where was the movie gran torino filmed at

Locations, all within Metro Detroit, included Highland Park, Center Line,[22] Warren, Royal Oak, and Grosse Pointe Park were used.[23] The house depicting Walt Kowalski's house is on Rhode Island Street in Highland Park. The Hmong gang house is located on Pilgrim Street in Highland Park. The house depicting the residence of one of Walt's sons is on Ballantyne Road in Grosse Pointe Shores. The church used in the film, Saint Ambrose Roman Catholic Church, is in Grosse Pointe Park. The hardware store, Pointe Hardware, is also in Grosse Pointe Park. VFW Post 6756, used as the location where Walt meets friends to drink alcohol, is in Center Line.[8]

Gran Torino

Gran Torino is a 2008 American drama film directed and produced by Clint Eastwood, who also starred in the film. The film co-stars Christopher Carley, Bee Vang and Ahney Her. This was Eastwood's first starring role since 2004's Million Dollar Baby. The film features a large Hmong American cast, as well as one of Eastwood's younger sons, Scott. Eastwood's oldest son, Kyle, provided the score. Gran Torino opened via a limited theatrical release in North America on December 12, 2008, and later to a worldwide release on January 9, 2009.[5] Set in Detroit, Michigan, it is the first mainstream American film to feature Hmong Americans. Many Lao Hmong war refugees resettled in the U.S. following the communist takeover of Laos in 1975.[6]

The story follows Walt Kowalski, a recently widowed Korean War veteran alienated from his family and angry at the world. Walt's young neighbor, Thao Vang Lor, is pressured by his cousin into stealing Walt's prized 1972 Ford Gran Torino for his initiation into a gang. Walt thwarts the theft with his M1 Garand rifle and subsequently develops a relationship with the boy and his family.

Gran Torino grossed nearly $270 million worldwide (making it Eastwood's second highest-grossing film to date).[4] Within the Hmong community in the United States, the film received both praise and criticism.

Walt Kowalski is a cantankerous, retired Polish American assembly line worker and Korean War veteran, who has recently been widowed after 50 years of marriage, causing him to be a lapsed Catholic. His Highland Park neighborhood in the Detroit area of Michigan, formerly populated by working-class white families, is now dominated by poor Asian immigrants, and gang violence is commonplace. Adding to his isolation and detachment are his feelings towards his married sons and their families.

He rejects a suggestion from one of his sons to move to a retirement community (sensing that they want his home and possessions), and lives alone with his elderly dog, Daisy.  A longtime cigarette smoker, Walt suffers from coughing fits, occasionally coughing up blood, but conceals this from his family. Roman Catholic priest Father Janovich tries to comfort him, but Walt disdains the young, inexperienced man. Eventually, Walt opens up to the priest, revealing that he is still haunted by memories of the war.

The Hmong Vang Lor family reside next door to Walt. Initially, he wants nothing to do with his new neighbors, particularly after he catches Thao attempting to steal his 1972 Ford Gran Torino as a coerced initiation into a Hmong gang run by Thao's cousin, Fong, whose nickname is "Spider". The gang is infuriated by Thao's failure and they attack him, but Walt confronts them with an M1 Garand rifle and chases them off, earning the respect of the Hmong community.

As penance, Thao's mother makes him work for Walt, who has him do odd jobs around the neighborhood, and the two form a grudging mutual respect. Thao's sister Sue introduces Walt to Hmong culture and helps him bond with the Hmong community, who soon become more like family to Walt than his actual family and he, in turn, becomes a better man to them than he was to his own sons. Walt helps Thao get a job and gives him dating advice. Walt eventually visits a doctor regarding his coughing fits, where it's implied that he does not have long to live.

Spider's gang continues to pressure Thao, assaulting him on his way home from work. After he sees Thao's injuries, Walt visits the gang's house, where he attacks a gang member as a warning. In retaliation, the gang performs a drive-by shooting on the Vang Lor home, injuring Thao. They also beat up Sue, and Walt is upset by this. Father Janovich tells him that the gang raped her and she is safe at the hospital. There are no other witnesses; the community members, including the victims, refuse to assist the police to incriminate the gang members.

The next day, Thao seeks Walt's help to exact revenge, and Walt tells him to return later in the afternoon. In the meantime, Walt makes personal preparations: he buys a suit, gets a haircut, and makes a confession to Father Janovich, who had pressured him to make it at the behest of his late wife. When Thao returns, Walt takes him to the basement, gives him his Silver Star medal, then locks him in the basement and tells him of his haunting memory of having killed a surrendering enemy soldier. He keeps Thao locked in the basement, until the revenge is over, to make sure the boy will never be haunted by killing someone, with his life ahead of him.

That night, Walt goes to the gang members' house, where they draw their firearms on him. He loudly berates them and enumerates their crimes, drawing the attention of the neighbors. Putting a cigarette in his mouth, he asks for a light, then puts his hand in the pocket of his jacket and provocatively pulls it out as if he were holding a gun, causing the gang members to shoot and kill him. As he falls to the ground, his hand opens to reveal the Zippo cigarette lighter with the 1st Cavalry insignia; he was unarmed. His plan had in fact been to provoke them into killing him in public. Sue, following Walt's directions, frees Thao, and they drive to the scene in Walt's Gran Torino. One of the police officers tells them that all gang members have been placed under arrest for the murder, and due to the number of witnesses, they all face a lengthy sentence in prison.

Walt's funeral mass is celebrated by Father Janovich and attended by his family and many of the Hmong community, many of whom are wearing traditional attire; their presence visibly puzzles Walt's family. Later, his last will and testament is read. To his family's surprise, Walt leaves them nothing. His house goes to the church and his cherished Gran Torino goes to Thao, with the condition that he does not modify the vehicle. Later, Thao is seen driving the car along Jefferson Avenue with Daisy.

After holding casting calls in Fresno, California, Detroit, Michigan, and Saint Paul, Minnesota, Eastwood selected ten Hmong lead actors and supporting actors. Of them, only one was not a first time actor.[7] Of the Hmong cast, five, including Bee Vang,[6] one of the principal actors,[8] were from the state of Minnesota.[6] Ahney Her comes from Lansing, Michigan. The casting agency Pound & Mooney recruited thirty actors and over 500 extras. The firm recruited many Hmong actors from a Hmong soccer tournament in Macomb County, Michigan.[8] Sandy Ci Moua, a Hmong actress based in the Twin Cities, assisted with the film's casting of Hmong actors.[9]

Gran Torino was written by Nick Schenk and directed by Clint Eastwood.[7] It was produced by Village Roadshow Pictures, Media Magik Entertainment and Malpaso Productions for film distributor Warner Bros. Eastwood co-produced with his Malpaso partners Robert Lorenz and Bill Gerber.[10] Eastwood  has stated he enjoyed the idea "that it dealt with prejudice, that it was about never being too old to learn".[11]

Shooting began in July 2008.[12] Hmong crew, production assistants, consultants, and extras were used.[7][13] The film was shot over five weeks. Joel Cox and Gary D. Roach, the editors, cut the film so it was under two hours long.[14] The crew spent over $10 million while shooting the film in Detroit.[8]

In the early 1990s, Schenk became acquainted with the history and culture of the Hmong while working in a factory in Minnesota.[15] He also learned how they had sided with the South Vietnamese forces and its US allies during the Vietnam War, only to wind up in refugee camps, at the mercy of North Vietnamese Communist forces, when US troops pulled out and the government forces were defeated.[15] Years later, he was deciding how to develop a story involving a widowed Korean War veteran trying to handle the changes in his neighborhood when he decided to place a Hmong family next door and create a culture clash.[15] He and Dave Johannson, Schenk's brother's roommate, created an outline for the story.[15] According to Schenk, each night he used a pen and paper to write the script while in Grumpy's, a bar in northeastern Minneapolis, while not working at his day jobs. He recalled writing 25 pages within a single night in the bar. He recalled asking the bartender, who was his friend, questions about the story's progress.[16] Some industry insiders told Schenk that a film starring an elderly main character could not be produced, as the story could not be sold,[15]  especially with an elderly main character who used language suggesting that he held racist views.[16] Through a friend, Schenk sent the screenplay to Warner Bros. producer Bill Gerber.[15] Eastwood was able to direct and star on the project as filming for Invictus was delayed to early 2009, leaving sufficient time for filming Gran Torino during the previous summer.[15] Eastwood said that he had a "fun and challenging role, and it's an oddball story."[15]

According to Schenk, aside from changing Minneapolis references to Detroit references, the production headed by Eastwood "didn't change a single syllable" in the script.[17] Schenk added that the concept of the producers not making any substantial revisions to a submitted script "never happens."[18] Eastwood said that he stopped making significant revisions after attempting to change the script of Unforgiven and later deciding to return to the original revision, believing that his changes were "emasculating" the product.[18]

The original script was inspired by the Northeast community of Minneapolis, Minnesota, but filmmakers chose to shoot in Michigan, becoming one of the first productions to take advantage of the state's new law that provided lucrative incentive packages to film productions.[19] Bill Huizenga, a man from Zeeland, Michigan who once served in the Michigan House of Representatives, helped write and coordinate the State of Michigan's incentive package to the film creators.[20] The film ultimately received a 42% tax credit. Bruce Headlam of The New York Times said "That helped make it easy for Warner Bros. to sign off on bankrolling the movie, something that hasn’t always been a given in the studio’s relationship with the director."[18]

Producer Robert Lorenz said that while the script was originally set in Minnesota, he chose Michigan as the actual setting as Kowalski is a retired car plant worker.[21] Metro Detroit was the point of origin of the Ford Motor Company.[18] Schenk said that sometimes the lines in the movie feel out of place with the Detroit setting; for instance a line about one of Walt's sons asks if Walt still knows a person who has season tickets for Minnesota Vikings games was changed to being about a person with Detroit Lions tickets. Schenk said "They don't sell out in Detroit. And so that bothered me. It seemed really untrue to me."[17]

The barber shop, Widgren's Barber Shop, is along 11 Mile Road,[8] near Center Street, in Royal Oak. The shop, founded in 1938, in a space now occupied by another business, moved to its current location, west of its original location, in 1970. The film producers selected that shop out of 60 candidates in Metro Detroit. According to Frank Mills, the son-in-law of owner Ted Widgren, the producers selected it because they liked "the antique look inside."[24] Eastwood asked Widgren to act as an extra in the barber shop scene. In the area around the barbershop, vehicle traffic had to be stopped for three to five minutes at a time, so traffic in the area slowed down.[24]

