nintendo's Super NES Controller, the PlayStation Controller added a second pair of shoulder buttons for the middle fingers. Intended to update the gamepad for navigating 3D environments such as the ones PlayStation was designed to generate, the concept behind featuring shoulder buttons for both the index and middle fingers was to implement two-way directional depth controls using the two sets of buttons. To compensate for the less stable grip from shifting the middle fingers' placement to the shoulders, grip handles were added to the controller.[2]

The North American model of the PlayStation controller is roughly 10% larger than the Japanese model, to account for the fact the average person in the region has significantly larger hands than the average Japanese person.[4]

The PlayStation 2 controller is backward-compatible with the original PlayStation controller.

On April 2, 1996, Sony released a revised version of the PlayStation Controller (model SCPH-1080), featuring a longer cord with a ferrite bead.[1] After briefly selling the Dual Analog Controller in 1997, Sony began phasing out the PlayStation Controller later that year with the introduction of the DualShock controller, which would become the new standard controller for the PlayStation.[5]


a port in north east italy the capital of the friuli-venezia giulia region

Friuli-Venezia Giulia ([friˈuːli veˈnɛttsja ˈdʒuːlja];[a] Friulian: Friûl–Vignesie Julie, Slovene: Furlanija–Julijska krajina, German: Friaul–Julisch Venetien) is one of the 20 regions of Italy, and one of five autonomous regions with special statute. The regional capital is Trieste. Note that Venezia, i.e. Venice, is not in this region, despite the name.

Friuli-Venezia Giulia

Friuli-Venezia Giulia has an area of 7,858 km² and about 1.2 million inhabitants. A natural opening to the sea for many Central European countries, the region is traversed by the major transport routes between the east and west of southern Europe. It encompasses the historical-geographical region of Friuli and a small portion of the historical region of Venezia Giulia - known in English also as Julian March - each with its own distinct history, traditions and identity.

The name of the region was spelled Friuliâ€“Venezia Giulia (hyphenated) until 2001, when, in connection with a modification of article nr. 116 of the Italian constitution, the official spelling Friuli Venezia Giulia (without hyphen) was adopted.[3][4]

Friuli Venezia Giulia is Italy's north-easternmost region. It covers an area of 7,858 km2 and is the fifth smallest region of the country. It borders Austria to the north and Slovenia to the east. To the south it faces the Adriatic Sea and to the west its internal border is with the Veneto region.

The region spans a wide variety of climates and landscapes from the mild Oceanic in the south to Alpine continental in the north. The total area is subdivided into a 42.5% mountainous-alpine terrain in the north, 19.3% is hilly, mostly to the south-east, while the remaining 38.2% comprises the central and coastal plains.

Morphologically the region can be subdivided into four main areas. The mountainous area in the north: this part of the region includes Carnia and the ending section of the Alps (Carnic Alps and Julian Alps), of which the highest peaks exceed 2,700 m above sea level (Jôf di Montasio 2,754 m). Its landscapes are characterised by vast pine forests and pastures, mountain lakes (e.g. Sauris, Fusine and Barcis) and numerous streams and small rivers descending from the mountains.

The area is also known for its tourist destinations, especially during the winter season (Monte Zoncolan, Tarvisio, Sella Nevea, Forni di Sopra and Piancavallo). The hilly area, situated to the south of the mountains and along the central section of the border with Slovenia. The main product of agriculture in this area is wine, whose quality, especially the white, is known worldwide. The easternmost part of the hilly area is also known as Slavia Friulana, as it is mostly inhabited by ethnic Slovenes.

The central plains are characterised by poor, arid and permeable soil. The soil has been made fertile with an extensive irrigation system and through the adoption of modern intensive farming techniques. In this part of the region most of the agricultural activities are concentrated. The coastal area can be further subdivided in two, western-eastern, subsections separated by the river Isonzo's estuary.

To the west, the coast is shallow and sandy, with numerous tourist resorts and the lagoons of Grado and Marano Lagunare. To the east, the coastline rises into cliffs, where the Kras plateau meets the Adriatic, all the way to Trieste and Muggia on the border with Slovenia. The Carso has geological features and phenomena such as hollows, cave networks and underground rivers, which extend inland in the provinces of Trieste and Gorizia, with an altitude ranging between 300m and 600m.

The rivers of the region flow from the North and from Slovenia into the Adriatic. The two main rivers are the Tagliamento, which flows west-east in its upper part in the Carnic Alps and then bends into a north-south flow that separates the Julian Alps from Alpine foothills and the Isonzo (Soča slo.) which flows from Slovenia into Italy. The Timavo is an underground river that flows for 38 km from Slovenia and resurfaces near its mouth north-west of Duino.

The region Friuli Venezia Giulia has a temperate climate. However, due to the terrain's diversity, it varies considerably from one area to another. Walled by the Alps on its northern flank, the region is exposed to air masses from the East and the West. The region receives also the southerly Sirocco from the Adriatic sea, which brings in heavy rainfall. Along the coast the climate is mild and pleasant.

Trieste records the smallest temperature differences between winter and summer and between day and night. The climate is Alpine-continental in the mountainous areas, where, in some locations, the coldest winter temperatures in Italy can often be found. The Kras plateau has its own weather and climate, influenced, mostly during autumn and winter, by masses of cold air coming from the north-east. These generate a very special feature of the local climate: the north-easterly wind Bora, which descends onto the Gulf of Trieste with gusts occasionally exceeding speeds of 150Â km/h.

In Roman times, modern Friuli Venezia Giulia was located within Regio X Venetia et Histria of Roman Italy. The traces of its Roman origin are visible over all the territory. In fact, the city of Aquileia, founded in 181 BC, served as capital of the region and rose to prominence in the Augustan period.

