where does the expression in like flynn come from

Barry Popik of the American Dialect Society found an example from 1940, as well as this from the sports section of the San Francisco Examiner of 8 February 1942: “Answer these questions correctly and your name is Flynn, meaning you’re in, provided you have two left feet and the written consent of your parents”. To judge from a newspaper reference he turned up from early 1943, the phrase could by then also be shortened to I’m Flynn, meaning “I’m in”.[1]

In like Flynn

"In like Flynn" is a slang phrase meaning "having quickly or easily achieved a goal or gained access as desired". In addition to its general use, the phrase is sometimes used to describe success in sexual seduction, and its folk etymology often asserts the phrase has sexual origins.

In later years, the rhyming phrase became associated with actor Errol Flynn, who had a reputation for womanizing, consumption of alcohol, and brawling. His freewheeling, hedonistic lifestyle caught up with him in November 1942 when two under-age girls, Betty Hansen and Peggy Satterlee, accused him of statutory rape.[2] A group was organized to support Flynn, named the American Boys' Club for the Defense of Errol Flynn (ABCDEF); its members included William F. Buckley Jr.[3] The trial took place in January and February 1943, and Flynn was cleared of the charges. According to etymologist Michael Quinion, the incident served to increase Flynn's reputation as a ladies' man, which influenced the connotations of the phrase "in like Flynn".[1] Columnist Cecil Adams also examined the term's origins and its relationship to Flynn. Many early sources, attesting the phrase, say it emerged as war slang during World War II.[4]

In addition to the Errol Flynn association, etymologist Eric Partridge presents evidence that it refers to Edward J. Flynn, a New York City political boss who became a campaign manager for the Democratic party during Franklin Delano Roosevelt's presidency. Boss Flynn's "Democratic Party machine exercised absolute political control over the Bronx.... The candidates he backed were almost automatically 'in'."[5]

Quinion also notes that the title of the film In Like Flint (1967) is a play on the term, and that has led to a malapropism where some speakers believe that is the original phrase.[1]

A prostitute in the experimental David Lynch film Inland Empire uses the phrase in relation to a sexual encounter.

In the Ant-Man film, the main character deactivates an alarm on a house's door, and his partner says: "He's in like the Flynn".[6]

In the video game "Uncharted 2", the main character's partner, Harry Flynn, while preparing to rob a Turkish museum, says: "And from there, we're in", to which the main character responds: "In like Flynn", playing on his partner's name.

In the TV show Wynonna Earp, during the climax of the season finale a character explains the supernatural happenings in town and then asks: "Are you still in?", to which another character replies: "Like Flynn".


when did the second republic in france end

The French Second Republic was a short-lived republican government of France between the 1848 Revolution and the 1851 coup by Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte which initiated the Second Empire. It officially adopted the motto of the First Republic, Liberté, Égalité, Fraternité. The Second Republic witnessed the tension between the "Social and Democratic Republic" (French: la République démocratique et sociale) and a liberal form of republicanism, which exploded during the June Days uprising of 1848.

French Second Republic

The 1848 Revolution in France, sometimes known as the February Revolution, was one of a wave of revolutions across Europe in that year. The events swept away the Orleans monarchy (1830â€“1848) and led to the creation of the nation's second republic.

The industrial population of the faubourgs was welcomed by the National Guard on their way towards the centre of Paris. Barricades were raised after the shooting of protestors outside the Guizot manor by soldiers.

On 23 February 1848 Prime Minister François Guizot's cabinet resigned, abandoned by the petite bourgeoisie, on whose support they thought they could depend. The heads of the Left Centre and the dynastic Left, Louis-Mathieu Molé and Adolphe Thiers, declined the offered leadership. Odilon Barrot accepted it, and Thomas Robert Bugeaud, commander-in-chief of the first military division, who had begun to attack the barricades, was recalled. In the face of the insurrection that had now taken possession of the whole capital, King Louis-Philippe abdicated in favour of his grandson, Prince Philippe, Count of Paris.

The Republic was then proclaimed by Alphonse de Lamartine in the name of the provisional government elected by the Chamber under the pressure of the mob.

This provisional government with Dupont de l'Eure as its president, consisted of Lamartine for foreign affairs, Crémieux for justice, Ledru-Rollin for the interior, Carnot for public instruction, Goudchaux for finance, Arago for the navy, and Burdeau for war. Garnier-Pagès was mayor of Paris.

