what is religion and types of religion in nigeria

Nigeria, the most populous African country (with a population of over 182 million in 2015),[3] is nearly equally divided between Christianity and Islam, though the exact ratio is uncertain. There is also a growing population of non-religious Nigerians who accounted for the remaining 5 percent. The majority of Nigerian Muslims are Sunni and are concentrated in the northern region of the country, while Christians dominate in the south. The Pew Forum in a 2010 report compared reports from several sources.[4] The 1963 Nigerian census found that 36% of the population was Christian, 38% Muslim, and 26% other; the 2008 MEASURE Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) found 53% Muslim, 45% Christian, and 2% other; the 2008 Afrobarometer poll found 50% Christian, 49% Muslim, and 1% other; Pew's own survey found 52% Muslim, 46% Christian, and 1% other.[4][5][6]

Religion in Nigeria

Religion in Nigeria (2016)[2]

Most of Nigeria's Christians are Protestant (broadly defined) though about a quarter are Catholic.[5] From the 1990s to the 2000s, there was significant growth in Protestant churches, including the Redeemed Christian Church of God, Winners' Chapel, Christ Apostolic Church (the first Aladura Movement in Nigeria), Deeper Christian Life Ministry, Evangelical Church Winning All, Mountain of Fire and Miracles, Christ Embassy, The Synagogue Church Of All Nations, The CommonWealth Of Zion Assembly (COZA), the Aladura Church[7] (indigenous Christian churches being especially strong in the Yoruba and Igbo areas), and of evangelical churches in general. These churches have spilled over into adjacent and southern areas of the middle belt. Denominations like the Seventh-day Adventist also exist.[8]

Other leading Protestant churches in the country are the Church of Nigeria of the Anglican Communion, the Assemblies of God Church, the Nigerian Baptist Convention and The Synagogue, Church Of All Nations. The Yoruba area contains a large Anglican population, while Igboland is predominantly Catholic and the Edo area is predominantly Assemblies of God, which was introduced into Nigeria by Augustus Ehurie Wogu and his associates at Old Umuahia.

Islam dominated the north and had a number of supporters in the South Western, Yoruba part of the country. Nigeria has the largest Muslim population in sub-Saharan Africa. In terms of Nigeria's major ethnic groups' religious affiliations, the Hausa ethnic group in the North is mostly Muslim, the West which is the Yoruba tribe is divided among mainly Islam, Christianity, and traditional religions, while the Igbos of the East and the Ijaw in the South are predominantly Christians (Catholics) and some practitioners of traditional religions.[9] The middle belt of Nigeria contains the largest number of minority ethnic groups in Nigeria and they are mostly Christians and members of traditional religions with few Muslim converts.[10][11]

The vast majority of Muslims in Nigeria are Sunni, belonging to Maliki school of jurisprudence; however, a sizeable minority also belongs to Shafi madhhab. A large number of Sunni Muslims are members of Sufi brotherhoods. Most Sufis follow the Qadiriyya, Tijaniyyah and/or Mouride movement. A significant Shia minority exists (see Shia in Nigeria). Some northern states have incorporated Sharia law into their previously secular legal systems, which has brought about some controversy.[12] Kano State has sought to incorporate Sharia law into its constitution.[13] The majority of Quranists follow the Kalo Kato or Quraniyyun movement. There are also Ahmadiyya and Mahdiyya minorities.[14]

According to a 2001 report[15] from The World Factbook by CIA, about 50% of Nigeria's population is Muslim, 40% are Christians and 10% adhere to local religions.[16] But in some recent report, the Christian population is now slightly lesser than the Muslim population. An 18 December 2012 report on religion and public life by the Pew Research Center stated that in 2010, 48.3 percent of Nigeria's population was Christian, 48.9 percent was Muslim, and 2.8 percent were followers of indigenous and other religions, or unaffiliated.[17] Additionally, the 2010s census of Association of Religion Data Archives has reported that 47.5 percent of the total population is Christian, slightly bigger than the Muslim population of 45.5 percent, and that 7.0 percent are members of other religious groups.[18] Major factors that have been increasing Muslims population in Nigeria are polygamy, early marriages and lack of birth control.