Of the entire cast, only Eastwood was an established actor; the Hmong actors had relatively little experience,[25] and some were not proficient in English.[18] Jeff Baenen said that Eastwood used a "low-key approach to directing."[25] Eastwood said that "I’d give them little pointers along the way, Acting 101. And I move along at a rate that doesn’t give them too much of a chance to think."[18] Bee Vang said that he originally felt fright, but was able to ease into the acting.[25] Baenen said that Eastwood was a "patient teacher" of the first-time actors.[25] According to Vang, Eastwood did not say "action" whenever filming a particular shoot began.[25]

Vang said that he had studied the script as if it was a textbook. According to Vang, after the first film cut ended, Vang did not hear a response from Eastwood. When Vang asked if something was wrong, other people told Vang that if Eastwood did not make a comment, then his performance was satisfactory.[26] Vang added that Eastwood encouraged ad-libbing with the Hmong actors.[25] Ahney Her said that she liked the improvisation work, even when she was required to translate between the English and Hmong languages.[27] When asked if the in-character racial slurs offended the actors in real life, Ahney said that she did not feel offense. Vang said "I was called so many names that I canâ€™t say here because of how vulgar they were. It disturbed me quite a lot, but at the end of the day it was just a script."[26]

Vang said in a 2011 program that Eastwood did not allow the Hmong actors to change their lines, despite what he said in the earlier interviews.[28]

Nick Schenk said that he became friends with many Hmong coworkers while employed at a VHS factory in Bloomington, Minnesota. In regards to Schenk's stories of his interactions with the Hmong people, Laura Yuen of Minnesota Public Radio said "That sense of humor and curiosity permeate the script, even though the Gran Torino trailers make the movie look like, by all measures, a drama."[17]

Eastwood wanted Hmong as cast members, so casting director Ellen Chenoweth enlisted Hmong organizations and set up calls in Detroit, Fresno and Saint Paul; Fresno and Saint Paul have the two largest Hmong communities in the United States, while Detroit also has an appreciable population of Hmong.[21] Chenoweth recruited Bee Vang in St. Paul and Ahney Her in Detroit.[15]

The screenplay was written entirely in English. Therefore, the actors of Gran Torino improvised the Hmong used in the film. Louisa Schein, author of Hmong Actors Making History Part 2: Meet the Gran Torino Family, said before the end of production that "some of the lines actors ad-libbed in Hmong on camera will be tricky to translate back for subtitles."[27] Screenwriter Nick Schenk had input from Hmong people when writing the script.[29] Dyane Hang Garvey served as a cultural consultant, giving advice on names, traditions, and translations.[6]

Vang argued that the use of the Hmong people did not seem relevant to the overall plot. He said "there is no real reason for us to be Hmong in the script" and that even though Walt Kowalski had fought in Korea, he had still confused the Hmong with Koreans and other Asian ethnic groups.[30] In a 2011 program Vang said that Hmong actors were treated unfairly on the set, and that Eastwood did not give tips on how to build the characters.[28] Vang also said that other white cast members made Hmong actors feel excluded.[28] Vang said that some important lines that the Hmong characters said in the Hmong language were not subtitled, so audiences developed a skewed perception of the Hmong people.[28]

Roxane Battle of MinnPost said "Rutgers University professor Louisa Shein, an expert on Hmong studies, adeptly moderated the discussion and challenged the audience to view the young cast members for what they were: actors in a film, and not so much representatives of an entire culture."[26]

Bee Vang, as paraphrased by Jeff Baenen of the Associated Press, said that the film's portrayal of the Hmong is "generally accurate."[25] Regarding the result, Vang said "[t]his film is not a documentary. We can't expect 101 percent correctness."[25] During the filming, Hmong cast members addressed what they believed to be cultural inaccuracies that were being introduced. Cedric Lee,[26] a half-Hmong[31] who worked as a production assistant and a cultural consultant, said that "Some things were over-exaggerated for dramatic purposes. Whether it was our job or not, I still felt some responsibility to speak our mind and say something, but at the same time, the script was what it was. We didnâ€™t make the final decision."[26] Vang said while many Hmong had objected to some elements, the producers selected the viewpoints of the cultural consultants which "had the most amenable take on the matter and would lend credence to whatever Hollywood stereotypes the film wanted to convey."[32] Vang further said that "this was a white production, that our presence as actors did not amount to control of our images."[32]

Louisa Schein and Va-Megn Thoj, authors of "Gran Torinoâ€™s Boys and Men with Guns: Hmong Perspectives," said "Perhaps the most commonly voiced Hmong objections to the film concern its myriad cultural inaccuracies, exaggerations and distortion."[33] Schein also said that "[t]he [Hmong] actors struggle, too, with their culture being made into spectacle."[7] Even though a real Hmong shaman acts as a Hmong shaman in the film, Schein said that "his expertise was overridden by the screenplay and the filming, which distorted the ceremonial scenes by making them inaccurately exotic."[7] Vang said that the tea ceremonies depicted in the film were not correctly performed.[28] Even though, in the film, Hmong characters feel offense when Walt touches a girl on the head, Schein said that in real life in Hmong culture it is okay to touch a person on the head.[26] In other segments of the film, the Hmong shaman touches a baby's head without any negative criticism. Schein adds that Spider touches Thao Vang Lor's head "without consequence."[33] Christine Wilson Owens, author of "Hmong Cultural Profile," said "Most traditional Hmong elders, especially men, do not want strangers to touch their heads, or those of their children, due to their religious beliefs and personal values."[34]

Thao and Sue Lor wear Hmong clothing to Walt Kowalski's funeral. Hmong do not ordinarily wear traditional Hmong clothing to funerals.[26] Grandma Lor spits a betel nut she had been chewing to show contempt for Walt Kowalski, even though the Hmong do not chew betel nuts.[35] The Hmong shaman reads Walt's personal character, when in real life he would communicate with the spirit world. In the film the shaman himself does a sacrifice of a chicken in a manner that Schein and Thoj say is "in dramatic ceremonial fashion," when in real life an assistant would do this "perfunctorily."[33] The authors said that the hu plis ceremony done in honor of the baby has an incorrect spatial layout, that the clothing and grooming of the Hmong gangs is not correct, and "the obsequious making of offerings on doorstep" are not accurate.[33] While Thao himself cleans dishes, Schein and Thoj add that he would not do this alone because he is in a house with other female family members.[33] Schein and Thoj also add that there is "inconsistent use of the two Hmong dialects within one family."[33] They also argue that members of a Hmong clan would not show aggression towards a member of a fellow clan and that they would not rape a member of their own clan, like the gang in the film rapes Sue.[33] Sharon Her, a Hmong writer from New York, argued that the film had "confusion of Asian customs" and that "Hmong people do not use favors as a method of atonement nor do they endlessly shower individuals with gifts out of gratitude."[36]

In regard to the early script, Her said "An early draft of the script even had names misspelled and referenced Chinese surnames, a sloppy mistake that was easily corrected[.]"[36]

In the film's opening weekend of wide release in the US, it grossed $29.5Â million; as of December 12 2008, has taken in $269,541,625 worldwide.[4][37]

The film was released on June 9, 2009, in the United States in both standard DVD format and Blu-ray.[38] The disc includes bonus materials and extra features.[38] A featurette is included and a documentary about the correlation of manhood and the automobile.[39] The Blu-ray version presents the film in 2.40:1 ratio format, a digital copy, and the audio in multiple languages.[39][40]

About 4 million DVD units have been sold as of 2012, generating $67.4 million in revenue. Another 332,000 Blu-ray discs were sold, for $4.9 million, bringing the total to $72.4 million in home video sales.[3]

Rotten Tomatoes reports that 80% of 224 surveyed critics gave the film positive write-ups; the average score is 7.1/10. The site's consensus states: "Though a minor entry in Eastwood's body of work, Gran Torino is nevertheless a humorous, touching, and intriguing old-school parable."[41] At Metacritic, which assigns a weighted average score out of 100 to reviews from mainstream critics, the film has received an average score of 72 based on 34 reviews.[42]

After seeing the film, The New York Times described the requiem tone captured by the film, calling it as "a sleek, muscle car of a movie made in the USA, in that industrial graveyard called Detroit". Manohla Dargis compared Eastwood's presence on film to Dirty Harry and the Man with No Name, stating: "Dirty Harry is back, in a way, in Gran Torino, not as a character, but as a ghostly presence. He hovers in the film, in its themes and high-caliber imagery, and of course, most obviously, in Mr. Eastwood’s face. It is a monumental face now, so puckered and pleated that it no longer looks merely weathered, as it has for decades, but seems closer to petrified wood."[43] The Los Angeles Times also praised Eastwood's performance and credibility as an action hero at the age of 78. Kenneth Turan said of Eastwood's performance, "It is a film that is impossible to imagine without the actor in the title role. The notion of a 78-year-old action hero may sound like a contradiction in terms, but Eastwood brings it off, even if his toughness is as much verbal as physical. Even at 78, Eastwood can make 'Get off my lawn' sound as menacing as 'Make my day', and when he says 'I blow a hole in your face and sleep like a baby', he sounds as if he means it".[44] Roger Ebert wrote that the film is "about the belated flowering of a man's better nature. And it's about Americans of different races growing more open to one another in the new century."[45] Sang Chi and Emily Moberg Robinson, editors of Voices of the Asian-American and Pacific Islander Experience: Volume 1, said that within the mainstream media, the film received "criticial acclaim" "for its nuanced portrayal of Asian Americans."[46] Louisa Schein and Va-Megn Thoj, authors of "Gran Torino’s Boys and Men with Guns: Hmong Perspective," said that the mainstream critical response was "centered on Eastwood‘s character and viewed the film mainly as a vision of multicultural inclusion and understanding."[47]

Mark Harris, columnist for Entertainment Weekly, described it as "fantasy pretending to be social commentary", and accused it of peddling "the delusion that even the bigot next door has something to teach us all about heroism and self-sacrifice", adding "no, he doesn't".[48] Conversely, Nicole Sperling, also of Entertainment Weekly, perceived it in the exact opposite manner. She called it a drama with "the commercial hook of a genre film" and described it further as "a meditation on tolerance wrapped in the disguise of a movie with a gun-toting Clint Eastwood and a cool car".[49] Chi and Robinson said that within the Asian-American community, some criticized "depictions of Hmong men" and "the archetypical white savior trope that permeated the film".[46]

Clint Eastwood's decision to cast Hmong actors, including amateur actors, received a positive reception in Hmong communities.[50] Tou Ger Xiong, a Hmong storyteller and performance artist from the Minneapolis-St. Paul who had auditioned for a role in the film, said that he had respect for the film because the producers actually cast Hmong instead of asking other Asian-Americans to mimic Hmong.[6] Xiong also argued "First things first, let's get our foot in the door. Complain later."[6] Dyane Hang Garvey, who served as a cultural consultant for the film production, said that the film was not intended to be a documentary on the Hmong people and that it positively highlights, as paraphrased by Laura Yuen of Minnesota Public Radio, "the close-knit nature of the Hmong community in Detroit".[6] Doua Moua, a Hmong actor in the film, said that he had no regrets in playing a gang member, because, in the words of Laura Yuen of Minnesota Public Radio, "gangs consumed his brother's life while they were growing up in Saint Paul".[6] Moua added that many first generation Hmong are affected by gangs and drift into gangs due to a lack of father figures.[6]