But, as in 1830, the republican-socialist party had set up a rival government at the Hôtel de Ville (city hall), including Louis Blanc, Armand Marrast, Ferdinand Flocon, and Alexandre Martin, known as Albert L'Ouvrier ("Albert the Worker"), which bid fair to involve discord and civil war. But this time the Palais Bourbon was not victorious over the Hôtel de Ville. It had to consent to a fusion of the two bodies, in which, however, the predominating elements were the moderate republicans. It was uncertain what the policy of the new government would be.

One party seeing that in spite of the changes in the last sixty years of all political institutions the position of the people had not been improved, demanded a reform of society itself, the abolition of the privileged position of property, which they viewed as the only obstacle to equality, and as an emblem hoisted the red flag (the 1791 red flag was, however, the symbol not merely of the French Revolution, but rather of martial law and of order[1]). The other party wished to maintain society on the basis of its traditional institutions, and rallied round the tricolore. As a concession made by Lamartine to popular aspirations, and in exchange of the maintaining of the tricolor flag, he conceded the Republican triptych of Liberté, Égalité, Fraternité, written on the flag, on which a red rosette was also to be added.[1]

The first collision took place as to the form which the 1848 Revolution was to take. Lamartine wished for them to maintain their original principles, with the whole country as supreme, whereas the revolutionaries under Ledru-Rollin wished for the republic of Paris to hold a monopoly on political power. On 5 March the government, under the pressure of the Parisian clubs, decided in favour of an immediate reference to the people, and direct universal suffrage, and adjourned it until 26 April. This added the uneducated masses to the electorate and led to the election of the Constituent Assembly of 4 May 1848. The provisional government having resigned, the republican and anti-socialist majority on the 9 May entrusted the supreme power to an Executive Commission consisting of five members: Arago, Pierre Marie de Saint-Georges, Garnier-Pagès, Lamartine and Ledru-Rollin.

The result of the general election, the return of a constituent assembly, predominantly moderate, if not monarchical, dashed the hopes of those who had looked for the establishment, by a peaceful revolution, of their ideal socialist state; but they were not prepared to yield without a struggle, and in Paris itself they commanded a formidable force. In spite of the preponderance of the "tri-colour" party in the provisional government, so long as the voice of France had not spoken, the socialists, supported by the Parisian proletariat, had exercised an influence on policy disproportionate to their relative numbers. By the decree of 24 February, the provisional government had solemnly accepted the principle of the "right to work," and decided to establish "National Workshops" for the unemployed; at the same time, a sort of industrial parliament was established at the Luxembourg Palace, under the presidency of Louis Blanc, with the object of preparing a scheme for the organization of labor; and, lastly, by the decree of 8 March, the property qualification for enrollment in the National Guard had been abolished and the workmen were supplied with arms. The socialists thus formed a sort of state-within-a-state, complete with a government and an armed force.

On 15 May, an armed mob, headed by Raspail, Blanqui and Barbès, and assisted by the proletariat-aligned Guard, attempted to overwhelm the Assembly, but were defeated by the bourgeois-aligned battalions of the National Guard. Meanwhile, the national workshops were unable to provide remunerative work for the genuine unemployed, and of the thousands who applied, the greater number were employed in aimless digging and refilling of trenches; soon even this expedient failed, and those for whom work could not be invented were given a half wage of 1 franc a day. Even this pitiful dole, with no obligation to work, proved attractive, and all over France, workmen quit their jobs and traveled to Paris, where they swelled the ranks of the army under the red flag. The socialist economic plan was straining state finances, and as the émeute of 15 May had proven that it constituted a perpetual menace to the state, the government decided to end it.

On 21 June, Alfred de Falloux decided in the name of the parliamentary commission on labour that the workmen should be discharged within three days and those who were able-bodied should be forced to enlist.

After this, the June Days Uprising broke out, over the course of 24–26 June, when the eastern industrial quarter of Paris, led by Pujol, fought the western quarter, led by Louis-Eugène Cavaignac, who had been appointed dictator. The socialist party was defeated and afterwards its members were deported. But the republic had been discredited and had already become unpopular with both the peasants, who were exasperated by the new land tax of 45 centimes imposed in order to fill the empty treasury, and with the bourgeoisie, who were intimidated by the power of the revolutionary clubs and disadvantaged by the economic stagnation. By the "massacres" of the June Days, the working classes were also alienated from it. The Duke of Wellington wrote at this time, "France needs a Napoleon! I cannot yet see him..." The granting of universal suffrage to a society with Imperialist sympathies would benefit reactionaries, which culminated in the election of Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte as president of the republic.