Nigeria has one of the largest Muslim populations in West Africa.[19] Islam was introduced to northern Nigeria as early as the 11th century and was well established in the major capitals of the region by the 16th century, spreading into the countryside and toward the Middle Belt uplands. Shehu Usman dan Fodio established a government in Northern Nigeria based on Islam before the advent of Colonialism. The British Colonial Government therefore established indirect rule in Northern Nigeria based on the structure of this government. Islam also came to South Western Yoruba-speaking areas during the time of Mansa Musa's Mali Empire. The Yoruba colloquially referred to Islam as "Esin-Mali" or some will say "Esin-Mole", which means religion from Mali.

The vast majority of Muslims in Nigeria are Sunni belonging to Maliki school of jurisprudence; however, a sizeable minority also belongs to Shafi madhhab. A large number of Sunni Muslims are members of Sufi brotherhoods. Most Sufis follow the Qadiriyya, Tijaniyyah and/or Mouride movement. Nigerian Islam has become heterogenous with the springing up of many Islamic sects. Notable examples are the Izala movement,[20][21] the Shia movement, and many local Islamic sects that have limited expansion.

The Shia Muslims of Nigeria are primarily located in the Sokoto State.[22][23] Shia Muslims make up between two and four million of Nigeria's population.[24][25] Ibrahim Zakzaky introduced many Nigerians to Shia Islam.

Some Nigerian Muslims emphasize asceticism and mysticism and usually form groups called "tariqas", "Sufi orders" or "Sufi brotherhoods". They always preach peaceful co-existence and had no empathy for radical Islam. Most Sufis follow the Qadiriyya, Tijaniyyah and/or Mouride movement.

The Ahmadiyya movement established itself in Nigeria in 1916,[26] and make up approximately 3% of the Muslim population.[27] There are numerous Ahmadiyya centres in Nigeria including the Baitur-Raheem Mosque in Ibadan inaugurated in 2008,[28] the Mubarak Mosque in Abuja, which is the last Ahmadiyya mosque, built in the first century of the Ahmadiyya Caliphate.[29] Ahmadiyyas have also established a weekly newspaper called "The Truth" which is the first Muslim newspaper in the country.[30]

The Kalo Kato are a Nigerian group of Quranists. Their name means "a mere man said it" referring to Muhammad. The Kalo Kato rely entirely on the Quran and they are found among poor communities across northern Nigeria.[14]

Islam in Nigeria has witnessed a rise in the numbers of Islamic extremism notably among them, the Boko Haram, Maitatsine, Darul Islam[31][32] among others.

These sects have sometimes resorted to the use of violence in a bid to realizing their ambitions on the wider Islamic and Nigerian populations as a whole.[33]

The rise of this radical movements has been attributed partly to the poor socio economic infrastructures and poor governance in Nigeria.[34] Poverty has been seen as the major catalyst leading to the rapid increase in the membership of these religious extremist groups.[35] The rise of these sects has also been linked to the increase and aiding of religious extremist by politicians for their selfish ambitions.

During the 1980s religious riots occurred in and around the five cities of Kano in 1980, Kaduna in 1982, Bulum-Ketu in 1982, Jimeta in 1984 and Gombe in 1985. These riots were caused by the migration of the rural poor into urban towns during the dry seasons. An offshoot of Islam called the ‘Yan Tatsine’ violently rebelled against the authorities and non-members. These radical Muslims were inspired by Alhaji Mohammed Marwa Maitatsine. He was a Cameroon preacher who slated the government, something which lead to his arrest in Nigeria in 1975, yet by 1972 many people followed him across society, ranging from the elite to Koranic students called almajiral or gardawa and unemployed migrants. Maitatsine and his followers became separate from orthodox Islam, condemning the corruption of the religious and secular elites and the wealthy upper classes’ consumption of Western goods during the petrol boom in 1974-81.[36] The Boko Haram movement has been connected to the Maitatsine movement. They want to implement sharia law across the whole of Nigeria.[37]