Starting from the Lombard settlements (6th century), the historical paths of Friuli and Venezia Giulia begin to diverge. In 568, Cividale del Friuli (the Roman Forum Iulii (from which the name Friuli comes)) became the capital of the first Lombard dukedom in Italy. In 774, the Franks, favoured the growth of the church of Aquileia and established Cividale as a March. In 1077, Patriarchate of Aquileia was given temporal power by the Holy Roman Emperors and this power was extended temporarily even to the east. But already in the 12th century Gorizia had actually become independent and Trieste, along with other coastal towns, organized itself as a free city-state.

In the 6th century, the Alpine Slavs, ancestors of present-day Slovenes, settled the eastern areas of the region. They settled in the easternmost mountainous areas of Friuli, known as the Friulian Slavia, as well as the Kras Plateau and the area north and south from Gorizia. In the 12th and 13th century, they also moved closer to Trieste.

Friuli became Venetian territory in 1420, while Trieste and Gorizia remained under the Austrian Empire. Pordenone was a "corpus separatum", under Austrian influence until 1515, when it also fell under the Venetian rule. With the peace treaty of Campoformido in 1797, Venetian domination came to an end and Friuli was ceded to Austria. After the period of domination by Napoleon, which affected also Trieste and Gorizia, it again became part of the Austrian Empire and was included in the Lombard-Veneto Kingdom, while Gorizia was merged with the Illyrian Kingdom and Trieste, together with Istria, became part of the Austrian Coastal Region. The enlightened policy of the Austrian-Hungarian Empire in the 18th and 19th centuries encouraged an extraordinary economic flourishing, making Trieste the empire's port. The outcome of the war of independence brought Friuli alone into the Kingdom of Italy.

After the First World War, in which this region was a main theatre of operations and suffered serious damage and loss of lives, the fates of these border lands were again united, although Venezia Giulia, in particular, was the subject of contradictions regarding the borders.

The Second World War led to the Anglo-American Administration in Trieste until the border was fixed with the Memorandum of London in 1954[citation needed]. When Trieste was taken back by Italy, the Autonomous Region of Friuli Venezia Giulia could finally be established[citation needed].[5]

The Italian Constitution assigns Friuli-Venezia Giulia the status of Region with a Special Statute, together with four other Italian regions. Friuli – Venezia Giulia obtained administrative autonomy and the special statute in 1963. The reasons for this "constitutional delay" are interwoven with the international problems[citation needed] of the second postwar period and with those deriving from the region’s "diversity" – the different historical, ethnic, and linguistic components that go to make up this area. In 1975 the Treaty of Osimo was signed in Osimo, definitively dividing the former Free Territory of Trieste between Italy and Yugoslavia[citation needed].

The economy of Friuliâ€“Venezia Giulia is one of the most developed in the country. Its core is based on small- and middle-size enterprises (the so-called 'North-East model'), on specialized farming and on high-quality tourism with a significant inclination towards exports.[6]

Agriculture and farming maintain an essential role in the economy of the region and employed in 2001 around 95,000 persons. Its high quality products are exported not only within the country and Europe (fruit and vegetable, cheese) but have become known worldwide for their quality (cured ham and wines, especially white ones). Noteworthy is also the production of soy (third producer in Italy with more than 37,000 hectares cultivated in 2000) and timber production in Carnia.[6]

As mentioned above, the economy of the region is based on a widespread mosaic of small and medium-size enterprises; of particular importance are the four industrial districts where a multitude of such highly specialised enterprises are concentrated. These districts are centred around the towns of Manzano, San Daniele del Friuli (cured ham), Maniago (knives) and Brugnera (furniture). A number of large enterprises are also present in the region in both the industry and services sector. Some of these companies are world-leaders in their relevant sectors; such are Fincantieri (headquarters in Trieste with shipyards in Monfalcone) for the construction of the world's largest cruise ships, Zanussi-Electrolux (Pordenone) in the production of electrical appliances, Danieli, Eurotech, Illy, Rizzani de Eccher, Solari Udine, TBS Group, Banca Generali, Genertellife, Italia Marittima, Telit, W채rtsil채, Allianz Italia and Assicurazioni Generali in Trieste, a leading insurance company in the world.[6]

Local craftsmanship boasts products of the highest quality, such as fabrics, carved furniture, wooden sculptures, artistic ceramics, mosaic, wrought iron and copper, string instruments and typical traditional costumes.

The tourist industry is developing thanks to a combination of sea (Lignano, Grado, Monfalcone and Trieste beaches), mountains (ski resorts in the Friulan Dolomites, the Carnic Prealps and Alps, and the Julian Alps) and gastronomy routes.

Again, in the services sector the city of Trieste plays a leading role (with knock-on effects on the other provincial capitals); it is in fact here that activities such as the regional government, large banking and insurance companies are concentrated. With its commercial Free Port, Trieste also plays an essential role in the trade sector: special custom regulations ensure exclusive financial conditions to operators. The Port of Trieste is today the most important centre worldwide for the trade of coffee and plays a strategic key role in trade with northern and eastern Europe-[6]

Although small in size, Friuli–Venezia Giulia has always been 'in the centre of Europe' and has played an important role in connecting Italy (and the Mediterranean) to Central and Eastern Europe. Its role will become even more strategic as a logistical platform with the imminent enlargement of the European Union. Hence the importance of the infrastructure network of the region, which can today be considered first rate in quality and diversity. The motorway network consists of more than 200 km that run from North to South and from West to East, perfectly connecting the region to Austria and Slovenia.[6]

The railway network consists of around 500 km of track, with the two twin-line 'backbones' Venice-Trieste and Trieste-Udine-Tarvisio-Austria. The motorway and railway networks are linked to the ports of Trieste, Monfalcone and Porto Nogaro, the three most northerly ports of the Mediterranean. Trieste, in particular, has a free port for goods since 1719. It is the Italian port with the greatest capacity for covered storage, with a surface area of more than 2 million square meters and 70 km of rail tracks. Intermodality is guaranteed by the Cervignano terminal, in operation since 1988, to serve the increasing commercial traffic between Italy and Eastern European countries.[6]

The regional airport of Ronchi dei Legionari is situated 30 km from Trieste and 40 km from Udine and is closely connected to the motorway and railway networks. The airport offers regular national and international flights including destinations in Eastern Europe. The region is now placing much of its hopes for future economic development in the construction of a high speed European Transport Corridor n° V connecting Lyon, Turin, Venice, Trieste, Ljubljana, Budapest and Kiev, so as to improve the traffic of goods and services with new EU partners.[6]

Population density is lower than the national average: In 1978 there were in total only 1,224,611 inhabitants;[7] in 2008 it was in fact equal to 157.5 inhabitants per km2 (compared to 198.8 for Italy as a whole). However, density varies from a minimum of 106 inhabitants per km2 in the province of Udine to a maximum of 1,144 inhabitants per km2 in the province of Trieste.