Louisa Schein, a Rutgers University anthropologist who is an expert on the Hmong culture, approved the concept of Hmong achieving visibility in the popular culture of the United States, but believed that the film may be promoting out of date stereotypes of the Hmong. Schein said that her Hmong friends were "touched" by the film's portrayal of Hmong culture redeeming and reaching out to Walt Kowalski.[50] Bee Vang, one of the Hmong actors, said that he was satisfied with the outcome of the film.[51]

Schein further added that the film seemed to give little prominence to the history of the Hmong, and that only two male Hmong, Thao and a gang member, were given depth in the story. Schein said "I feel a lot of the plot about the Eastwood character is driven by the fact that he is a veteran. Yet there is no possibility for representing the fact that the Hmong were veterans too."[50] An individual established a blog, eastwoodmovie-hmong.com, documenting what the author believed to be cultural inaccuracies of the film's depiction of the Hmong.[7]

David Brauer of MinnPost said that some Hmong liked Gran Torino and that many believed that the film was offensive.[32] Actor Bee Vang said "Hmong around the country were furious about its negative stereotypes and cultural distortions" and that they confronted him when he spoke at events.[32] Vang added that he engaged in "explaining my obligation as an actor while also recognizing that, as a Hmong-American, I didn't feel that I could own the lines I was uttering."[32] Brauer said that in an opinion editorial released in 2011, Vang "isn't kind to the Clint Eastwood film".[32] Krissy Reyes-Ortiz of The Bottom Line of the University of California Santa Barbara said, based on Vang's testimony in a 2011 program, that "Though many of the people who have seen the film may have gotten a sense of satisfaction and joy from seeing that Walt overcame his racism, the people who acted as the Hmong members in the movie did not" and that "They were offended by the traces of racism that were included in the movie and that they experienced themselves on set".[28] Some Hmong on internet message boards had posted criticisms of the film.[6]

Philip W. Chung of AsianWeek said that Eastwood, portraying a White man, was the "main weapon" of the film even though screenwriter Nick Schenk "does his best to portray Hmong culture and the main Hmong characters with both depth and cultural sensitivity".[52] Chung argued that "Gran Torino might have been another "“white man saves the day” story" but that "What Eastwood has really created is not a story about the white man saving the minority (though it can be read on that level and I’m sure some will) but a critical examination of an iconic brand of white macho maleness that he played a significant part in creating."[52]

Gran Torino was recognized by the American Film Institute as one of the Ten Best Films of 2008.[53] Clint Eastwood's performance has also garnered recognition. He won an award for Best Actor from the National Board of Review,[54] he was nominated for the Broadcast Film Critics Association (Critics' Choice Awards) and by the Chicago Film Critics Association Awards for Best Actor.[55][56] An original song from the film, "Gran Torino", was nominated for the Golden Globe Awards for Best Original Song. The music is Jamie Cullum, Kyle Eastwood, and Michael Stevens, with Cullum penning the lyrics, although Eastwood composed and performed the title track to the film.[57] The Art Directors Guild nominated Gran Torino in the contemporary film category.[58]

The film, however, was ignored by the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences at the 81st Academy Awards when it was not nominated for a single Oscar, which led to heated criticism from many who felt that the Academy had also deliberately snubbed Revolutionary Road, The Dark Knight, WALL-E and Changeling (which Eastwood also directed) from the five major categories.[59][60]

In 2010, the film was named Best Foreign Film at the César Awards in France.[61]

Mark D. Lee and Cedric N. Lee, two Hmong filmmakers from Detroit, directed a documentary called Gran Torino: Next Door, about how Bee Vang and Ahney Her were chosen for their roles in the film and the Hmong actors' off-set activities. It was released on Blu-ray.[62] Vang acted in a YouTube parody of one scene in Gran Torino, titled "Thao Does Walt: Lost Scenes from Gran Torino."[63] The YouTube parody addresses a scene involving a barbershop, and the views of masculinity in the original scene.[64]


approximate length of aravali range in rajasthan is

The Aravalli Range is a range of mountains running approximately 692 km (430 mi) in a southwest direction, starting in North India from Delhi and passing through southern Haryana,[1] through to Western India across the states of Rajasthan and ending in Gujarat.[2][3]

Aravalli Range

Aravalli, a composite Sanskrit word from "ara" and "vali", literally means the "line of peaks".[4][5]

The Aravalli Range, an eroded stub of ancient mountains, is the oldest range of fold mountains in India.[6] The natural history of the Aravalli Range dates back to times when the Indian Plate was separated from the Eurasian Plate by an ocean. The Proterozoic Aravalli-Delhi orogenic belt in north west India is similar to the younger Himalayan-type orogenic belts of the Mesozoic-Cenozoic era (of the Phanerozoic) in terms of component parts and appears to have passed through a near-orderly Wilson supercontinental cycle of events. The range rose in a Precambrian event called the Aravalli-Delhi Orogen. The Aravalli Range is a northeast-southwest trending orogenic belt that is located in the northwestern part of Indian Peninsula. It is part of the Indian Shield that was formed from a series of cratonic collisions.[7] In ancient times, Aravalli were extremely high but since have worn down almost completely by millions of years of weathering, where as the Himalayas being young fold mountains are still continuously rising. Aravalli, being the old fold mountains, have stopped growing higher due to the cessation of upward thrust caused by the stopping of movement of the tectonic plates in the Earth's crust below them. The Aravalli Range joins two of the ancient earth's crust segments that make up the greater Indian craton, the Aravalli Craton which is the Marwar segment of earth's crust to the northwest of the Aravalli Range, and the Bundelkand Craton segment of earth's crust to the southeast of the Aravalli Range. Cratons, generally found in the interiors of tectonic plates, are old and stable parts of the continental lithosphere that has remained relatively undeformed during the cycles of merging and rifting of continents.

It consists of two main sequences formed in Proterozoic eon, metasedimentary rock (sedimentary rocks metamorphised under pressure and heat without melting) and metavolcanic rock (metamorphised volcanic rocks) sequences of the Aravalli Supergroup and Delhi Supergroup. These two supergroups rest over the Archean Bhilwara Gneissic Complex basement, which is a   gneissic (high-grade metamorphism of sedimentary or igneous rocks) basement formed during the archean eon 4 Ga ago. It started as an inverted basin, that rifted and pulled apart into granitoid basement, initially during Aravalli passive rifting around 2.5 to 2.0 Ga years ago and then during Delhi active rifting around 1.9 to 1.6 Ga years ago. It started with rifting of a rigid Archaean continent banded gneissic complex around 2.2 Ga with the coexisting formation of the Bhilwara aulacogen in its eastern part and eventual rupturing and separation of the continent along a line parallel to the Rakhabdev (Rishabhdev) lineament to the west, simultaneous development of a passive continental margin with the undersea shelf rise sediments of the Aravalli-Jharol belts depositing on the attenuated crust on the eastern flank of the separated continent, subsequent destruction of the continental margin by accretion of the Delhi island arc (a type of archipelago composed of an arc-shaped chain of volcanoes closely situated parallel to a convergent boundary between two converging tectonic plates) from the west around 1.5 Ga. This tectonic plates collision event involved early thrusting with partial obduction (overthrusting of oceanic lithosphere onto continental lithosphere at a convergent plate boundary) of the oceanic crust along the Rakhabdev lineament, flattening and eventual wrenching (also called strike-slip plate fault, side ways horizontal movement of colliding plates with no vertical motion) parallel to the collision zone. Associated mafic igneous rocks show both continental and oceanic tholeiitic geochemistry (magnesium and iron rich igneous rocks) from phanerozoic eon (541â€“0 million) with rift-related magmatic rock formations.[8]

The Aravalli-Delhi Orogen is an orogen event that led to a large structural deformation of the Earth's lithosphere (crust and uppermost mantle, such as Aravalli and Himalayas fold mountains) due to the interaction between tectonic plates when a continental plate is crumpled and is pushed upwards to form mountain ranges, and involve a great range of geological processes collectively called orogenesis.[9][10]

The archean basement had served as a rigid indentor which controlled the overall wedge shaped geometry of the orogen. Lithology of area shows that the base rocks of Aravalli are of Mewar Gneiss formed by high-grade regional metamorphic processes from preexisting formations that were originally sedimentary rock with earliest life form that were formed during the archean eon, these contain fossils of unicellular organism such as green algae and cyanobacteria in stromatolitic carbonate ocean reefs formed during the paleoproterozoic era. Sedimentary exhalative deposits of base metal sulfide ores formed extensively along several, long, linear zones in the Bhilwara aulacogen or produced local concentration in the rifted Aravalli continental margin, where rich stromatolitic phosphorites also formed. Tectonic evolution of the Aravalli Mountains shows Mewar Geniss rocks are overlain by Delhi Supergroup type of rocks that also have post-Aravalli intrusions. Metal sulfide ores were formed in two different epocs, lead and zinc sulfide ores were formed in the sedimentary rocks around 1.8 Ga years ago during Paleoproterozoic phase. The tectonic setting of Zinc-lead-copper sulfides mineralization in Delhi supergroup rocks in Haryana-Delhi were formed in mantle plume volcanic action around 1 Ga years ago covering Haryana and Rajasthan during mesoproterozoic. In the southern part of Aravalli supergroup arc base metal sulfides were generated near the subduction zone on the western fringe and in zones of back-arc extension to the south-east. Continued subduction produced W-Sn (Tungsten-Tin) mineralisation in S-type (sedimentary unmetamorphosed rock) felsic (volcanic rock) plutons (underground crystallised solidified magma). This includes commercially viable quantities of minerals, such as rock phosphate, lead-zinc-silver mineral deposits at Zawar, Rikahbdev serpentinite, talc and pyrophyllite) and asbestos, apatite, kyanite and beryl.[11][12]

Mining of copper and other metals in the Aravalli range dates back to at least the 5th century BCE, based on carbon dating.[13][14] Recent research indicates that copper was already mined here during the Sothi-Siswal period going back to c. 4000 BCE. Ancient Kalibangan and Kunal, Haryana settlements obtained copper here.[15]

The Aravalli Range can be divided into the following parts (north to south direction):

The Tosham Hill Range, west of Bhiwani, Haryana is the northernmost end of the Aravalli range. A north eastern extension of Aravalli extends in the national capital of India too, locally known as ridge it diagonally traverses to the South Delhi (hills of Asola Bhatti Wildlife Sanctuary), where at the hills of Bandhwari, it meets the Haryana Aravalli range consisting of various isolated hills and rocky ridges passing along the southern border of Haryana.[16]

The Aravalli supergroup passes through Rajasthan state, dividing it into two halves, with three-fifths of Rajasthan on the western side towards Thar Desert and two third on the eastern side consisting of the catchment area of Banas and Chambal rivers bordering the state of Madhya Pradesh. Guru Shikhar, the highest peak in the Aravalli Range at 5650 feet (1722 meters) in Mount Abu of Rajasthan, lies near the south-western extremity of the Central Aravalli range, close to the border with Gujarat state. The southern Aravalli Supergroup enters the northeast of Gujarat near Modasa where it lends its name to the Aravalli district, and ends at the center of the state at Palanpur near Ahmedabad.