Christian Association of Nigeria
Fellowship of Churches of Christ in Nigeria

Cherubim and Seraphim Society
Eternal Sacred Order of Cherubim and Seraphim
Church of God Mission International
Church of the Lord (Aladura)

The African Church
Church of Nigeria

Church of the Brethren in Nigeria
Churches of Christ in Nigeria
Mambila Baptist Convention of Nigeria
Nigerian Baptist Convention

Roman Catholic Church

African Methodist Episcopal Church in Nigeria
Deeper Christian Life Ministry
Redeemed Christian Church of God
United Methodist Church of Nigeria

Lutheran Church of Christ in Nigeria
Lutheran Church of Nigeria

The Apostolic Church Nigeria
Christ Apostolic Church
General Council of the Assemblies of God Nigeria
Gospel Faith Mission
International Church of the Foursquare Gospel
The Lord's Chosen Charismatic Revival Movement
New Apostolic Church in Nigeria
Winners' Chapel

Christian Reformed Church of Nigeria
Church of Christ in Nigeria
Church of Christ in the Sudan Among the Tiv
Evangelical Reformed Church of Christ
N.K.S.T
Presbyterian Church of Nigeria
Reformed Church of Christ in Nigeria

Evangelical Church of West Africa
QIC-United Evangelical Church
Seventh-day Adventist Church in Nigeria
Word of Faith Ministries

Christianity is one of the three main religions in Nigeria and Nigeria has the Largest Christian population in Africa. According to a recent report conducted in 2011, 51.6% or more than half of Nigerians are Christians.[16] Among Christians, 24.8% are Catholic, 74.1% are Protestant, 0.9% belong to other Christian denominations and a few of them are Orthodox Christians.[38] The ecclesiastical provinces of the Church of Nigeria are: Lagos, Ibadan, Ondo, Bendel, The Niger, Niger Delta, Owerri, Abuja, Kaduna and Jos.[39] Its primate is Nicholas Okoh.[39] The Church of Nigeria has about 17 million members.[40]

The Nigerian Baptist Convention has about three million baptized members.[41]

The Archdioceses of the Roman Catholic Church are: Abuja, Onitsha, Benin City, Calabar, Ibadan, Lagos, and Owerri.[42] It has about 19 million members in Nigeria in 2005.[43] Cardinal Francis Arinze is a Roman Catholic Cardinal from Nigeria.[44] There are over 300,000 Early Pentecostal Apostolic Churches parishes in Nigeria having about 4.2 million adherents. Such denominations in this group are:

There are also about 380,000 New Apostolic Church parishes constituting about 6.5 million believers|New Apostolic Christians in Nigeria include: 1) The Redeemed Church, 4) Deeper Life Church, 5) Overcomers ministries and other new springs. Bye and large Protestantism particularly the Pentecostals, Apostolic and evangelicals constitute the major Christian population of Nigeria from the late 1990s to the present.

The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (LDS) announced creation of new Owerri mission in Nigeria in 2016.[45]

The majority of Christians are found in the south east, South-South, south west and Middle-belt region. An increasing number of mission stations and mission bookstores, along with churches serving southern enclaves and northern Christians in the northern cities and larger towns, are found in the Muslim north. Christianity in Yoruba area traditionally has been Protestant and Anglican, currently Protestant Pentecostal/evangelicals, whereas Igboland has always been the area of greatest activity by the Roman Catholic Church with current infusions of Protestantism. Other denominations abounded as well. Presbyterians arrived in the late 17th century in the Ibibio, Annang and Efik land and the Niger Delta area and had missions in the middle belt as well. The works of the Presbyterian Church in Calabar from Scotland by missionaries like Rev Hope M. Waddell, who arrived in Calabar 10 April 1846, in the 19th century and that of Mary Slessor of Calabar are examples. Small missionary movements were allowed to start up, generally in the 1920s, after the middle belt was considered pacified. Each denomination set up rural networks by providing schooling and health facilities. Most such facilities remained in 1990, although in many cases schools had been taken over by the local state government in order to standardize curricula and indigenize the teaching staff. Pentecostals arrived mostly as indigenous workers in the post-independence period, and in the 1980s, Evangelical and Apostolic Pentecostalism were spreading rapidly throughout the south western and middle belt, having major success in hitherto Roman Catholic and Protestant towns of the south as well. There were also breakaway, or Africanized churches, that blended traditional Christian symbols with indigenous symbols. Among these was the Aladura (preyer) movement that was spreading rapidly throughout Yoruba land and into the non-Muslim middle belt areas.