The negative natural balance in the region is partly made up by the positive net migration. To some extent the migratory surplus has in fact offset the downward trend in the population since 1975. In 2008, the resident population with foreign nationality registered in the region accounted to 83,306 persons (6.7% of the total population).

Friuliâ€“Venezia Giulia is divided into four provinces:

Italian is the official national language. Friulian language is also spoken in most of the region â€” with a few exceptions, most notably Trieste and the area around Monfalcone and Grado, where a version of the Venetian language and Triestine dialect is spoken instead.

Venetian is also spoken in western part of the Province of Pordenone, and in the city of Pordenone itself, due to its proximity with the Veneto region. Friulian and Venetian are more common in the countryside, while standard Italian is the predominant language in the larger towns (Udine, Pordenone, Gorizia). The region is also home to Italy's Slovene-speaking minority.


what key aspect of the welfare state was established in britain in 1948

Poverty in the interwar years (1918â€“1939) was responsible for several measures which largely killed off the Poor Law system. The Board of Guardians (Default) Act 1926 was passed in response to some Boards of Guardians supporting the Miners during the General Strike.[98] Workhouses were officially abolished by the Local Government Act 1929,[99] and between 1929 and 1930 Poor Law Guardians, the "workhouse test" and the term "pauper" disappeared. The Unemployment Assistance Board was set up in 1934 to deal with those not covered by the earlier 1911 National Insurance Act passed by the Liberals, and by 1937 the able-bodied poor had been absorbed into this scheme. By 1936 only 13% of people were still receiving poor relief in some form of institution.[100]
In 1948 the Poor Law system was finally abolished with the introduction of the modern welfare state and the passing of the National Assistance Act.[1] The National Health Service Act 1946 came into force in 1948 and created the modern day National Health Service.[101]

English Poor Laws

The  English Poor Laws[2] were a system of poor relief which existed in England and Wales[3] that developed out of late-medieval and Tudor-era laws being codified in 1587â€“98. The Poor Law system was in existence until the emergence of the modern welfare state after the Second World War.[1]

English Poor Law legislation can be traced back as far as 1536,[4] when legislation was passed to deal with the impotent poor, although there is much earlier Tudor legislation dealing with the problems caused by vagrants and beggars.[2] The history of the Poor Law in England and Wales is usually divided between two statutes, the Old Poor Law passed during the reign of Elizabeth I[5] and the New Poor Law, passed in 1834, which significantly modified the existing system of poor relief. The later statute altered the Poor Law system from one which was administered haphazardly at a local parish level to a highly centralised system which encouraged the large-scale development of workhouses by poor law unions.[6]

The Poor Law system fell into decline at the beginning of the 20th century owing to factors such as the introduction of the Liberal welfare reforms[7] and the availability of other sources of assistance from friendly societies and trade unions,[7] as well as piecemeal reforms which bypassed the Poor Law system.[8] The Poor Law system was not formally abolished until the National Assistance Act 1948,[9] with parts of the law remaining on the books until 1967.[6]

The earliest medieval Poor Law was the Ordinance of Labourers which was issued by King Edward III of England on 18 June 1349, and revised in 1350.[11] The ordinance was issued in response to the 1348–1350 outbreak of the Black Death in England,[12] when an estimated 30–40% of the population had died.[13] The decline in population left surviving workers in great demand in the agricultural economy of Britain.[12] Landowners had to face the choice of raising wages to compete for workers or letting their lands go unused. Wages for labourers rose, and this forced up prices across the economy as goods became more expensive to produce.[13] An attempt to rein in prices, the ordinance (and subsequent acts, such the Statute of Labourers of 1351) required that everyone who could work did; that wages were kept at pre-plague levels and that food was not overpriced.[14] Workers saw these shortage conditions as an opportunity to flee employers and become freemen, so Edward III passed additional laws to punish escaped workers.[15]  In addition, the Statute of Cambridge was passed in 1388[16] and placed restrictions on the movement of labourers and beggars.[11]

The origins of the English Poor Law system can be traced back to late medieval statutes dealing with beggars and vagrancy but it was only during the Tudor period that the Poor Law system became codified. Prior to the Dissolution of the Monasteries during the Tudors Reformation, monasteries had been the primary source of poor relief, but their dissolution resulted in poor relief moving from a largely voluntary basis to a compulsory tax that was collected at a parish level.[17] Early legislation was concerned with vagrants and making the able-bodied work, especially while labour was in short supply following the Black Death.