The new constitution, proclaiming a democratic republic, direct universal suffrage and the separation of powers, was promulgated on 4 November.[2] Under the new constitution, there was to be a single permanent Assembly of 750 members elected for a term of three years by the scrutin de liste. The Assembly would elect members of a Council of State to serve for six years. Laws would be proposed by the Council of State, to be voted on by the Assembly. The executive power was delegated to the President, who was elected for four years by direct universal suffrage, i.e. on a broader basis than that of the Assembly, and was not eligible for re-election. He was to choose his ministers, who, like him, would be responsible to the Assembly. Finally, revision of the constitution was made practically impossible: it involved obtaining three times in succession a majority of three-quarters of the deputies in a special assembly. It was in vain that Jules Grévy, in the name of those who perceived the obvious and inevitable risk of creating, under the name of a president, a monarch and more than a king, proposed that the head of the state should be no more than a removable president of the ministerial council. Lamartine, thinking that he was sure to be the choice of the electors under universal suffrage, won over the support of the Chamber, which did not even take the precaution of rendering ineligible the members of families which had reigned over France. It made the presidency an office dependent upon popular acclamation.

The election was keenly contested; the democratic republicans adopted as their candidate Ledru-Rollin, the "pure republicans" Cavaignac, and the recently reorganized Imperialist party Prince Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte. Unknown in 1835, and forgotten or despised since 1840, Louis Napoleon had in the last eight years advanced sufficiently in the public estimation to be elected to the Constituent Assembly in 1848 by five departments. He owed this rapid increase of popularity partly to blunders of the government of July, which had unwisely aroused the memory of the country, filled as it was with recollections of the Empire, and partly to Louis Napoléon's campaign carried on from his prison at Ham by means of pamphlets of socialistic tendencies. Moreover, the monarchists, led by Thiers and the committee of the Rue de Poitiers, were no longer content even with the safe dictatorship of the upright Cavaignac, and joined forces with the Bonapartists. On 10 December the peasants gave over 5,000,000 votes to a name: Napoléon, which stood for order at all costs, against 1,400,000 for Cavaignac.

Henri Georges Boulay de la Meurthe was elected Vice President, a unique position in French history.

For three years, there was an indecisive struggle between the heterogeneous Assembly and the President, who was silently awaiting his opportunity. He chose as his ministers men with little inclination towards republicanism, with a preference for Orléanists, the chief of whom was Odilon Barrot. In order to strengthen his position, he endeavored to conciliate the reactionary parties, without committing himself to any of them. The chief instance of this was the expedition to Rome voted by the Catholics, to restore the temporal authority of the Pope Pius IX, who had fled Rome in fear of the nationalists and republicans. (Garibaldi and Mazzini had been elected to a Constitutional Assembly.) The Pope called for international intervention to restore him in his temporal power. The French President moved to establish the power and prestige of France against that of Austria, as beginning the work of European renovation and reconstruction which he already looked upon as his mission. French troops under Oudinot marched into Rome. This provoked a foolish insurrection in Paris in favor of the Roman Republic, that of the Château d'Eau, which was crushed on 13 June 1849. On the other hand, when the Pope, though only just restored, began to yield to the general movement of reaction, the President demanded that he should set up a Liberal government. The Pope's dilatory reply having been accepted by the French ministry, the President replaced it on 1 November, by the Fould-Rouher cabinet.[3]

This looked like a declaration of war against the Catholic and monarchist majority in the Legislative Assembly, which had been elected on 28 May in a moment of panic. But the President again pretended to be playing the game of the Orléanists, as he had done in the case of the Constituent Assembly. The complementary elections of March and April 1850 resulted in an unexpected victory for the republicans which alarmed the conservative leaders, Thiers, Berryer and Montalembert. The President and the Assembly co-operated in the passage of the Loi Falloux of 15 March 1850, which again placed university instruction under the direction of the Church.

A conservative electoral law was passed on 31 May. It required each voter to prove three years' residence at his current address, by entries in the record of direct taxes. This effectively repealed universal suffrage: factory workers, who moved fairly often, were thus disenfranchised. The law of 16 July aggravated the severity of the press restrictions by re-establishing the "caution money" (cautionnement) deposited by proprietors and editors of papers with the government as a guarantee of good behavior. Finally, a skillful interpretation of the law on clubs and political societies suppressed about this time all the republican societies. It was now their turn to be crushed like the socialists.