Apart from Benin and Warri, which had come in contact with Christianity through the Portuguese as early as the 15th century, most missionaries arrived by sea in the 19th century. As with other areas in African continent, Roman Catholics and Anglicans each tended to establish areas of hegemony in southern Nigeria. After World War I, smaller denominations such as the Church of the Brethren (as Ekklesiyar Yan'uwa a Nigeria), Seventh-day Adventists and others worked in interstitial areas, trying not to compete. Although less well-known, African-American churches entered the missionary field in the 19th century and created contacts with Nigeria that lasted well into the colonial period.

African churches were founded by small groups breaking off from the European denominations, especially in Yorubaland, where such independence movements started as early as the early 19th century- influenced by American and British missionaries in early 1900s and stimulated by the great revival of the 1930s. They were for the most part ritually and doctrinally identical to the parent church, although more African music, and later dance and dressage/vesture, entered and mixed with the imported church services. Notable among the new- springs of 1930 were such Protestant Pentecostals as the Christ Apostolic Church - an offshoot of USA based Faith Tabernacle which swept through the Western Region and complimented by the likes of the Celestial Church and the Cherubim and Seraphim Church which were indigenous autonomous springs. A number of indigenous denominations used Biblical references to support polygamy. With political independence came African priests in both Roman Catholic and Protestant denominations, although ritual and forms of worship were strictly those of the home country of the original missionaries. By the 1980s, however, African music and even dancing were being introduced quietly into western oriented church services, albeit altered to fit into rituals of Euro-American origin. Southern Christians living in the north, especially in larger cities, had congregations and churches founded as early as the 1920s. Even medium-sized towns (20,000 persons or more) with an established southern enclave had local churches, especially in the middle belt, where both major religions had a strong foothold. The exodus of Igbo from the north in the late 1960s left Roman Catholic churches poorly attended, but by the 1980s adherents were back in even greater numbers, and a number of new churches had been built. the middle belt and the west and southwest remain the hold of Protestants (Pentecostal, evangelical and indigenous spring of Christian denominations).

The Aladura, like several other breakaway churches, stress healing and fulfillment of life goals for oneself and one's family. African beliefs that sorcery and witchcraft are malevolent forces against which protection is required are accepted; rituals are warm and emotional, stressing personal involvement and acceptance of spirit possession. Theology is biblical, but some sects add costumed processions and some accept polygyny.

Major congregations of the larger Anglican and Roman Catholic missions represented elite families of their respective areas, although each of these churches had members from all levels and many quite humble church buildings. Nevertheless, a wedding in the Anglican cathedral in Lagos was usually a gathering of the elite of the entire country, and of Lagos and Yorubaland in particular. Such families had connections to their churches going back to the 19th century and were generally not attracted to the breakaway churches. All major urban centers, all universities, and the new capital of Abuja had areas set aside for the major religions to build churches and mosques and for burial grounds.

After an isolated presence in the late 1920s,[46] the Bahá'í Faith in Nigeria begins with pioneering Bahá'ís coming to Sub-Saharan West Africa in the 1950s especially following the efforts of Enoch Olinga who directly and indirectly affected the growth of the religion in Nigeria.[47] Following growth across West Africa a regional National Spiritual Assembly was elected in 1956.[48] As the community multiplied across cities and became diverse in its engagements it elected its own National Spiritual Assembly by 1979[49] and Operation World[unreliable source] estimated 1000 Bahá'ís in 2001[50] though the Association of Religion Data Archives (relying mostly on the World Christian Encyclopedia) estimated some 34,000 Bahá'ís in 2005.[51]

Alongside the main religious sect is the traditional belief system that without contradicting civil law manages to also govern ethics and morality amongst much of the population.