Tudor attempts to tackle the problem originate during the reign of Henry VII. In 1495, Parliament passed the Vagabonds and Beggars Act ordering that "vagabonds, idle and suspected persons shall be set in the stocks for three days and three nights and have none other sustenance but bread and water and then shall be put out of Town. Every beggar suitable to work shall resort to the Hundred where he last dwelled, is best known, or was born and there remain upon the pain aforesaid."[18]  Although this returned the burden of caring for the jobless to the communities producing more children than they could employ, it offered no immediate remedy to the problem of poverty; it was merely swept from sight, or moved from town to town. Moreover, no distinction was made between vagrants and the jobless; both were simply categorised as "sturdy beggars", to be punished and moved on.[19]

In 1530, during the reign of Henry VIII, a proclamation was issued, describing idleness as the "mother and root of all vices"[20] and ordering that whipping should replace the stocks as the punishment for vagabonds. This change was confirmed in the 1531 Vagabonds Act the following year, with one important change: it directed the justices of the peace to assign to the impotent poor an area within which they are to beg. Generally, the licences to beg for the impotent poor were limited to the disabled, sick, and elderly.[21] An impotent person begging out of his area was to be imprisoned for two days and nights in the stocks, on bread and water, and then sworn to return to the place in which he was authorized to beg. An able-bodied beggar was to be whipped, and sworn to return to the place where he was born, or last dwelt for the space of three years, and there put himself to labour. Still no provision was made, though, for the healthy man simply unable to find work. All able-bodied unemployed were put into the same category. Those unable to find work had a stark choice: starve or break the law. In 1535, a bill was drawn up calling for the creation of a system of public works to deal with the problem of unemployment, to be funded by a tax on income and capital. A law passed a year later allowed vagabonds to be whipped.[22]

In London, there was a great massing of the poor, and the Reformation threatened to eliminate some of the infrastructure used to provide for the poor. As a result, King Henry VIII consented to re-endow St. Bartholomew's Hospital in 1544 and St. Thomas’ Hospital in 1552 on the condition that the citizens of London pay for their maintenance.[23] However, the city was unable to raise enough revenue from voluntary contributions, so it instituted the first definite compulsory Poor Rate in 1547 which replaced Sunday collections in Church with a mandatory collection for the poor.[24] In 1555, London became increasingly concerned with the number of poor who could work, but yet could not find work, so it established the first House of Correction (predecessor to the workhouse) in the King’s Palace at Bridewell where poor could receive shelter and work at cap-making, feather-bed making, and wire drawing.[25]

For the able-bodied poor, life became even tougher during the reign of Edward VI. In 1547, the Vagabonds Act was passed that subjected vagrants to some of the more extreme provisions of the criminal law, namely two years servitude and branding with a "V" as the penalty for the first offence and death for the second. Justices of the Peace were reluctant to apply the full penalty.[26]  in 1552, Edward VI passed a poor act which designated a position of "Collector of Alms" in each parish and created a register of licensed poor. Under the assumption that parish collections would now relieve all poor, begging was completely prohibited.[27]

The government of Elizabeth I, Edward VI's successor after Mary I, was also inclined to severity. An Act passed in 1572 called for offenders to be burned through the ear for a first offence and that persistent beggars should be hanged. However, the Act also made the first clear distinction between the "professional beggar" and those unemployed through no fault of their own. Early in her reign, Elizabeth I also passed laws directly aimed at providing relief for the poor. For example, in 1563, her Act for the Relief of the Poor required all parish residents with ability to pay to contribute to poor collections.[28] Those who “of his or their forward willful mind shall obstinately refuse to give weekly to the relief of the poor according to his or their abilities” could be bound over to justices of the peace and fined £10.[29] Additionally, the 1572 Vagabonds Act further enabled Justices of the Peace to survey and register the impotent poor, determine how much money was required for their relief, then assess parish residents weekly for the appropriate amount.[30] Her 1575 Poor Act required towns to create “a competent stock of wool, hemp, flax, iron and other stuff” for the poor to work on and houses of correction for those who refused to work where recalcitrant or careless workers could be forced to work and punished accordingly.[31]

The first complete code of poor relief was made in the Act for the Relief of the Poor 1597 and some provision for the "deserving poor" was eventually made in the Elizabethan Poor Law of 1601. The more immediate origins of the Elizabethan Poor Law system were deteriorating economic circumstances in sixteenth-century England. Historian George Boyer has stated that England suffered rapid inflation at this time caused by population growth, the debasement of coinage and the inflow of American silver.[2] Poor harvests in the period between 1595 and 1598 causing the numbers in poverty to increase while charitable giving decreased after the dissolution of the Monasteries and religious guilds.[32]

In the early 1580s, with the development of English colonization schemes, initially in Ireland and later in North America, a new method to alleviate the condition of the poor would be suggested and utilized considerably over time.  Merchant and colonization proponent, George Peckham noted the then-current domestic conditions; "there are at this day great numbers which Hue in such penurie & want, as they could be content to hazard their Hues, and to serue one yeere for meat, drinke and apparell only, without wages, in hope thereby to amend their estates." With this, he may have been the first to suggest what became the institution of  indentured service.[33]  At the same time Richard Hakluyt, in his preface to Divers Voyages, likens English planters to "Bees...led out by their Captaines to swarme abroad"; he recommends "deducting" the poor out of the realm. Hakluyt also broadens the scope and additionally recommends to empty the prisons and send them off to the New World.[34] By 1619 Virginia's system of indentured service would be fully developed, and subsequent colonies would adopt the method with modifications suitable to their different conditions and times.[33] English penal transportation would be implemented soon afterwards, and evolve into a subsidized government endeavor with the Transportation Act 1717.

The Elizabethan Poor Law[17] of 1601 formalized earlier practices of poor relief contained in the Act for the Relief of the Poor 1597 yet is often cited as the beginning of the Old Poor Law system.[37] It created a system administered at parish level,[38] paid for by levying local rates on rate payers.[39] Relief for those too ill or old to work, the so-called 'impotent poor', was in the form of a payment or items of food ('the parish loaf') or clothing also known as outdoor relief. Some aged people might be accommodated in parish alms houses, though these were usually private charitable institutions. Meanwhile, able-bodied beggars who had refused work were often placed in Houses of Correction or even subjected to beatings to mend their attitudes. Provision for the many able-bodied poor in the workhouse, was relatively unusual, and most workhouses developed later. The 1601 Law said that parents and children were responsible for each other, elderly parents would live with their children.[40]

The Old Poor Law was a parish based system,[41] there were around 15,000 such parishes based upon the area around a parish church. The system allowed for despotic behavior from the Overseers of the Poor[42] but as Overseers of the Poor would know their paupers they were considered able to differentiate between the deserving and undeserving poor making the system both more humane and initially more efficient.[42] The Elizabethan Poor Law operated at a time when the population was small enough for everyone to know everyone else, therefore people's circumstances would be known and the idle poor would be unable to claim on the parishes' poor rate. The system provided social stability yet by 1750 needed to be adapted to cope with population increases,[43] greater mobility and regional price variations.