The Aravalli Range has been site of three broad stages of human history, early stone age saw the use of flint stones; mid-stone age starting from 20,000 BP saw the domestication of cattle for agriculture; and post stone age starting from 10,000 BP saw the development of the Kalibangan civilization, 4,000 years old Aahar civilization and 2,800 years old Gneshwar civilization, Aarayan civilization and Vedic era civilizations.

Ganeshwar sunari Cultural Complex (GSCC) is a collection of third millennium BC settlements in the area of the Aravalli Hill Range. Among them, there are similarities in material culture, and in the production of copper tools. They are located near the copper mines.

"The GSCC is east of the Harappan culture, to the north-east of Ahar-Banas Complex, north/north west to the Kayatha Culture and at a later date, west of the OCP-Copper Hoard sites (Ochre Coloured Pottery culture-Copper Hoard Culture). Located within the regions of the Aravalli Hill Range, primarily along the Kantli, Sabi, Sota, Dohan and Bondi rivers, the GJCC is the largest copper producing community in third millennium BC South Asia, with 385 sites documented. Archaeological indicators of the GSCC were documented primarily in Jaipur, Jhunjhunu, and Sikar districts of Rajasthan, India..."[17]

Among their pottery, we find the incised ware, and reserved slip ware.

There are two main type sites, Ganeshwar, and Sunari, in Tehsil Kot Putli, Jaipur District (Geo coordinates: N 27° 35' 51", 76° 06' 85" E).

The Northern Aravalli range in Delhi and Haryana has humid subtropical climate and hot semi-arid climate continental climate with very hot summers and relatively cool winters.[18] The main characteristics of climate in Hisar are dryness, extremes of temperature, and scanty rainfall.[19]  The maximum daytime temperature during the summer varies between 40 and 46 °C (104 and 115 °F). During winter, its ranges between 1.5 and 4 °C.[20]

The Central Aravalli range in Rajasthan has an arid and dry climate.

The Southern Aravalli range in Gujarat has a tropical wet and dry climate

Following rivers flow from the Aravalli range.

The Aravalli Range has several forests with a diversity of environment.[26]

The Aravalli Range is rich in wildlife. The first ever 2017 wildlife survey of 200 square meter area cross five districts (Gurgaon, Faridabad, Mewat, Rewari and Mahendergarh) of Haryana done by the Wildlife Institute of India (WII) found 14 species, including leopards, striped hyena (7 sightings), golden jackal (9 sightings, with 92% occupancy across the survey area), nilgai (55 sightings), palm civet (7 sightings), wild pig (14 sightings), rhesus macaque (55 sightings), peafowl (57 sightings) and Indian crested porcupine (12 sightings). Encouraged by first survey, wildlife department has prepared a plan for the comprehensive study and census of wildlife across the whole Aravalli range, including radio collar tracking of the wild animals.[26]

In May 1992, some parts of the Aravalli hills in Rajasthan and Haryana were protected from mining through the Ecologically Sensitive Areas clauses of Indian laws. In 2003, the central government of India prohibited mining operations in these areas. In 2004, India's Supreme Court banned mining in the notified areas of Aravalli Range. In May 2009, the Supreme Court extended the ban on mining in an area of 448Â km2 across the Faridabad, Gurgaon and Mewat districts in Haryana, covering the Aravalli Range.[27][28]

A 2013 report used high resolution Cartosat-1 & LISS-IV satellite imaging to determine the existence and condition of mines in the Aravalli Range. In the Guru Gram district, the Aravalli hills occupy an area of 11,256 hectares, of which 491 (4.36%) hectares had mines, of which 16 hectares (0.14%) were abandoned flooded mines. In the Faridabad and Mewat districts, about 3610 hectares were part of mining industry, out of a total of 49,300 hectares. These mines were primarily granite and marble quarries for India's residential and real estate construction applications.[29] In the Central Rajasthan region, Sharma states that the presence of some mining has had both positive and negative effects on neighboring agriculture and the ecosystem. The rain induced erosion brings nutrients as well as potential contaminants.[30]

The Aravali Range is the source area of many rivers, resulting in development of human settlements with sustainable economy since pre-historic times. The Delhi Mumbai Industrial Corridor Project, Western Dedicated Freight Corridor, Mumbai–Ahmedabad high-speed rail corridor, North Western Railway network, Jaipur-Kishangarh Expressway and Delhi-Jaipur Expressway, all run parallel to the length of the Aravalli Range providing an economic boost.[31]

Aravali range is the home of several forests, wildlife and protected areas, UNESCO heritage listed forts, hundreds of rivers and ancient history to sustain a large tourism industry.

Damage to the environment and ecology from the unorganised urbanisation, overexploitation of the natural resources including water and minerals, mining, untreated human waste and disposal, pollution, loss of forest cover and wildlife habitat, unprotected status of most of the Aravalli and the lack of an integrated Aravalli management agency are the major causes of concern.

The Aravali Range inside Ranthambhore National Park, in Rajasthan.

Aravalli range near Udaipur Rajasthan


who sings i got love on my mind

"I've Got Love on My Mind" is a 1977 R&B/Soul song originally recorded by American singer Natalie Cole. Released from her third album, Unpredictable, it spent five weeks at number one on the Hot Soul Singles chart and peaked at number five on the Billboard Hot 100 in 1977.[1] It was certified Gold, selling over one million copies and has become one of her most successful and popular songs.

I've Got Love on My Mind


impact of india's contact with the central asia

Central Asia and Ancient India have long traditions of social-cultural, religious, political and economic contact since remote antiquity.[1] The two regions have common and contiguous borders, climatic continuity, similar geographical features and geo-cultural affinity. There has always been uninterrupted flow of people, material and the ideas between the two.

Central Asians in Ancient Indian literature

Migration of peoples and tribes from Central Asia into India, and expansion of Central Asian empires into India, is a recurring theme in the history of the region, from the theorised Indo-Aryan migration, to the Iron Age Kushan Empire, the Indo-Scythians, the Indo-Greeks (via Bactria) and the medieval Islamic conquest of the Indian subcontinent. Intrusion is typically across the Hindukush, and influence of the intrusive population is first established in the Punjab region, and sometimes further expanded into the Ganges Plain. These views of migration and the tribes as immigrants is subject to dispute as being historical corruption.

In classical Indian tradition clans of the Shakas, Yavanas, Kambojas, Pahlavas, Paradas and others are also attested to have been coming as invaders and that they were all finally absorbed into the community of Kshatriyas.[2] However, these theories are disputed.[3]

The Shakas were the inhabitants of trans-Hemodos region - the Shakadvipa of the Puranas or the Scythia of the classical writings. Later evidence attests them in Drangiana i.e. Shakasthana (modern Seistan) located south of Herat. 1st century CE Periplus of the Erythraean Sea as well as 2nd century CE Ptolemy evidence also attest Indo-Scythia situated in lower Indus in western India.

The Paradas, the former inhabitants of Oxus and Sailoda (eastern Xinjiang), are noted by Ptolemy as Paradane and are attested to be living in western India in Sindhu or Gedrosia, during 2nd century CE.

The facts presented above show that the so-called 2nd century BCE Saka invasion of western India was probably carried out jointly by the Sakas, Pahlavas, Kambojas, Paradas, Rishikas and other allied tribes from the north-west.[4]

Chinese author Ma-twan-lin writes that, "The nomenclature of the early Sakas in India shows an admixture of Scythian, Parthian and Iranian elements. In India the Scythians soon adapted themselves to their new environs and began to adopt Indian names and religious beliefs."[5]

There are extensive references to people of Central Asia in Indian literature like Atharvaveda, Vamsa Brahmana of Samveda, Aitareya Brahmana, Satapatha Brahmana, Puranas, Manusmiriti, Ramayana, Mahabharata, Raghuvamsa, Brihat-Katha -Manjari, Katha-Saritsagara, Rajaratrangini, Mudra-rakshasa, Kavymimansa and host of other old Sanskrit literature. A brief outline is given below:

Atharvaveda refers to Gandhari, Mujavat and Bahlika from the north-west (Central Asia). Gandharis are Gandharas, the Bahlikas are Bactrians, Mujavat (land of Soma) refer to Hindukushâ€“Pamirs (the Kamboja region).

The post-Vedic Atharvaveda-Parisista (Ed Bolling & Negelein) makes first direct reference to the Kambojas (verse 57.2.5). It also juxtaposes the Kambojas, Bahlikas and Gandharas.[6]

The Vamsa Brahmana[7][8] of the Sama Veda refers to Madrakara Shaungayani as the teacher of Aupamanyava Kamboja. Sage Shangayani Madrakara, as his name itself shows, and as the scholars have rightly pointed out, belonged to the Madra people.

Prof Jean Przylusky has shown that Bahlika (Balkh) was an Iranian settlement of the Madras who were known as Bahlika-Uttaramadras i.e. the northern Madras, living in Bahlika or Bactria country. These Bahlika Uttara Madras are the Uttara Madras of the Aitareya Brahamana.[citation needed]

This connection between the Uttara Madras and the Kambojas is said to be natural because they were close neighbours in the north-west.[9]

Manusmriti asserts that the Kambojas, Sakas, Yavanas, Paradas, Pahlavas, etc., had been Kshatriyas of good birth but were gradually degraded to the barbaric status due to their not following the Brahmanas and the Brahmanical code of conduct.[10][original research?]