However, the president had only joined in Montalembert's cry of "Down with the Republicans!" in the hope of effecting a revision of the constitution without having recourse to a coup d'état. His concessions only increased the boldness of the monarchists, while they had only accepted Louis-Napoléon as president in opposition to the Republic and as a step in the direction of the monarchy. A conflict was now inevitable between his personal policy and the majority of the Chamber, who were moreover divided into legitimists and Orléanists, in spite of the death of Louis-Philippe in August 1850.

Louis-Napoléon exploited their projects for a restoration of the monarchy, which he knew to be unpopular in the country, and which gave him the opportunity of furthering his own personal ambitions. From 8 August to 12 November 1850 he went about France stating the case for a revision of the constitution in speeches which he varied according to each place; he held reviews, at which cries of "Vive Napoléon!" showed that the army was with him; he superseded General Changarnier, on whose arms the parliament relied for the projected monarchical coup d'état; he replaced his Orléanist ministry by obscure men devoted to his own cause, such as Morny, Fleury and Persigny, and gathered round him officers of the African army, broken men like General Saint-Arnaud; in fact he practically declared open war.

His reply to the votes of censure passed by the Assembly, and their refusal to increase his civil list was to hint at a vast communistic plot in order to scare the bourgeoisie, and to denounce the electoral law of 31 May 1850, in order to gain the support of the mass of the people. The Assembly retaliated by throwing out the proposal for a partial reform of that article of the constitution which prohibited the re-election of the president and the re-establishment of universal suffrage (July). All hope of a peaceful issue was at an end. When the questors called upon the Chamber to have posted up in all barracks the decree of 6 May 1848 concerning the right of the Assembly to demand the support of the troops if attacked, the Mountain, dreading a restoration of the monarchy, voted with the Bonapartists against the measure, thus disarming the legislative power.

Louis-Napoléon saw his opportunity, and organised the French coup of 1851. On the night of 1/2 December 1851, the anniversary of his uncle Napoleon's coronation in 1804 and his victory at Austerlitz in 1805, he dissolved the Chamber, re-established universal suffrage, had all the party leaders arrested, and summoned a new assembly to prolong his term of office for ten years. The deputies who had met under Berryer at the Mairie of the 10th arrondissement to defend the constitution and proclaim the deposition of Louis Napoleon were scattered by the troops at Mazas and Mont Valérien. The resistance organized by the republicans within Paris under Victor Hugo was soon subdued by the intoxicated soldiers. The more serious resistance in the départements was crushed by declaring a state of siege and by the "mixed commissions." The plebiscite of 20 December, ratified by a huge majority the coup d'état in favour of the prince-president, who alone reaped the benefit of the excesses of the Republicans and the reactionary passions of the monarchists.


when does a property go to tax sale

The sale, depending on the jurisdiction, may be a tax deed sale (whereby the actual property is sold) or a tax lien sale (whereby a lien on the property is sold) Under the tax lien sale process, depending on the jurisdiction, after a specified period of time if the lien is not redeemed, the lienholder may seek legal action which will result in the lienholder either automatically obtaining the property, or forcing a future tax deed sale of the property and possibly obtaining the property as a result.

Tax sale

A tax sale is the forced sale of property (usually real estate) by a governmental entity for unpaid taxes by the property's owner.

The governmental entity can be any level of government which can assess and collect property taxes or other governmental debt, such as counties (parishes, in the case of Louisiana), cities, townships (in New England and other jurisdictions), and school districts (in places where they are independent of other governmental jurisdictions, such as in Texas).

State law offers the governmental entity a method of collecting its tax without simply having to "ding" the nonpaying person or business, by (after a specified grace period, whereby the property owner can be charged interest and/or penalties as well as other costs) placing a lien on the property which, if not paid, will result in future costs, and ultimately the property being seized and sold. In most places in the US, a tax lien takes priority, eclipsing other liens such as mortgages.

The requirements to begin the foreclosure process (and to avoid it) must be strictly followed; otherwise, the property owner will lose all rights to the property (or the governmental entity will lose its right to collect the outstanding debt). Common requirements include:

Once the process begins, the property owner can still avoid foreclosure by paying the amount owed plus interest, penalties, and/or other costs or fees. The amounts can end up being quite high once the process is well under way.[1] Even after foreclosure, in some jurisdictions the owner can still recover the property, by paying the amounts owed (plus additional interest/penalties/costs) within a specified time. Alternatively, the owner can file suit to have the sale set aside on grounds that the requirements were not followed (such as proper notice not given).