The 1601 Act sought to deal with'settled' poor who had found themselves temporarily out of workâ€”it was assumed they would accept indoor relief or outdoor relief. Neither method of relief was at this time in history seen as harsh. The act was supposed to deal with beggars who were considered a threat to civil order. The Act was passed at a time when poverty was considered necessary as fear of poverty made people work. In 1607 a House of Correction was set up in each county. However, this system was separate from the 1601 system which distinguished between the settled poor and 'vagrants'. There was much variation in the application of the law and there was a tendency for the destitute to migrate towards the more generous parishes, usually situated in the towns.[38] This led to the Settlement Act 1662 also known as the Poor Relief Act 1662, this allowed relief only to established residents of a parish; mainly through birth, marriage and apprenticeship. Unfortunately the laws reduced the mobility of labour and discouraged paupers from leaving their parish to find work.[44] They also encouraged industry to create short contracts (e.g. 364 days) so that an employee could not become eligible for poor relief.[38]

A pauper applicant had to prove a settlement. If they could not they were removed to the parish that was nearest to their place of birth, or where they might prove some connection; some paupers were moved hundreds of miles. Although the parishes they passed through en route had no responsibility for them, they were supposed to supply food and drink and shelter for at least one night. In 1697 an act was passed requiring those who begged to wear a "badge" of red or blue cloth on the right shoulder with an embroidered letter "P" and the initial of their parish.[45] However, this practice soon fell into disuse.[46]

The workhouse movement began at the end of the 17th century with the establishment of the Bristol Corporation of the Poor, founded by Act of Parliament in 1696.[47] The corporation established a workhouse which combined housing and care of the poor with a house of correction for petty offenders. Following the example of Bristol, some twelve further towns and cities established similar corporations in the next two decades. As these corporations required a private Act, they were not suitable for smaller towns and individual parishes.

Starting with the parish of Olney, Buckinghamshire in 1714 several dozen small towns and individual parishes established their own institutions without any specific legal authorization. These were concentrated in the South Midlands and in the county of Essex. From the late 1710s the Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge began to promote the idea of parochial workhouses. The Society published several pamphlets on the subject, and supported Sir Edward Knatchbull in his successful efforts to steer the Workhouse Test Act through parliament in 1723.[48] The act gave legislative authority for the establishment of parochial workhouses, by both single parishes and as joint ventures between two or more parishes. More importantly, the Act helped to publicise the idea of establishing workhouses to a national audience. By 1776 some 1,912 parish and corporation workhouses had been established in England and Wales, housing almost 100,000 paupers. Perhaps one million people were receiving some kind of parish poor relief by the end of the century.[49] Although many parishes and pamphlet writers expected to earn money from the labour of the poor in workhouses, the vast majority of people obliged to take up residence in workhouses were ill, elderly, or children whose labour proved largely unprofitable. The demands, needs and expectations of the poor also ensured that workhouses came to take on the character of general social policy institutions, combining the functions of creche, and night shelter, geriatric ward and orphanage. In 1782, Thomas Gilbert finally succeeded in passing an Act[50] that established poor houses solely for the aged and infirm and introduced a system of outdoor relief for the able-bodied. This was the basis for the development of the Speenhamland system, which made financial provision for low-paid workers. Settlement Laws were altered by the Removal Act 1795 which prevented non-settled persons from being moved on unless they had applied for relief.[2] An investigation of the history and current state of the Poor Laws was made by Michael Nolan in his 1805 Treatise of the Laws for the Relief and Settlement of the Poor. The work would go on to three subsequent editions in Nolan's lifetime (Nolan was elected an MP for Barnstaple in 1820), and stoked the discussion both within and outside of Parliament.

During the Napoleonic Wars it became difficult to import cheap grain into Britain which resulted in the price of bread increasing.[3]
As wages did not also increase, many agricultural labourers were plunged into poverty. Following peace in 1814, the Tory government of Lord Liverpool[51] passed the Corn Laws[52] to keep the price of grain artificially high. 1815 saw great social unrest[53] as the end of the French Wars[54] saw industrial and agricultural depression and high unemployment. Social attitudes to poverty began to change after 1815 and overhauls of the system were considered. The Poor Law system was criticized as distorting the free market and in 1816 a Parliamentary Select Committee looked into altering the system[55] which resulted in the Sturges-Bourne Acts being passed. 1817 also saw the passing of the Poor Employment Act, "to authorise the issue of Exchequer Bills and the Advance of Money out of the Consolidated Fund, to a limited Amount, for the carrying on of Public Works and Fisheries in the United Kingdom and Employment of the Poor in Great Britain".[56] By 1820, before the passing of the Poor Law Amendment Act workhouses were already being built to reduce the spiraling cost of poor relief.[55] Boyer suggests several possible reasons for the gradual increase in relief given to able-bodied males, including the enclosure movement and a decline in industries such as wool spinning and lace making.[2] Boyer also contends that farmers were able to take advantage of the poor law system to shift some of their labour costs onto the tax payer.[57]