This statement of Manu is designed to accommodate these foreign hordes into the social set-up of the Hindus. The foreigners were expected to practice same normal pieties as the Hindus and the later, in return, regarded them henceforth as belonging to their own social organisation.[11]

The Haihaya Yadavas are the first known invaders in the recorded history of the sub-continent. Described in the Puranas as allying with four other groups, the invaders were eventually assimilated into the local community as Kshatriyas.[12] Alberuni refers to this description, saying that the "five hordes" belonged to his own people, i.e. Central Asia.[13]

The Puranic Bhuvanakosha attests that Bahlika or Bactria was the northern-most Puranic Janapada of ancient India and was located in Udichya or Uttarapatha division of Indian sub-continent.[14] The Uttarapatha or northern division of Jambudvipa comprised an area of Central Asia from the Urals and the Caspian Sea to the Yenisei and from Turkistan and Tien Shan ranges to the Arctic (Dr S. M. Ali).[full citation needed]

The 10th century CE Kavyamimamsa of Pandit Rajashekhara knows about the existence of several Central Asian tribes. He furnishes an exhaustive list of the extant tribes of his times and places the Shakas, Tusharas, Vokanas, Hunas, Kambojas, Vahlika, Vahlava, Tangana, Limpaka, Turukshas and others together, styling them all as the tribes from Uttarapatha or north division.[15]


who played huggy bear on starsky and hutch

Antonio Juan Fargas (born August 14, 1946) is an American actor known for his roles in 1970s blaxploitation movies, as well as his portrayal of Huggy Bear in the 1970s TV series Starsky & Hutch.

Antonio Fargas

Fargas was born in New York City to Mildred (nÃ©e Bailey) and Manuel Fargas; he was one of eleven children.[1][2] His father was a Puerto Rican who worked for the City of New York. His mother was from Trinidad and Tobago.[2]

His breakout role began in the late 1960s comedy, Putney Swope, today a cult film. After starring in a string of blaxploitation movies in the early 1970s, such as his role as Link Brown in the movie Foxy Brown and in Across 110th Street, he gained recognition as streetwise informant "Huggy Bear" in the mid-1970s television series Starsky & Hutch.

He appeared in ABC's All My Children in the mid-1980s as the father of Angie Hubbard.

As a nod to his early roles, he had a part in the 1988 blaxploitation spoof I'm Gonna Git You Sucka, as well as another Wayans brothers "hood" parody, Don't Be a Menace, in 1996.  He guest starred in the mid-1990s sitcoms Living Single, Martin, The Fresh Prince of Bel-Air, and The Steve Harvey Show.

Fargas played the driver in the 1998 music video of Backstreet Boys hit "Everybody (Backstreet's Back)".

Some notable appearances on British television shows include participating in series 4 of the reality series I'm a Celebrity...Get Me Out of Here! in 2004 and an appearance on Frank Sidebottom's Proper Telly Show in early 2006.

He played the part of Toledo in a revival of August Wilson's Ma Rainey's Black Bottom at the Royal Exchange Theatre, Manchester in 2006. He had a regular role as "Doc" on the 2005-2009 television series Everybody Hates Chris.

In 2008 Fargas acted in the British boxing film Sucker Punch.

Fargas appeared on an episode of Fox's Lie to Me as the father of a murdered firefighter.

Fargas's son Justin Fargas, a University of Southern California alumnus, was the starting running back for the NFL team the Oakland Raiders. Fargas's daughter-in-law is LSU women's basketball coach Nikki Caldwell.[3]

The 1998 song "Antonio Fargas" by Argentine band Babas贸nicos, from their 1998 B-sides album V贸rtice Marxista, repeats the phrase "Antonio Fargas is Huggy Bear" in Spanish.


which brazilian president ordered the construction of brasilia

The history of Brasília, the centrally located capital of Brazil, started with discussions in the eighteenth century. The name Brasília was first proposed in 1822, but construction only began in 1956, following the election of Juscelino Kubitschek as President of Brazil. Its official declaration as a city dates to 21. April 1960, and the process of moving the federal government offices started on that date.

History of Brasília

President Juscelino Kubitschek ordered the construction of Brasília, fulfilling an article of the country's constitution dating back to 1891 stating that the capital should be moved from Rio de Janeiro to a place close to the center of the country. The building of the new capital also fulfilled a campaign promise of Kubitschek. The plan was originally conceived in 1827 by José Bonifacio, an advisor to Emperor Pedro I, who presented a plan to the General Assembly for a new city called Brasilia with the initial idea of moving the capital further westward from the already heavily populated southeastern corridor. The bill was not enacted because Emperor Pedro I dissolved the Assembly.

Lúcio Costa won a contest and was the main urban planner. Oscar Niemeyer, a close friend of Lúcio's, was the chief architect of most public buildings and Roberto Burle Marx was the landscape designer. Brasília was built in 41 months, from 1956 to April 21, 1960, when it was officially inaugurated. From 1763 to 1960, Rio de Janeiro was the capital of Brazil. At this time, resources tended to be centered in Brazil's southeast region near Rio de Janeiro. Brasília's geographically more central location made for a more regionally neutral federal capital. The idea of locating the capital in the center of Brazil was first suggested in 1891 but was not defined until 1922.

Right from the beginning, the growth of Brasília exceeded expectations. Until the 1980s, the governor of the Distrito Federal was appointed by the Federal Government, and the laws of Brasília were issued by the Brazilian Federal Senate. After the Constitution of 1988, Brasília gained the right to elect its Governor, and a District Assembly (Câmara Distrital) was elected to exercise legislative power.


who raps in groove is in the heart

The backing track was built around many samples, primarily the main riff from Herbie Hancock's track "Bring Down the Birds" from the Blowup soundtrack and Vernon Burch's "Get Up", which provided the drum track and also formed the basis for the famous breakdown featuring a slide whistle. Parliament-Funkadelic legend Bootsy Collins provided guest vocals, and the rap is provided by Q-Tip of A Tribe Called Quest.[2]

Groove Is in the Heart

"Groove Is in the Heart" is a song by American dance band Deee-Lite. It was released in August 1990 as the lead single from their debut album, World Clique. The song was a hit in many countries, reaching number one in Australia.

Though the album version was not recorded until 1990, the song was originally written in the late 1980s; it was performed live as early as 1989.[1]

Slant Magazine ranked the song second in its 100 Greatest Dance Songs list, adding: "No song delivered the group's world-conscious Word as colorfully and open-heartedly as "Groove Is in the Heart," which flew up the Billboard charts while goosing stuffed shirts".[3] NME and The Village Voice's Pazz & Jop annual critics' poll named "Groove Is in the Heart" the best single released in the year 1990.

An immediate smash in nightclubs, the song went to number one on the US Hot Dance Club Play chart and also hit number four on the Billboard Hot 100. It peaked at number 1 for one week in Australia in November 1990.

In the UK, the record was equally popular and was released as a double A-side with "What Is Love", and, with the UK single released with the subtitle "peanut butter mix" (because the single was heavily edited and completely omitted the contributions by Bootsy Collins and Q-Tip), it eventually reached number two during September 1990. Its placing second was due to a rule instituted in the UK Singles Chart in the 1980s, which settled any "ties" over chart positions due to equal sales: the single with sales that had increased most from the previous week would reside above the other, controversially giving "The Joker" by the Steve Miller Band the top place. Following complaints from Deee-Lite's record company, WEA, the rule, of which this had been the only case, was scrapped and joint positions were once again allowed. "The Joker" spent a second week at the number one spot and thereafter convincingly outsold "Groove Is in the Heart".

The song was accompanied by a psychedelic music video, with Deee-Lite (in late 1960s outfits), Q-Tip, Maceo Parker and Bootsy Collins superimposed over a cartoonish late 1960s-style background of various shifting shapes and colors. The video opens and closes with quotes by the band: Lady Miss Kier has an opening dialog consisting of "faux-French" originally spoken in the song's AA-side, "What Is Love?", and the ending features Collins saying, "Don't forget, groove is in the heart, and Deee-Lite have definitely been known to smoke... on stage, that is!" (itself sampled by Deee-Lite in the song) and Lady Miss Kier exclaiming "Deee-groovy!"

VH1 placed "Groove Is in the Heart" at No. 67 in their list of "100 Greatest Songs of the 90's" in 2007.[4] In 2011, The Guardian featured the song on their "A history of modern music: Dance".[5]

This is an incomplete list of samples used in the song.[7]

Credits adapted from the album liner notes for World Clique.[8]

*sales figures based on certification alone
^shipments figures based on certification alone


hoolok gibbon is the only spices of which animal found in india

The classification of this gibbon has changed several times in the past few years. Classically, all gibbons were classified in the genus Hylobates, with the exception of the siamang. After some studies, the genus was divided into three subgenera (including the siamang's Symphalangus), and then into four (recognizing Bunopithecus as the hoolock subgenus distinct from other gibbon subgenera). These four subgenera were elevated to full genus status. However, the type species for Bunopithecus is Bunopithecus sericus, an extinct gibbon or gibbon-like ape from Sichuan, China. Very recent investigations have shown the hoolocks are not closely related to B. sericus, so have been placed in their own genus, Hoolock. In the process, the two subspecies of hoolocks have been raised to species level.[1][2] A new subspecies has been described recently from northeastern India, which has been named Mishmi Hills hoolock, Hoolock hoolock mishmiensis.[7] A further new species, Hoolock tianxing, with an estimated population of about 200 in China, was discovered in southwest China in 2017.[8]

Hoolock gibbon

The hoolock gibbons are three primate species of genus Hoolock in the gibbon family, Hylobatidae, native to eastern Bangladesh, Northeast India and Southwest China.

Hoolocks are the second-largest of the gibbons, after the siamang. They reach a size of 60 to 90 cm and weigh 6 to 9 kg. The sexes are about the same size, but they differ considerably in coloration: males are black-colored with remarkable white brows, while females have a grey-brown fur, which is darker at the chest and neck. White rings around their eyes and mouths give their faces a mask-like appearance. The Oxford English Dictionary says that the name "Hoolock" is from the Assamese হলৌ (holou) or related languages.

In northeast India, the hoolock is found south of Brahmaputra and east of the Dibang Rivers.[4] Its range extends into seven states covering Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, and Tripura (The seven northeastern states of India).Its the State Animal of Arunachal Pradesh [5][6]

Like the other gibbons, they are diurnal and arboreal, brachiating through the trees with their long arms. They live together in monogamous pairs, which stake out a territory. Their calls serve to locate family members and ward off other gibbons from their territory. Their diet consists mainly of fruits, insects and leaves.

Young hoolocks are born after a seven-month gestation, with milky white or buff-colored hair. After about six months, the hair of males will darken and turn black, while the female hair remains buff-colored throughout her life. After eight to 9 years, they are fully mature and their fur reaches its final coloration. Their life expectancy in the wild is about 25 years.

The species of hoolock are:[2][8]


noise factor of a system is defined as

The noise factor is defined as the ratio of the output noise power of a device to the portion thereof attributable to thermal noise in the input termination at standard noise temperature T0 (usually 290Â K). The noise factor is thus the ratio of actual output noise to that which would remain if the device itself did not introduce noise, or the ratio of input SNR to output SNR.

Noise figure

Noise figure (NF) and noise factor (F) are measures of degradation of the signal-to-noise ratio (SNR), caused by components in a signal chain.   It is a number by which the performance of an amplifier or a radio receiver can be specified, with lower values indicating better performance.