Two main methods are used to capture delinquent real property tax: the tax deed sale and the tax lien sale.

Both methods operate using an auction method. Traditionally, the auctions have been live events held at the county courthouse or another designated official location. However, online auctions have increased in usage.[2]

In a tax deed sale, the property itself is sold.

At the sale, the minimum bid is generally the amount of back taxes owed plus interest, as well as costs associated with selling the property. The purchaser making the highest bid for the property takes title. However, the purchaser usually has a very short period (generally 48â€“72 hours) to pay the entire amount owed, or else the sale is invalidated.

Depending on the jurisdiction, any amount in excess of the minimum bid may or may not be returned to the original property owner, or the owner may forfeit rights to such excess amount if not claimed within a specified period. Also, anyone having an interest in the property (such as a governmental entity having weed liens on the property) may, in some cases, claim the excess.

In the event the property is not purchased at auction, title generally reverts to the governmental entity that initiated the sale, which can then offer it for at or even below the original minimum bid (depending on property value and/or interest in the parcel).

Title is generally transferred in a tax deed sale through a form of limited warranty or quitclaim deed (sometimes styled as Tax Deed or Sheriff's Deed). In most jurisdictions, this type of deed is generally insufficient to acquire title insurance.[3] Therefore, a purchaser would most likely then need to initiate a quiet title action in order to resell the property later. However, the property can be sold from one purchaser to another using a limited warranty or another quitclaim deed, though usually at far less than its market value.

Some jurisdictions allow for a post-sale "redemption period," whereby the former owner has a specified amount of time to reclaim the property by repaying the amount bid at auction plus interest, penalties, and/or other costs.[4] As such, purchasers of properties at tax deed sales are cautioned not to make major improvements on the property until after the redemption period has expired, as such improvements would then become the property of the original owner.

A tax deed sale may also be used in conjunction with a tax lien sale process, whereby the lienholder (instead of a governmental agency) starts the process toward forcing a public sale of the property.[5] In those instances the lienholder's investment (the price of the lien plus any additional costs necessary to start the tax deed sale process, such as required fees and payment of any still-unpaid taxes or buyout of other certificate holders' interests) constitutes the minimum bid; if no other bids are received at the sale then the lienholder will take title to the property subject to redemption periods (if applicable) or any lawsuit to overturn the sale.

Although the possibility of obtaining property at rates far below market values is promising, there are several pitfalls which must be taken into account before investing:

In a tax lien sale, instead of selling the actual property, the governmental entity sells a lien on the property. The lien is generally for the amount of delinquent taxes, accrued interest, and costs associated with the sale.

In the event that more than one investor seeks the same lien, depending on state law the winner will be determined by one of five methods:

Liens not sold at auction are considered "struck" (sold) to the jurisdiction conducting the auction. Some jurisdictions allow "over the counter" purchases of liens not sold at auction, subject to some liens being exempt from sale.[8]

The investor must wait a specified period of time (commonly referred to as the "redemption period") before taking action to foreclose on the property.[9] During the redemption period, the lien (plus interest and any other fees) may be repaid by the owner or a legal designee of the owner.[10] Usually the lien holder is not permitted during this period to contact the property owner (or anyone else having an interest in the property, such as the mortgage holder) to demand payment or threaten foreclosure, or else the lienholder can face sanctions (such as: termination of the lien and loss of money spent, being banned from future sales, and/or criminal charges).[11]

In some jurisdictions,[12] the lienholder must agree to pay subsequent unpaid property taxes during the redemption period in order to protect his/her interest. If the lienholder does not pay such taxes, a subsequent lienholder would "buy out" (redeem) the prior lienholder's interest. Other jurisdictions allow the lienholder first right to pay subsequent taxes, but if the lienholder chooses not to do so, a separate lien is offered for sale. Still other jurisdictions do not offer subsequent tax payment priority; each lien is sold separately (and can result in multiple liens on a property held by different lienholders).[13]

Once the redemption period is over, the lien holder may initiate foreclosure proceedings. Normally, the cost of the proceedings will include, in addition to statutorily-mandated costs (such as application fees and costs for public notices), buy-outs of other liens and payment of any other unpaid taxes plus accrued interest. During the period between the initiation of proceedings and actual foreclosure, the property owner still has the opportunity to repay the lien with interest plus the costs incurred to foreclose.