The 1832 Royal Commission into the Operation of the Poor Laws[58] was set up following the widespread destruction and machine breaking of the Swing Riots.[59] The report was prepared by a commission of nine, including Nassau William Senior,[60] and served by Edwin Chadwick as Secretary.[61] The Royal Commission's primary concerns were with illegitimacy (or "bastardy"), reflecting the influence of Malthusians, and the fear that the practices of the Old Poor Law were undermining the position of the independent labourer.[62]  Two practices were of particular concern: the "roundsman" system,[63] where overseers hired out paupers as cheap labour, and the Speenhamland system, which subsidised low wages without relief.[58] The report concluded that the existing Poor Laws undermined the prosperity of the country by interfering with the natural laws of supply and demand, that the existing means of poor relief allowed employers to force down wages, and, that poverty itself was inevitable.[64][65]

The Commission proposed the New Law be governed by two overarching principles:

When the Act was introduced however it had been partly watered down. The workhouse test and the idea of "less eligibility" were never mentioned themselves and the recommendation of the Royal Commission that outdoor relief (relief given outside of a workhouse)[67] should be abolished – was never implemented. The report recommended separate workhouses for the aged, infirm, children, able-bodied females and able-bodied males. The report also stated that parishes should be grouped into unions in order to spread the cost of workhouses and a central authority should be established in order to enforce these measures. The Poor Law Commission set up by Earl Grey took a year to write its report, the recommendations passed easily through Parliament support by both main parties the Whigs and the Tories. The bill gained Royal Assent in 1834. The few who opposed the Bill were more concerned about the centralisation which it would bring rather than the underpinning philosophy of utilitarianism.[68]

The Poor Law Amendment Act[69]
was passed in 1834 by the government of Lord Melbourne and largely implemented the findings of the Royal Commission which had presented its findings two years earlier.[70] The New Poor Law is considered to be one of the most "far-reaching pieces of legislation of the entire Nineteenth Century"[3] and "classic example of the fundamental Whig-Benthamite reforming legislation of the period".[70] The Act aimed to reduce the burden on rate payers and can be seen as an attempt by the Whig government to win the votes of the classes enfranchised by the Great Reform Act. Despite being labelled an "amendment act" it completely overhauled the existing system[55] and established a Poor Law Commission to oversee the national operation of the system.[71]  This included the forming together of small parishes into Poor Law Unions[72] and the building of workhouses in each union for the giving of poor relief. Although the aim of the legislation was to reduce costs to rate payers, one area not reformed was the method of financing of the Poor Law system which continued to be paid for by levying a "poor rate"[73] on the property owning middle classes.

Although the Poor Law Amendment Act did not ban all forms of outdoor relief,[74] it stated that no able-bodied person was to receive money or other help from the Poor Law authorities except in a workhouse. Conditions in workhouses were to be made harsh to discourage people from claiming. Workhouses were to be built in every parish and, if parishes were too small, parishes could group together to form Workhouse Unions. The Poor Law Commissioners were to be responsible for overseeing the implementation of the Act.

For various reasons it was impossible to apply some of the terms of the Act. Less eligibility was in some cases impossible without starving paupers and the high cost of building workhouses incurred by rate payers meant that outdoor relief continued to be a popular alternative. Despite efforts to ban outdoor relief, parishes continued to offer it as a more cost-effective method of dealing with pauperism. The Outdoor Labour Test Order[75] and Outdoor Relief Prohibitory Order[76] were both issued to try to prevent people receiving relief outside of the workhouse.

When the new Amendment was applied to the industrial North of England (an area the law had never considered during reviews), the system failed catastrophically as many found themselves temporarily unemployed, due to recessions or a fall in stock demands, so called 'cyclical unemployment' and were reluctant to enter a Workhouse, despite its being the only method of gaining aid.     Nottingham also was allowed an exemption from the law and continued to provide outdoor relief[77]

The abuses and shortcomings of the system are documented in the novels of Charles Dickens and Frances Trollope and later in People of the Abyss [1]  by Jack London. Despite the aspirations of the reformers, the New Poor Law was unable to make the Workhouse as bad as life outside. The primary problem was that in order to make the diet of the Workhouse inmates "less eligible" than what they could expect outside, it would be necessary to starve the inmates beyond an acceptable level.[66]  It was for this reason that other ways were found to deter entrance to the Workhouses. These measures ranged from the introduction of prison style uniforms to the segregation of 'inmates' into yards – there were normally male, female, boys' and girls' yards.

In 1846, the Andover workhouse scandal,[78] where conditions in the Andover Union Workhouse were found to be inhumane and dangerous, prompted a government review and the abolition of the Poor Law Commission which was replaced with a Poor Law Board which meant that a Committee of Parliament was to administer the Poor Law, with a cabinet minister as head. Despite this another scandal occurred over inhumane treatment of paupers in the Huddersfield workhouse.[79]

After 1847 the Poor Law Commission was replaced with a Poor Law Board.[5] This was because of the Andover workhouse scandal and the criticism of Henry Parker who was responsible for the Andover union as well as the tensions in Somerset House caused by Chadwick's failure to become a Poor Law Commissioner. The Poor Law had been altered in 1834 because of increasing costs. The Workhouse Visiting Society which formed in 1858 highlighted conditions in workhouses[80] and led to workhouses being inspected more often.[81] The Union Chargeability Act was passed in 1865[82] in order to make the financial burden of pauperism be placed upon the whole unions rather than individual parishes. Most Boards of Guardians were middle class and committed to keeping Poor Rates as low as possible. After the Reform Act 1867 there was increasing welfare legislation. As this legislation required local authorities' support the Poor Law Board was replaced with a Local Government Board in 1871.[83] The Local Government Board led a crusade against outdoor relief supported by the Charity Organisation Society, an organization which viewed outdoor relief as destroying the self-reliance of the poor.[2] The effect of this renewed effort to deter outdoor relief was to reduce claimants by a third and to increase numbers in the work house by 12â€“15%.[2] County Councils were formed in 1888, District Councils in 1894. This meant that public housing, unlike health and income maintenance, developed outside the scope of the Poor Law. Poor Law policy after the New Poor Law concerning the elderly, the sick and mentally ill and children became more humane.[84] This was in part due to the expense of providing "mixed workhouses"[84] as well as changing attitudes regarding the causes and nature of poverty.[85]