The noise figure is simply the noise factor expressed in decibels (dB).[1]

The noise figure is the difference in decibels (dB) between the noise output of the actual receiver to the noise output of an “ideal” receiver with the same overall gain and bandwidth when the receivers are connected to matched sources at the standard noise temperature T0 (usually 290 K). The noise power from a simple load is equal to kTB, where k is Boltzmann's constant, T is the absolute temperature of the load (for example a resistor), and B is the measurement bandwidth.

This makes the noise figure a useful figure of merit for terrestrial systems, where the antenna effective temperature is usually near the standard 290 K.  In this case, one receiver with a noise figure, say 2 dB better than another, will have an output signal to noise ratio that is about 2 dB better than the other. However, in the case of satellite communications systems, where the receiver antenna is pointed out into cold space, the antenna effective temperature is often colder than 290 K.[2] In these cases a 2 dB improvement in receiver noise figure will result in more than a 2 dB improvement in the output signal to noise ratio. For this reason, the related figure of effective noise temperature is therefore often used instead of the noise figure for characterizing satellite-communication receivers and low-noise amplifiers.

In heterodyne systems, output noise power includes spurious contributions from image-frequency transformation, but the portion attributable to thermal noise in the input termination at standard noise temperature includes only that which appears in the output via the principal frequency transformation of the system and excludes that which appears via the image frequency transformation.

The noise factor F of a system is defined as[3]

where SNRin and SNRout are the input and output signal-to-noise ratios respectively. The SNR quantities are power ratios.
The noise figure NF is defined as the noise factor in dB:

where SNRin, dB and SNRout, dB are in decibels (dB).
These formulae are only valid when the input termination is at standard noise temperature T0 = 290 K, although in practice small differences in temperature do not significantly affect the values.

The noise factor of a device is related to its noise temperature Te:[4]

Attenuators have a noise factor F equal to their attenuation ratio L when their physical temperature equals T0. More generally, for an attenuator at a physical temperature T, the noise temperature is Te = (L âˆ’ 1)T, giving a noise factor

If several devices are cascaded, the total noise factor can be found with Friis' formula:[5]

where Fn is the noise factor for the n-th device, and Gn is the power gain (linear, not in dB) of the n-th device. The first amplifier in a chain usually has the most significant effect on the total noise figure because the noise figures of the following stages are reduced by stage gains. Consequently, the first amplifier usually has a low noise figure, and the noise figure requirements of subsequent stages is usually more relaxed.


who made the design of pakistan first stamp ticket

Three people, A.R. chughtai, Rashiduddin and Muhammad Latif, have the honour of designing the first commemorative set issued in July 1948. Since then, numerous other people have designed stamps for the country, including some well-known artists. These artists include Saeed Akhtar, Bashir Mirza, Askari Mian Irani, Jimmy Engineer and Zahoor ul Akhlaq. Others designers were Nighat Saeed, Saleem Uddin Ghori, Zahid Shah, Talat Sultana and A. J. McCoy. A famous Pakistani designer is Adil Salahuddin, who in his capacity as the official designer for almost 40Â years, designed over 350 stamps for his country.[45]

Postage stamps and postal history of Pakistan

Postage stamps of Pakistan are those issued since Pakistan's independence in 1947. Pakistan Post has issued more than 600 sets and singles totalling more than 1300 stamps. Immediately after the independence of Pakistan in 1947, the new Pakistan government was preoccupied with setting up the government so British Indian stamps continued in use without an overprint as was the practice in other countries.[1]

The history of postage stamps in the region dates back to 1852, when Sir Bartle Frere of the British East India Company became the Chief Commissioner of Sind in 1851 and in 1852. Following the British example set by Rowland Hill, Frere improved upon the operations of the postal system of Sindh, introduced a cheap and uniform rate for postage (independent of distance travelled) and initiated the production of the Scinde Dawk stamps. These became the forerunners of the adhesive stamps to be used throughout India, Burma, the Straits Settlements and other areas controlled by the British East India Company.[2] Their usage ceased with the introduction of official British Indian stamps in 1854.

At the time of independence in August 1947, the country inherited a divided (east and west) postal system established by the British rulers. The new system started operating under the modified Post Office Act no VI of 1898.[3] The post office was part of the joint Department of Posts and Telegraph of the Ministry of Communications. Though the Office of the Postmaster General became operational at Lahore from 15 August 1947,[3] the newly formed government was too preoccupied with establishing itself, therefore British Indian stamps continued to be used without an overprint as was the practice in other countries.[1]

On 1 October 1947, the government released its first stamps, being from the 1940s British India series of King George VI stamps overprinted with the word Pakistan.[4] Known as the Nasik Overprints, after the place near Mumbai, India, where they were overprinted, this set consists of 19 stamps.[5]
These Nasik overprints were also used in some Gulf states, both officially and unofficial. At the time of independence, the postal system of some of these areas was run from Karachi, and therefore, they became the responsibility of the new government.[6] Officially these stamps were used in Muscat and Oman and its protectorate of Gwadar (on Pakistan's Baluchistan coast) and Dubai. Muscat used these stamps for a period of only 3Â months from 29 December 1947 to 31 March 1948.[6] Gwadar used this issue and various other commemorative ones until 1958.[6] Dubai used these stamps from October 1947 until the end of March 1948.[6]

In November 1947, Pakistan joined the Universal Postal Union as its 89th member.[7] Nine months later on 9 July 1948, the government released its first commemorative set for the country's first anniversary which consisted of 4 stamps. The stamps were inscribed "15 August 1947" because of the prevailing confusing as to which date was Pakistan's actual date of independence.[8] It wasn't until early 1949, that this confusion was cleared by declaring 14 August as independence day.[9] The first day cancellation for this issue was the country's first special pictorial postmark.[10]

14 August 1948 saw the released of the first definitive set consisting of 20 stamps. This set depicted scales of justice (3)(SG 24-26); crescent and star (3) (SG 27-29); Lloyd's Barrage (now Sukkur Barrage)(3)(SG 30); Karachi Port Trust building (5); Salimullah Hostel, Dacca University (now in Bangladesh)(3) and the Khyber Pass (3)(SG 41-43). These were withdrawn from sale on 1 January 1961.[9]

The centenary of Scinde Dawks was commemorated in 1952 with the release of a set of two stamps (SG 63, 64). These depicted the actual stamps plus advances in transportation since their release.

The authorities have to date issued only four booklets, with the only regular issue, released in 1956.[11] Released on 23 March 1956, the first booklet was also the only time a private company, in this case Atco Industries, makers of Alladin battery cells, had sponsored a booklet.[12] It contained 24 stamps of two denominations, 6 pies (SG 65) and 1 Â½anna (SG 68), from the 7th anniversary set of 1954. Each pane was separated by interleaving of butter paper.[11] The booklet was priced at Rs. 1/8 and 10,000 booklets were printed.[11]

In 1961, the government decided to introduce decimal currency into the country. This necessitated the surcharging of stamps to reflect this change. Six stamps were chosen from various issues and overprinted with the following denominations: 1 paisa, 2 paisas, 3 paisas, 7 paisas, 13 paisas (2 designs). Their printing was divided between two local printers, both based in Karachi: Pakistan Security Printing Corporation (PSPC) and Time Press, Karachi. Times Press used many plates for printing which resulted in varieties and shifts. Service stamps with decimal surcharges were also printed by the same printers. Forgeries in this issue exist in such numbers that they make the average person think that there are more errors and varieties than in fact.[13] In the 2 paisas Service stamps, errors including service on front and surcharge on gum side are forgeries.[14]

In July 1962, the government bifurcated the old department[15] and independently placed the postal service under the Ministry of Communications.

To speed up the sorting of mail, during the 1960s, the post office installed five Thrisell Electro Magnetic Sorting Machines in Karachi and Lahore.[16] However, during the 1980s their use was stopped.

1972 was the beginning of a new period in the country's postal history with the eastern wing lost in the 1971 War. However, the post office continued to use three languages on stamps until the end of the year.

From August 1986, a number of special services were introduced within the country. These included Air Express (Airex) (2 August 1986);[17] Urgent Mail Service (UMS) (1 January 1987);[17][18] local packet and parcel service[18] or Local Express Delivery (LES) (22 April 1987);[17] International Speed Post (ISP) (1 September 1986)[17] and Postal Giro Service (15 March 1988)[17]

In January 1988, 5 digit postcodes were introduce in the country[18][19] to facilitate delivery.

On 14 August 1990, the government released its largest set (SG 801-827) on pioneers of freedom. Designed by Saeed Akhtar it was released in 3 sheets of 9 stamps.

To improve and expedite the transmission and delivery of international mail, a new office was constructed in Islamabad which started working in December 1990.[20] This helped to reduce pressure on the office in Karachi.

From 1991, Express Mail was sub contracted at Karachi.[18]

Between 1 August 1992 and 6 July 1996, the post office was separated from the Ministry and made an independent corporation.[21] It was during this period that philately was first commercialised.[18]

In 2001, the government raises basic inland postage rates from Rs. 2 to Rs. 4.

In 2002, Pakistan Postal Services Management Board was created.[22]

On 3 November 2008, the department was placed under the postal division of the newly created Ministry of Postal Services.[22] Senator Israr Ullah Zehri was appointed its first minister.

The first stamp issued under the new ministry was released on 10 December 2008, to honour the awarding of UN Human Rights Award to Benazir Bhutto.[23]

In November 2009, the government again raised minimum postage by 100% to Rs. 8.[24] To improve services, the Post Office has implemented a plan to establish 100 express centres throughout the country by June 2010.[25] These will includes centres at Hyderabad, Islamabad (1)[25] Karachi, Lahore (6),[26] Multan, Peshawar, Quetta, Rawalpindi (6)[25] and Sukkur and provide a number of services under one roof.

Over the last 60Â years, 17 definitive or regular series have been issued. The first series was issued on 14 August 1948 and consisted of 20 stamps. These stamps featured scales of justice (3)(SG 24-26); crescent and star (3) (SG 27-29); Lloyd's Barrage (now Sukkur Barrage)(3)(SG 30); Karachi Port Trust building (5); Salimullah Hostel, Dacca University (3) and the Khyber Pass (3)(SG 41-43). Mian Mahmood Alam Suharwardy gave 2 designs for this set: scale of justice (SG 24,25,26) and star and crescent (SG 27,28,29).[27]  These along with the 1949 redrawn series, were withdrawn from sale on 1 January 1961.[9]

The 1951, 1954, 1955 and 1956 Independence Anniversary issues were all basically definitive series.[9] During this time, these stamps featured the Badshahi Mosque and Jahangir's Tomb in Lahore; the Kaghan Valley and the mountains around Gilgit; tea gardens, jute fields and Karnaphuli Paper Mill in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) and a textile mill, cotton fields and a Sui Gas Plant in West Pakistan.