The foreclosure proceedings, depending on the jurisdiction, may be either:

In both cases, as with tax deed sales, title to the property will normally be in the form of a quitclaim deed, thus requiring further action to quiet title.

If the lienholder does not act within a specified period of time, as defined by state law, the lien is forfeited and the holder loses his investment. This period of time cannot be extended unless the tax lien holder is officially in the process of foreclosing on the property or other legal action (such as bankruptcy) is pending.[14]

A lien issued in error of state law is repaid, but usually at a far lower interest rate than had the lien been valid.[15]

The popularity of tax lien sales is driven, in large part, by the maximum rate of returns offered, which can be far higher than other investments, as well as the guarantee that the governmental entity, if the lien is redeemed, will repay the investor. Examples of such high returns include:

The market in tax liens has been so popular that a number of major banks and hedge funds have invested large amounts of capital in it.[19]

Although the rates of return are promising, there are several pitfalls which must be taken into account before investing:


who win the dada saheb falke award in 2018

The first recipient of the award was actress Devika Rani, who was honoured at the 17th National Film Awards. As of  2017[update], there have been 49 awardees. Among those, actor Prithviraj Kapoor (1971) and actor Vinod Khanna (2017) are the only posthumous recipients.[5] His actor-filmmaker son, Raj Kapoor, accepted the award on his behalf at the 19th National Film Awards in 1971 and was himself a recipient in 1987 at the 35th National Film Awards ceremony.[6][7][a] Bommireddy Narasimha Reddy (1974) and Bommireddy Nagi Reddy (1986);[10] Raj Kapoor (1987) and Shashi Kapoor (2014);[11] Lata Mangeshkar (1989) and Asha Bhosle (2000) along with Baldev Raj Chopra (1998) and Yash Chopra (2001) are the siblings who have won the award.[12][13][14] The most recent recipient of the award is actor Vinod Khanna who will be honoured at the 65th National Film Awards ceremony. Khanna has been awarded posthumously.

Dadasaheb Phalke Award

The Dadasaheb Phalke Award is India's highest award in cinema. It is presented annually at the National Film Awards ceremony by the Directorate of Film Festivals, an organisation set up by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting. The recipient is honoured for their "outstanding contribution to the growth and development of Indian cinema"[1] and is selected by a committee consisting of eminent personalities from the Indian film industry.[2] As of  2016[update], the award comprises a Swarna Kamal (Golden Lotus) medallion, a shawl, and a cash prize of â‚¹1,000,000 (US$14,000).[3]

First presented in 1969, the award was introduced by the Government of India to commemorate Dadasaheb Phalke's contribution to Indian cinema.[4] Phalke (1870â€“1944), who is popularly known as and often regarded as "the father of Indian cinema", was an Indian film-maker who directed India's first full-length feature film, Raja Harishchandra (1913).[1]


what kind of fish are in lake ontelaunee

Lake Ontelaunee is a 1,082-acre (4.38Â km2) reservoir in Berks County, Pennsylvania owned by the City of Reading.  The lake was created in 1926 by the damming of Maiden Creek to extend and improve the water supply to the city. A large dedication ceremony was held in 1929.[1]
In addition, the lake provides a venue for hunters, fishermen, and hikers.  The lake supports a large and varied fish population including panfish, largemouth bass, common carp, bullhead catfish, channel catfish, alewife, white perch, muskellunge, and others.  No boats are allowed on this lake and there is also no swimming allowed.

Lake Ontelaunee

Blue Marsh Lake is the largest lake in Berks County, making Lake Ontelaunee the second-largest lake.  Blue Marsh is also an artificial reservoir.


why does the plague doctor have a long nose

The mask had glass openings in the eyes and a curved beak shaped like that of a bird. Straps held the beak in front of the doctor's nose.[3] The mask had two small nose holes and was a type of respirator which contained aromatic items.[4] The beak could hold dried flowers (including roses and carnations), herbs (including mint), spices, camphor, or a vinegar sponge.[5][6] The purpose of the mask was to keep away bad smells, which were thought to be the principal cause of the disease in the miasma theory of infection, before it was disproved by germ theory.[2][3] Doctors believed the herbs would counter the "evil" smells of the plague and prevent them from becoming infected.[3]

Plague doctor costume

The clothing worn by plague doctors was intended to protect them from airborne diseases. The costume, originating in the 17th century, consisted of an ankle length overcoat and a bird-like beak mask often filled with sweet or strong smelling substances (commonly lavender), along with gloves, boots, a wide-brimmed hat, and an outer over-clothing garment.[2]