The Poor Law system began to decline with the availability of other forms of assistance. The growth of friendly societies provided help for its members without recourse to the Poor Law system. Some trade unions also provided help for their members. The Medical Relief Disqualification Removal Act 1885 meant that people who had accessed medical care funded by the poor rate were no longer disqualified from voting in elections. In 1886 the Chamberlain Circular encouraged the Local Government Board to set up work projects when unemployment rates were high rather than use workhouses. In 1905 the Conservatives passed the Unemployed Workman Act which provided for temporary employment for workers in times of unemployment.[86]

In 1905 a Royal Commission was set up to investigate what changes could be made to the Poor Law.[87] The Commission produced two conflicting reports but both investigations were largely ignored by the Liberal government when implementing their own scheme of welfare legislation. The welfare reforms of the Liberal Government[88]  made several provisions to provide social services without the stigma of the Poor Law, including Old age pensions and National Insurance, and from that period fewer people were covered by the system.[89] From 1911, the term "Workhouse" was replaced by "Poor Law Institution".[90] Means tests were developed during the inter-war period, not as part of the Poor Law, but as part of the attempt to offer relief that was not affected by the stigma of pauperism. According to Lees by slowly dismantling the system the Poor Law was "to die by attrition and surgical removals of essential organs".[91]

During the First World War there is evidence that some workhouses were used as makeshift hospitals for wounded servicemen.[92][93][94] Numbers using the Poor Law system increased during the interwar years and between 1921 and 1938 despite the extension of unemployment insurance to virtually all workers except the self-employed.[95] Many of these workers were provided with outdoor relief. One aspect of the Poor Law that continued to cause resentment was that the burden of poor relief was not shared equally by rich and poor areas but, rather, fell most heavily on those areas in which poverty was at its worst. This was a central issue in the Poplar Rates Rebellion led by George Lansbury and others in 1921.[96] Lansbury had in 1911 written a provocative attack on the workhouse system in a pamphlet entitled "Smash Up the Workhouse!".[97]

Opposition to the Poor Law grew at the beginning of the 19th century. The 1601 system was felt to be too costly[38] and was considered in academic circles as encouraging the underlying problems.[102] Jeremy Bentham argued for a disciplinary, punitive approach to social problems, whilst the writings of Thomas Malthus focused attention on overpopulation, and the growth of illegitimacy.[103] David Ricardo argued that there was an "iron law of wages". The effect of poor relief, in the view of the reformers, was to undermine the position of the "independent labourer".[104]

In the period following the Napoleonic Wars, several reformers altered the function of the "poorhouse" into the model for a deterrent workhouse. The first of the deterrent workhouses in this period was at Bingham, Nottinghamshire. The second was Becher's workhouse in Southwell, now maintained by the National Trust.  George Nicholls, the overseer at Southwell, was to become a Poor Law Commissioner in the reformed system. The 1817 Report of the Select Committee on the Poor Laws condemned the Poor Law as causing poverty itself.[105]

The introduction of the New Poor Law also resulted in opposition. Some who gave evidence to the Royal Commission into the Operation of the Poor Laws suggested that the existing system had proved adequate and was more adaptable to local needs.[106] This argument was strongest in the industrial North of England and in the textile industries[38] where outdoor relief was a more effective method of dealing with cyclical unemployment as well as being a more cost-effective method. Poor Law commissioners faced greatest opposition in Lancashire and the West Riding of Yorkshire where in 1837 there was high unemployment during an economic depression. The New Poor Law was seen as interference from Londoners with little understanding of local affairs.[107] Opposition was unusually strong because committees had already been formed in opposition to the Ten Hours Movement,[108] leaders of the Ten Hours campaign such as Richard Oastler,[109][110] Joseph Rayner Stephens and John Fielden[111] became the leaders of the Anti-Poor Law campaign. The Book of Murder was published and was aimed at creating opposition to the workhouse system.[112] and pamphlets were published spreading rumour and propaganda about Poor Law Commissioners and alleged infanticide inside of workhouses.[113] Opposition to the Poor Law yielded some successes in delaying the development of workhouses, and one workhouse in Stockport was attacked by a crowd of rioters.[114] As many Boards of Guardians were determined to continue under the old system, the Poor Law Commission granted some boards the right to continue providing relief under the Old Poor Law. However, the movement against the New Poor Law was short-lived, leading many to instead turn towards Chartism.[107]

The Poor Law systems of Scotland and Ireland were distinct from the English Poor Law system covering England and Wales although Irish legislation was heavily influenced by the English Poor Law Amendment Act.[115] In Scotland the Poor Law system was reformed by the 1845 Scottish Poor Law Act.[116] In Ireland the Irish Poor Law Act of 1838 was the first attempt to put control of the destitute and responsibility for their welfare on a statutory basis.[117] Due to exceptional overcrowding, workhouses in Ireland stopped admissions during the Irish Potato famine and increasingly resorted to outdoor relief.[118] Emigration was sometimes used by landlords as a method of keeping the cost of poor relief down and removing surplus labour.[118]  Reforms after the Irish War of Independence resulted in the abolition of Boards of Guardians in the jurisdiction of the Irish Free State and their replacement by County Boards of Health.[119]