The 1957, 1958 and 1960 Republic Day (23 March) issues were also definitives.[28] Since then 10 further series have been issued, with the latest in 1998. The 1978 series was printed with both gum Arabic and PVA gum,[29]  though the PVA issue had only 17 stamps compared to 18 for gum Arabic.[30]  These stamps featured the Minar-e-Pakistan (3); tractors (9 Gum Arabic, 8 Gum PVA) and Makli tombs (6). Of the last four series, three in 1989, 1994 and 1998, feature different portraits of the Quaid. The fourth in 1995 featured a geometric design.

The first commemorative issue was released in July 1948 for the country's first anniversary. Three of the four stamps depicted places from West Pakistan while the fourth stamp depicted a motif. The places were: Constituent Assembly Building, Karachi (1 ½ annas), Karachi airport (2 ½ annas) and Lahore Fort (3 annas). The stamps were inscribed "15th August 1947" because of the prevailing confusing as to which date was Pakistan's actual date of independence.[8] It wasn't until early 1949, that this confusion was cleared by declaring 14 August as independence day.[9] The artist, A.R. Chughtai was also amongst Pakistan's first stamp designers having designed the Re 1 motif stamp. The other stamps were designed by Rashiduddin (1 ½ anna and 3 anna) and M. Latif 2 ½ anna).[27] This set was printed in London by Thomas De La Rue Company as the country did not have its own printing press.[4]

In 1961, the government decided to introduce decimal coinage into the country. This necessitated the surcharging of stamps to reflect this change. Six stamps were chosen from various issues as follows:

The printing of these stamps was divided between two printers: Pakistan Security Printing Corporation  (PSPC) and Time Press, Karachi. The former printed the 2 paisa, 3 paisa and 13 paisa (SG 126) stamps while the later did the 1 paisa, 7 paisa and 13 paisa (SG 127) stamps.

In the printing the Times Press used as many as 34 plates; 17 for 1 paisa (ordinary and service), 14 for 7 paisas and 3 plates for 13 paisas.[13] The PSPC used single plates for each denomination, therefore resulting in only minor varieties and shifts.[13]

Service stamps with decimal surcharges were also printed by the same printers. However, these are scarcer than ordinary stamps.[13]

In the 3 paisa and 13 paisa (SG 127) stamps, spelling errors such as "3PASIA" or 13 "PAIS" which are even listed in Stanley Gibbons are forgeries.[31] In the 7 paisa there are a number of known forgeries including extra sharp letters with the 'S' slightly broader.[31] The 13 paisa (SG 126) is one issue in which the existence of forgeries is very difficult because of the existence of variable stages of wear.[31]

Over the years, the postal authorities have portrayed, commemorated and honoured various personalities, national and international organisations and events, the country's flora and fauna, its cultural and historical heritage as well as the country's development. Other themes include health, educational institutions, religion, sports and defence.

Though it has now become very common to portray a human face on stamps, for the initial 17Â years this was not the case. Mr. M. H. Zuberi, a retired CSP officer, tried to get the president's approval to issue stamps with the Quaid's portrait in 1964. This was however, rejected on the grounds that the people might not accept them.[32] He however, persevered and it paid off when the first locally designed issue to carry a human face, a set of three stamps, was released to pay homage to the country's armed forces after the War of 1965.[33] The first incumbent head of state or government portrayed was General Ayub Khan on the 1966 stamps for the new capital of Islamabad.[34]

The Quaid was first pictured on his 90th birth anniversary in 1966.[34]  Earlier issues carried motifs and wordings or his mausoleum. Since then numerous stamps have been issued carrying his portrait including his 50 death anniversary in 1998 (SG  ) and 125Â years of his birth in 2001.

Since the 1960s, the government has featured a large number of both local and foreign personalities including Allama Mohammad Iqbal, Mirza Ghalib, Kemal Atatürk, Shah of Iran, Maria Montessori, Hakim Saeed, Liaquat Ali Khan, Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan, Tipu Sultan and Abdus Salam. The largest set ever issued consisted of 27 stamps and depicted pioneers of Pakistan's freedom movement (1990)(SG 801-827). For a complete list of personalities on Pakistani stamps, please see this list.

Over the years, various series have been periodically issued. There is no set basis for their issuance and these are released at the discretion of the authorities. Current series include Men of Letters and Medicinal Plants of Pakistan. Other series have included Fruits of Pakistan, Handicrafts, Moenjodaro, Poets of Pakistan and Wildlife.

In 1976, the authorities issued a gold stamp for the birth centenary of Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Each stamp carried 25 mg of 23/24 carat gold and was valued at Rs. 10.[35]  These stamps were printed by Cartor S.A., France using a special silk screen printing process known as serigraphy. It was the first time that this process was used to make a stamp.[36] A sheetlet with stamp impression and a description of the event at the bottom was also released. The 500 copies printed were distributed to guests and dignitaries.[36]

There were two famous "errors" during the 1960s. The 1961 definitive was initially released with the name of the country wrongly spelt in Bengali i.e. "Shakistan" instead of Pakistan. The error was corrected and new stamps released. In 1968, the government printed stamps commemorating the Bengali poet Kazi Nazrul Islam. However, the birth year was out by a hundred years: 1989 instead of 1889. Although these stamps were not issued, a few of them did find their way into the market.[37]

Forgeries exist in the decimal surcharge stamps of 1961.

For the 10th Anniversary of the United Nations, Pakistan Post overprinted two stamps, one each from the 7th (1 Â½ anna) and 8th (12 anna) Anniversary issues, with the words, Tenth Anniversary United Nations 24.10.55 in blue.

Varieties of different kinds exist in many different issues. Watermark variations are common. For example, in the 1994, definitive series, inverted watermark (Rs. 5, Rs. 10, Rs. 12 and Rs. 15) and watermark sideways (Rs. 10, Rs. 15 and Rs. 20) are known.[38]

In 1976, the post offices designed a stamps to coincide with the opening of the Shah Faisal Mosque in Islamabad. However this issue was not officially released but did manage to find its way onto the market.

In 2007, it issued[39] and later withdrew a stamp to commemorate the 1st Anniversary of the 3rd meeting of the ECO Postal Authorities held in Turkey.[40] The stamp was withdrawn because the name of the country had not been printed on it.

Twice during the 1960s and then yearly in the 1970s, Pakistan released joint issues with Turkey and Iran to commemorate the Regional Cooperation for Development (RCD). The stamps depicted various aspects from the three nations including paintings, landscapes, personalities, handicrafts and mosques. Between 1977 and 1994, the country released 5 joint issues with Indonesia for the Indonesia Pakistan Economic and Cultural Cooperation (IPECC) Organisation. In 1995, it issued a stamp with Turkey for the holding of the conference of women parliamentarians. And in 1997, Jalal al din Rumi and Allama Muhammad Iqbal were honoured with Iran.

On the political front, in 2002 it teamed up with Kyrgyzstan to release a stamp on the 10th anniversary of diplomatic relations between the two countries, and in 2004, Eurasia Postal Union (2001) members: Azerbaijan, The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, Pakistan and Turkey jointly issued stamps on the Silk Route.[41]

The first souvenir sheet was issued for Universal Postal Union Day on 9 October 1971.[42] It was an imperforate sheet valued at 70p.[42] There were no leaflets or first day covers released and 10,000 sheets were printed.[42]

Over the years, other sheets have been released and include both perforated and imperforate sheets. These include the 2,500th anniversary of the Iranian Monarchy (1971), the Quaid's 50th death anniversary (1998) (SG MS1048) and the 50th anniversary of the first ascent of K-2 (2004).

In 2005, Pakistan Post issued a souvenir sheet to raise money for the 2005 earthquake victims. There were 8 stamps of Rs.4, though the sheet was valued at Rs. 100. The entire amount was meant for the President's Fund. However, the souvenir sheet was also valid for postage but for Rs. 32 only. This sheet has not be given a number by the post office but catalogues list it as an issue. A similar issue was released in 2009 for raising funds for the prime minister's relief fund for Swat refugees. Like 2005, this issue was also sold for Rs. 100/- but it contained postage stamps worth Rs. 40/- only.

2008 saw the release of three souvenir sheets: the first on 29th martyrdom anniversary of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in April with the slain leader's daughter, Benazir Bhutto, who was assassination in December 2007. The second on the birthday celebrations of Benazir Bhutto and the third on her death anniversary.

Pakistan has to date issued only four booklets, the only regular issue, was released in 1956.[11] The other three were issued for stamp exhibitions in the 1990s. Released on 23 March 1956, the first booklet was also the only time a private company, in this case Atco Industries, makers of Alladin battery cells, had sponsored a booklet.[12] It contained 24 stamps of two denominations, 6 pies (SG 65) and 1 Â½anna (SG 68), from the 7th anniversary set of 1954. Each pane was separated by interleaving of butter paper.[11] The booklet was priced at Rs. 1/8.[11] 10,000 booklets were printed.[11]

The second booklet, with a released quantity of between 500 and 600, was only sold during the National Seminar on Philately held in Multan in 1992.[12] It consisted of 2 denominations from the Mohammad Ali Jinnah 1989 definitive series overprinted in light grey with "National Seminar on Philately Multan 1992".[11] Watermarked paper was used and it was printed using lithography for the frames and recess for the centre.[12] PVA gum was used with perforation at 13C. The price was Rs. 20 even though the stamps were valued at only Rs. 18.[12]

The third booklet, for a stamp exhibition in Peshawar, was released in a quantity of 8,500.[12] It was sold through the philatelic bureau across the country.This exhibition organize of Peshawar Stamp Society, Peshawar. Released on 20 January 1993, 3 values (SG 632, 633 and 636) from the forts definitive issue were used and 18 stamps each were printed.[12] The price was Rs. 30, Rs. 3 more than the value inside.[12] There was no watermark and perforation was 11C.[12] Both PVA and Gum Arabica were used.[12]

The fourth and last booklet was released on 1 February 1994.[36] It used the Re.1 stamp depicting Wazir Mansion, the birthplace of Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Though 10,000 booklets were printed, because of defects many were return and therefore the actual numbers sold is considerably lower.[36]

When stamps were initially issued, the name of the country was in two languages i.e. English and Urdu. Bengali, which was the first language for more than half the population, was not depicted on stamps until 1956.[43] The first set aptly commemorated the first session of the National Assembly in the eastern wing. From then until 1973 when Pakistan officially recognised Bangladesh, three languages were depicted on the country's stamps. After 1973, it reverted to using Urdu and English again.

Though Pakistan started issuing first day postmarks with its first stamps, this was not the case with covers. Earlier, collectors made their own covers and took them to the post office to be stamped. This however, changed in 1961 when official ones were released. Before, that only one official FDC was released on the occasion of the centenary of the Scinde Dawk issue.