The beak doctor costume worn by plague doctors had a wide-brimmed leather hat to indicate their profession.[2][7] They used wooden canes to point out areas needing attention and to examine patients without touching them.[8] The canes were also used to keep people away,[9] to remove clothing from plague victims without having to touch them, and to take a patient's pulse.[2][10]

Medical historians have attributed the invention of the "beak doctor" costume to Charles de Lorme, who adopted in 1619 the idea of a full head-to-toe protective garment,[11] modeled after a soldier's armour.[12] This consisted of a bird-like mask with spectacles,[13] and a long leather (Moroccan or Levantine)[12] or waxed-canvas gown which went from the neck to the ankle.[11][14][15] The over-clothing garment, as well as leggings, gloves, boots, and a hat, were made of waxed leather.[16] The garment was impregnated with similar fragrant items as the beak mask.[17] The costume may have older roots as some authors have described fourteenth-century plague doctors as wearing bird-like masks.[18][19][20]

Lorme wrote that the mask had a "nose half a foot long, shaped like a beak, filled with perfume with only two holes, one on each side near the nostrils, but that can suffice to breathe and to carry along with the air one breathes the impression of the drugs enclosed further along in the beak".[13]

This popular 17th-century poem describes the plague doctor's costume.[21][22]

As may be seen on picture here,
In Rome the doctors do appear,
When to their patients they are called,
In places by the plague appalled,
Their hats and cloaks, of fashion new,
Are made of oilcloth, dark of hue,
Their caps with glasses are designed,
Their bills with antidotes all lined,
That foulsome air may do no harm,
Nor cause the doctor man alarm,
The staff in hand must serve to show
Their noble trade where'er they go.[23]

The Genevese physician Jean-Jacques Manget, in his 1721 work Treatise on the Plague written just after the Great Plague of Marseille, describes the costume worn by plague doctors at Nijmegen in 1636-1637. The costume forms the frontispiece of Manget's 1721 work.[24] The plague doctors of Nijmegen also wore beaked masks. Their robes, leggings, hats, and gloves were made of morocco leather.[25]

This costume was also worn by plague doctors during the Plague of 1656, which killed 145,000 people in Rome and 300,000 in Naples.[26] The costume terrified people because it was a sign of imminent death. Plague doctors wore these protective costumes in accordance with their agreements when they attended their plague patients.

The costume is also associated with a commedia dell'arte character called Il Medico della Peste (the Plague Doctor), who wears a distinctive plague doctor's mask.[27] The Venetian mask was normally white, consisting of a hollow beak and round eye-holes covered with clear glass, and is one of the distinctive masks worn during the Carnival of Venice.[28]


where does the name poop deck come from

The name originates from the French word for stern, la poupe, from Latin puppis. Thus the poop deck is technically a stern deck, which in sailing ships was usually elevated as the roof of the stern or "after" cabin, also known as the "poop cabin". On sailing ships, the helmsman will steer the craft from the quarter deck, immediately in front of the poop deck.  At the stern, the poop deck provides an elevated position ideal for observation.[2]

Poop deck

In naval architecture, a poop deck is a deck that forms the roof of a cabin built in the rear, or  "aft", part of the superstructure of a ship.[1]

On modern, motorized warships, the ship functions which were once carried out on the poop deck have been moved to the bridge, usually located on the superstructure in the center of ships, or the starboard side island of aircraft carriers.[citation needed]


on which of the following river sardar sarovar dam is built

The Sardar Sarovar Dam is a gravity dam on the Narmada river near Navagam, Gujarat in India. Four Indian states, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Maharastra and Rajasthan, receive water and electricity supplied from the dam. The foundation stone of the project was laid out by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru on April 5, 1961. The project took form in 1979 as part of a development scheme to increase irrigation and produce hydroelectricity. The dam was inaugurated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on September 17, 2017.[3]

Sardar Sarovar Dam

One of the 30 dams planned on river Narmada, Sardar Sarovar Dam (SSD) is the largest structure to be built. It is one of the largest dams in the world.[4][5] It is a part of the Narmada Valley Project, a large hydraulic engineering project involving the construction of a series of large irrigation and hydroelectric multi-purpose dams on the Narmada river. Following a number of controversial cases before the Supreme Court of India (1999, 2000, 2003), by 2014 the Narmada Control Authority had approved a series of changes in the final height – and the associated displacement caused by the increased reservoir, from the original 80 m (260 ft) to a final 163 m (535 ft) from foundation.[6][7] The project will irrigate more than 18,000 km2 (6,900 sq mi), most of it in drought prone areas of Kutch and Saurashtra.