The historiography of the Poor Laws has passed through several distinct phases.[120] The "traditionalist" or "orthodox" account of the Poor Laws focuses upon the deficiencies of the Old Poor Law.[121] This early historiography was influential in successfully overhauling the system. Blaug presents the first revisionist analysis of the Poor Law in “The Myth of the Old Poor Law and the making of the New”, arguing that the Old Poor Law did not reduce the efficiency of agricultural workers, lower wages, depress rents or compound the burden on rate payers.[122] Instead Blaug argues that Old Poor Law was a device "for dealing with the problems of structural unemployment and substandard wages in the lagging rural sector of a rapidly growing but still underdeveloped
economy".[122] Other areas of Poor Law which have concerned historians include the extent to which the Second Great Reform Act contributed to the Poor Law Amendment Act[123] and the extent to which outdoor relief was abolished following the New Poor Law.[124]


what movie was welcome home by radical face in

The song "Welcome Home" has been featured in advertisements and films, including a Nikon advertisement in several countries of Europe, an advertisement[5] for the 2011 Chevrolet Volt, and a promotional video for the University of Oregon that aired during the 2011 BCS Championship between Auburn and Oregon. The song appeared in the movie Humboldt County. It was featured in the Discovery Channel TV Series North America. The 2011 documentary film Forks Over Knives features the song over the ending credits. It is used in the climax of the film The Vicious Kind and featured in the film The Swiss Machine as speed alpine climber Ueli Steck ascends the Eiger. This film was part of the 2010 Reel Rock Tour. Steck's ascent to the tune of Radical Face's "Welcome Home" is featured in the Reel Rock Tour trailer. It was also used at the end of UK program Eddie Izzard: Marathon Man, toward the end of the first episode of the TV series Graceland, in the latter portion of the trailer for the 2012 documentary Mission to Lars and in a mountain bike short film of free-ride pro Andi Wittmann.[6][7] The song was heard in the fifth season of the popular British show, Skins, the second season of James May's Man Lab, and in the eighth episode of The Blacklist's first season. The song is listened to by a character in the opening scene of the pilot episode of the TV series The Returned. The song was featured during the credits of the 2016 movie Before I Wake. The song has been used as the official theme song for the Coastal Observation and Seabird Survey Team, Marine Debris Unit. The song reached number 58 in the UK Singles Chart in July 2012.[8]

Ghost (Radical Face album)

Ghost was the first studio album released by Radical Face in March 2007 on Morr Music.[1]

Ghost is a concept album based on the idea of houses retaining stories of what has happened in them. Each song is a story, some told from the house's point of view. Emeral Cooper cited an old house he lived in as one of the inspirations for Ghost. Most of his work on the album was done in an old tool shed behind his house. Cooper, Mark Hubbard, and Alex Kane collaborated with Ben Cooper for some tracks on the album.

Ghost has been compared to musical acts such as Pinback, The Mountain Goats, Sufjan Stevens, The Postal Service,[2] Gorky's Zygotic Mynci, Paul Simon,[3] and Animal Collective.[4]


who played violet on leave it to beaver

Cartwright was born in Bristol and grew up in Los Angeles, having emigrated to America shortly after the birth of her younger sister, actress Angela Cartwright. Her career as a child actress began in 1958 with a role in In Love and War. Among her early appearances were repeated roles in the television series Leave It to Beaver (as Beaver's classmates Violet Rutherford and, later, Peggy MacIntosh) and episodes of One Step Beyond "The Haunting" (1960) and The Twilight Zone "I Sing the Body Electric" (1962). She guest starred twice in 1963 in NBC's medical drama about psychiatry, The Eleventh Hour, in the episodes "The Silence of Good Men" and "My Name is Judith, I'm Lost, You See." Cartwright appeared in the films The Children's Hour (1961) and Alfred Hitchcock's The Birds (1963), which were both highly successful. In The Birds, she was cast along with her TV father from Leave It To Beaver, Richard Deacon, although the two were not on screen together. She played daughter Jemima Boone in the first two seasons of NBC's Daniel Boone from 1964 until 1966, with co-stars Fess Parker, Patricia Blair, Darby Hinton, Ed Ames, and Dallas McKennon. She won a regional Emmy for the 1964 TV movie Tell Me Not in Mournful Numbers. [1][2]

Veronica Cartwright

Veronica A. Cartwright (born 20 April 1949) is an English-born American actress who has worked mainly in American film and television in a career spanning six decades. As a child actress she appeared in supporting roles in The Children's Hour and The Birds. She is perhaps best known for her roles in the science fiction films Invasion of the Body Snatchers (1978) and Alien (1979), for which she won a Saturn Award for Best Supporting Actress.

Cartwright achieved successes with Invasion of the Body Snatchers (1978) and Alien (1979), the latter performance winning her a Saturn Award for Best Supporting Actress. She was originally cast as Alien's heroine Ellen Ripley, but director Ridley Scott switched her role with Sigourney Weaver's just prior to shooting the film.

Other film roles include: Spencer's Mountain with Henry Fonda and Kym Karath (1963), Inserts (1974), Goin' South (1978), The Right Stuff (1983), Flight of the Navigator (1986), The Witches of Eastwick (1987), Money Talks (1997), Scary Movie 2 (2001), Kinsey (2004) and Straight-Jacket (2004).

A frequent performer in television, she has played guest roles in such series as The Mod Squad, Miami Vice, Baywatch, L.A. Law, ER, The X-Files, Chicago Hope, Will & Grace, Touched by an Angel, Judging Amy, Six Feet Under, The Closer, and Law & Order: Special Victims Unit. Cartwright has received three Emmy Award nominations, one for her work in ER in 1997, and two for her work on The X-Files in 1998 and 1999. Veronica Cartwright also starred as Mrs. Olive Osmond in the made-for-TV film Inside the Osmonds.

She co-starred in the fourth version of Invasion of the Body Snatchers, The Invasion (2007). She appears on the cover art for the Scissor Sisters' 2006 single "I Don't Feel Like Dancin'" as well as on their second album Ta-Dah.

In 2014, Cartwright reprised her role as Joan Lambert for DLC episodes in Alien: Isolation based on the original film, and appeared in the remake of The Town That Dreaded Sundown.[3]

Cartwright is the older sister of actress Angela Cartwright, who appeared in The Sound of Music (1965) and as a regular in the television series Lost in Space and Make Room for Daddy.