Earlier, annual folders containing the entire year's issues were prepared and sold throughout the country to promote philately. However, in recent times this practise has been discontinued.

In 1989, Pakistan Post issued a special folder during INDIA89.[36] It consisted of a single sheet of 5 stamp designs from the Los Angeles Olympics.[44] The cover depicted the Post's logo and the inscription, "Olympics Los Angeles Commemorative Postage Stamps."[44] A quantity of 250 folders were sold at their face value of Rs. 150.[44]  These were later traded at Rs. 2000/-[44]

Most of the stamps designed are by local designers. However, photographs have been also used for stamps as in the Louis Pasteur issue (1995)(SG 978) and the 1993, Siberian Crane issue (SG   ). Some organisations linked to a stamp issue, supply their own design. These have included the Family Planning Association of Pakistan (SG   ), Kinnaird College for Women, Lahore (SG   ), Muslim Commercial Bank (SG  ) and UNICEF Pakistan (SG   ). For the 1987 Air Force Day set (SG 715-724), a painting by Sq. Ldr Masood was used to design the final stamps. Faiz Ahmed Faiz's stamp (SG 510) in 1997 was designed using a photograph.

For more information see: Designers of Pakistani Stamps.

From 1968 until about 2003 paper manufactured at Pakistan Security Printing Press, Karachi was used to print the stamps.[46] The ink used was also manufactured at the same place.[46] Near the end of the 2003, paper manufactured by Tullis Russell Coaters, UK started being used, and it continued for the next year. At the beginning of 2005, paper imported from Shanghai Kailum Paper (Group) Co Ltd, China was used until mid-2006 except for a couple of issues. Since then paper manufactured at the Security Press, Karachi is used.

Pakistan Security Printing Press uses three processes in the production of stamps. These are: recess, photogravure and lithography. Definitive stamps of high and medium face values are printed using the recess method as are special stamps.[47] However, a time frame of 10 to 12Â months has to be given for its production.[47] Special stamps which involve a large variety of colours are printed using the photogravure method.[47] Simpler designed stamps, both commemorative and definitive are printed using lithography.[47]

Watermarked paper was first used in the 1963 definitive issue for the Chota Sona Masjid.[48] The watermark consisted of a crescent and star. Since 1993, it has also been occasionally used for commemorative issues. Besides normal watermarks, reversed, inverted (SG996) and reversed inverted (SG476) watermarks are also found on stamps.

Due to the lack of a local press, Pakistan's initial stamps were printed by Thomas De La Rue in London. In 1949, the Pakistan Security Printing Corporation was set up in Malir Halt, Karachi.[49] The first set printed entirely by this press was the 1954 Seventh Anniversary issue (SG  ).[50] Since then until mid-2003, it printed most of the stamps issued within the country. In 2003, from the Year of Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah issue (SG  ), stamps were printed by Pakistan Post Office Foundation Press (Security Division), Karachi. However, this changeover did not last long and in 2006 the printing was reverted to the earlier printer. Other foreign printers of Pakistani stamps have been Cartor, Paris, France; Courvoisier, Switzerland; Harrisons, London and Secura, Singapore.

Though there was a postmark which marked the release of the Nasik Overprints (1947), the first special (pictorial) postmark of Pakistan was the one issued on 9 July 1948.[51] The design was simple with a star above a crescent within a circle and Pakistan written in both Urdu and English. As time has gone by, these postmarks have become more and more elaborate.

The first slogan postmark commemorated the founding of the country. The wordings were simple with "Pakistan Zindabad" in English and Urdu.[52] Some of the examples of this type are from up to five years after independence. The initial slogans reflect the priories of the government with "Learn and Teach" in Urdu,[53] the bilingual slogan with "Patronise Pakistan Products" (English) and "Use Pakistani products" (Urdu),[54]  and "Contribute to Quaid-e-Azam Memorial Fund."[55] Later slogans depict a wide range of subjects including fighting TB (1963), census (1961) national identity cards (1973) and family planning (1980). Postmarks were issued in three languages: Bengali, Urdu and English, though all postmarks were not released in all three languages.

Though slightly on the decline, special postmarks are also used. Over the years, these have commemorated events such as state visits by King Saud of Saudi Arabia (1954) and Elizabeth II (1961), stamp exhibitions (1968, 1998, 2003, 2008, 2009, 2010), the holding of cricket matches (2004) and National Horse and Cattle shows (1964, 1965). Others include Mother and Child Care Campaign (1961), Scouting (1953), SEATO Conference (1956), awarding of Hilal-e-Istiqlal to the cities of Sargodha, Lahore and Sialkot (1965) and World Post Day (2009).

Provided to bulk mailers, metermarks have become more prominent in recent years, most of which come with a slogan promoting the entity. Their usage is not restricted to any particular type of entity and include diplomatic missions, multinational corporations, book publishers, media groups, clubs, banks, government organisations and non governmental organisations.

Besides stamps and souvenir sheets, the Post Office also prints postal stationery. These include pre-stamped envelopes, aerogrammes, postal cards, urgent mail service envelopes and registered envelopes.

These types of envelopes are mostly used for domestic postage.[56] Until 1978, a simple design and size introduced by the British in the 1890s, was used.[56] In 2001, new larger, 4 colour litho offset envelopes were issued. These provided both, the Post Office and commercial companies, an avenue for advertising. The first envelope was issued on 1 August 2001 and featured the Quaid's Ziarat Residency as the stamp impression. The reverse showed the Mazar-e-Quaid, Badshahi Mosque, Shah Faisal Mosque and the Northern Areas. It also gave the tourism department's website and the slogan 'Visit Pakistan.'

Later that year, 3 envelopes featuring Habib Bank AG Zurich were released with an additional one in April 2002.[56] On all, the stamp impression was the bank's logo with an enlarged emblem on the left side. However, the writing above this emblem was different on each enevelope including Pachas key lakh (a 100,000 from 50) and 'A tradition of service' on one and small symbols to highlight the bank's services on another.[56]

A month later, another bank, this time Muslim Commercial Bank (MCB), had 5 envelopes printed with the Quaid's Ziarat residency as their stamp impression.[56] These envelopes also promoted the services of the bank including its rupee travellers cheques and 24‑hour banking via ATMs.[56]

An error was noticed in the next envelope issued in June 2002. This envelope was smaller in size (200mm × 92mm) and also featured 4 landmarks of the country, but the name of the fort in Lahore was given as 'Red Fort.'[56] This error was corrected quickly and new envelopes with the correct text were released in July. This reduction in size was not to last, for in October 2002, it was enlarged to 222mm × 96mm with the released of an envelope showing the national flag on top of buildings. A rarity exists in this envelope with the flags closed as opposed to unfurled later on.[56]

Besides, the two banks in 2001, two oil companies: Pakistan State Oil (PSO) and Pak Arab Refinery Company (PARCO), have also had envelopes released with their advertisements. The housing scheme, Bahria Town, has also advertised on these envelopes in 2005. Since then, other designs include Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah year (2003), 50th anniversary of the first ascent of K-2 (2004) and reconstruction of earthquake ravaged areas (2005). Normally, these envelopes are provided at the cost of postage, however, some such as the Golden Jubilee of Pakistan Resolution envelope (1990) carry additional stationery charges of 25 paisas.

In recent years special envelopes have been printed for some of the Post Office's various services. These include a Rs. 12 light blue envelope for Urgent Mail Service and a yellow Rs. 25 Airex enevlope. The latter features, some of the country's famous langmarks. Both envelopes carry a stationery charge of Re. 1.

Pakistan had issued 5 different types of aerogrammes and air letters. These are for: public use, official use, armed forces/army use, prisoners of war and formulae aerogrammes. The first Pakistani air letter was a Nasik "Pakistan" overprint of a 6 anna British India, King George VI 1946 issue.[57] Since then, these have been issued in various shapes and keeping up with increasing postal rates. The languages used on them are Arabic, Urdu and English. The late 1960s saw the introduction of pictorial aerogrammes. The front sides of these were printed with a view of Moenjodaro(Rs. 2) and a gate of Lahore Fort (Rs. 0.50).

The 1971 war saw the release of two special aerogrammes. The first one released for general use depicted a hand behind a barbwire to symbolise the POWs being held in India. The second one was released with reduced rates to be used for sending mail to the POWs. In 1982, two special aerogrammes were released. They were overprints in gold on the Rs. 2 ones, and issued to commemorate the International Stamp Exhibition, Philexfrance and Intentional Stamp Fair, Riccione, Italy. In 1990, to commemorate the golden jubilee of the Pakistan Resolution passed in Lahore (1940), the Post Office used a special aerogramme depicting Quaid-e-Azam, Mohammad Ali Jinnah.

Three aerogrammes were released to be used for the armed forces. Two were identical except for the watermark. The same message "for use by the armed forces" in Urdu was slightly larger in one.

The first pictorial postal cards were released on 10 August 1967. Featuring 4 designs showing Buddha, a small industry, a boat scene from East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) and a dam in West Pakistan. These 30 paisa cards had a flying dove silhouette.[58] About 8Â months later in May 1967, a second set of 4 cards was released.[58] In 2001, the Post Office teamed up with the organisers of the SAF Games, which were scheduled for that year in Islamabad, to produce Rs.10 postcards. Besides being valid for postage, these cards entitled the buyer to be entered into a lucky draw. In 2009, the government reissued the current Re 1 Lahore Fort postcard with a Re. 1 postal stationery charge.

In Pakistan, stamp programmes are not issued in advance. Earlier, collectors could almost always count on stamps being issued on at least two dates: 23 March and 14 August. However, in recent years, the 23 March issues have become less frequent. The number of stamps issue per year also varies. However, no matter how many issues are released, their total cost rarely exceeds Rs. 300/- (approx USD 5). Besides postage stamps and souvenir sheets, the post office also sells first day covers, leaflets with and without stamps on it and postal stationery. Earlier, the post office did not use any specific numbering system but this changed when they started using a rather simple system on their leaflets: xxxx â€“ y where xxxx is the year and y is the issue number within that year. All major catalogues include Pakistani stamps in them. Two local updated catalogues are available, each of which uses its own system of numbering.

Within Pakistan:

Outside Pakistan:


where does the term dead ringer come from

Dead ringer is an idiom in English. It means "an exact duplicate" and derives from 19th-century horse-racing slang for a horse presented "under a false name and pedigree"; "ringer" was a late nineteenth-century term for a duplicate, usually with implications of dishonesty, and "dead" in this case means "precise", as in "dead centre".[1]

Dead ringer (idiom)

The term is sometimes implausibly said to derive, like "saved by the bell", from a custom of providing a cord in coffins for someone who has been buried alive to ring a bell to call for help.[1]