The dam's main power plant houses six 200 MW Francis pump-turbines to generate electricity and include a pumped-storage capability. Additionally, a power plant on the intake for the main canal contains five 50 MW Kaplan turbine-generators. The total installed capacity of the power facilities is 1,450 MW.

To the south west Malwa plateau, the dissected hill tracts culminate in the Mathwar hills, located in Alirajpur district of Madhya Pradesh. Below these hills Narmada river flows through a long, terrific gorge. This gorge extends into Gujarat where the river is tapped by the Sardar Sarovar dam.

The dam will irrigate 17,920 km2 (6,920 sq mi) of land spread over 12 districts, 62 talukas, and 3,393 villages (75% of which is drought-prone areas) in Gujarat and 730 km2 (280 sq mi) in the arid areas of Barmer and Jalore districts of Rajasthan. The dam will also provide flood protection to riverine reaches measuring 30,000 ha (74,000 acres) covering 210 villages and Bharuch city and a population of 400,000 in Gujarat.[8] Saurastra Narmada Avataran Irrigation is a major program to help irrigate a lot of regions using the canal's water.

In 2011, the government of Gujarat announced plans to generate solar power by placing solar panels over the canal, making it beneficial for the surrounding villages to get power and also help to reduce the evaporation of water. The first phase consists of placing panels along a 25 km length of canal, with capacity for up to 25 MW of power.[9]

The dam is one of India's most controversial, and its environmental impact and net costs and benefits are widely debated.[citation needed] The World Bank was initially funding SSD, but withdrew in 1994. The Narmada Dam has been the centre of controversy and protest since the late 1980s.[10]

One such protest takes centre stage in the Spanner Films documentary Drowned Out (2002), which follows one tribal family who decide to stay at home and drown rather than make way for the Narmada Dam.[11] An earlier documentary film is called A Narmada Diary (1995) by Anand Patwardhan and Simantini Dhuru. The efforts of NBA to seek "social and environmental justice" for those most directly affected by the Sardar Sarover Dam construction feature prominently in this film. It received the (Filmfare Award for Best Documentary-1996).[12]

The figurehead of much of the protest is Medha Patkar, the leader of the Narmada Bachao Andolan ("Save Narmada Movement").[13] The movement was cemented in 1989, and received the Right Livelihood Award in 1991.[14]

Support for the protests also came from Indian author Arundhati Roy, who wrote "The Greater Common Good", an essay reprinted in her book The Cost of Living, in protest of the Narmada Dam Project.[15] In the essay, Roy states:

Big Dams are to a Nation's "Development" what Nuclear Bombs are to its Military Arsenal. They are both weapons of mass destruction. They're both weapons Governments use to control their own people. Both Twentieth Century emblems that mark a point in time when human intelligence has outstripped its own instinct for survival. They're both malignant indications of civilisation turning upon itself. They represent the severing of the link, not just the link—the understanding—between human beings and the planet they live on. They scramble the intelligence that connects eggs to hens, milk to cows, food to forests, water to rivers, air to life and the earth to human existence.

The Second Interim Report of the Experts' Committee set up by the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) of the Government of India to assess the planning and implementation of environmental safeguards with respect to the Sardar Sarovar (SSP) and Indira Sagar projects (ISP) on the Narmada River. The report covers the status of compliances on catchment area treatment (CAT), flora and fauna and carrying capacity upstream, command area development (CAD), compensatory afforestation and human health aspects in project impact areas. Construction, on the other hand, has been proceeding apace: the ISP is complete and the SSP nearing completion. The report recommends that no further reservoir-filling be done at either SSP or ISP; that no further work be done on canal construction; and that even irrigation from the existing network be stopped forthwith until failures of compliance on the various environmental parameters have been fully remedied.[18]

Despite popular protest, the Supreme Court gave clearance for the height to be increased to 121.92 m (400 ft), but in the same judgment Justice Mr. Bharucha gave directions to Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra (the Grievance Redressal Authorities of Gujarat) that before further construction begins, they should certify (after inspection) that all those displaced by the raise in height of 5 metres have already been satisfactorily rehabilitated, and also that suitable vacant land for rehabilitating them is already in the possession of the respective States. This process shall be repeated for every successive five metre increase in height.