In the city-states of Yorubaland and its neighbors, a more reserved way of life remains, one that expresses a theology that links local beliefs to a central citadel government and its sovereignty over a hinterland of communities through the monarch. The seat of the king (oba) is responsible for the welfare of its jurisdiction, in return for confirmation of the legitimacy of the oba's rule over his subjects.

In addition to ensuring access to, and the continual fertility of, both land and people, seasonal carnivals act as a spectacle for "tourism" contributing to regional productivity.

"Society in general has more gradually and selectively expanded to accommodate new influences, it is fairly certain that they will continue to assert their distinctive cultural identity in creative and often ingenious ways".[52]

In the 1980s, serious outbreaks between Christians and Muslims occurred in Kafanchan in southern Kaduna State in a border area between the two religions, propagated by extreme leaders who were able to rally a young, educated group of individuals who feared that the nation would not be able to protect their religious group.[53] The leaders were able to polarize their followers through speeches and public demonstrations.[54]

The activities of some of these sects has in recent times led to the loss of lives and properties as they move about destroying government facilities which they see as legacies or replica of western cultures in their various communities. These religious campaigns have seen an increase in gun battles between the members of these sects and security forces with loss of lives witnessed on both sides.[55] Although direct conflicts between Christians and Muslims were rare, tensions did flare between the two groups as each group radicalised. There were clashes in October 1982 when Muslim zealots in Kano were able to enforce their power in order to keep the Anglican House Church from expanding its size and power base as they saw it as a threat to the nearby Mosque, even though the Anglican House Church had been there forty years prior to the building of the Mosque.[56] Additionally, there were two student groups in Nigeria who came into contestation, the Fellowship of Christian Students and the Muslim Student Society. In one instance there was an evangelical campaign organised by the FCS and brought into question why one sect should dominate the campus of the Kafanchan college of education. This quarrel accelerated to the point where the Muslim students organised protests around the city and culminated in the burning of a Mosque at the college. The Christian majority at the college retaliated on March 9 when twelve people died and several Mosques were burnt and a climate of fear brews. The retaliation was pre-planned.[57]

Exploitation of the media used to propagate the ideas of the conflict, thereby radicalising each force even more. Media was biased on each side so while places like the federal radio corporation discussed the idea of defending Islam during this brief moment of terror but does not report the deaths and damage caused by Muslims, galvanising the Muslim population. Similarly, the Christian papers did not report the damage and deaths caused by Christians but focused on the Islamic terror.[58] Other individuals leading these religious movements use the media to spread messages which gradually became more intolerant of other religions and because of these religious divisions radical Islam continues to be a problem in Nigeria today.[59]

Recently, there has been an upsurge in attacks targeting Christians in northern Nigeria, culminating in the Christmas Day massacre at a catholic church near the Federal Capital Territory. The radical Islamist sect, Boko Haram, claimed responsibility for the bomb blast.

Hinduism spread to Nigeria mainly by immigration of Hindus from India and of Hare Krishna Missionaries. Many Nigerians have converted to Hinduism mainly due to efforts of ISKCON Missionaries. ISKCON has inaugurated the Vedic Welfare Complex in Apapa.[60]

Altogether including Nigerians of Indian origin and NRIs there are 25,000 Hindus in Nigeria. Most of them live in Lagos, the former capital of Nigeria

Chrislam is a blend of Christianity and Islam that takes practices from both the Bible and the Quran. It hopes to quell religious feuds among Nigerians.[61]

Nigeria has become an African hub for Grail Movement, inspired by the work of Abd-ru-shin, principally In the Light of Truth: The Grail Message.[62]

A fraternity incorporating references and insignia from the original Ogboni, is based on ancient rites, usages and customs. Established in 1914 by the Ven. Archdeacon T. A. J. Ogunbiyi. Membership is open to all adults who embrace a non-idolatrous faith in God. The fraternity is headquartered in Lagos, Nigeria. In 1996 it had about 710 conclaves/Lodges or Iledi in Nigeria and overseas.[63]


what does the name danielle mean in english

Danielle is the French female variant of the male name Daniel, meaning "God is my judge" in the Hebrew language. The name appears in the Bible, where Daniel survives a night in a den of lions. The more common feminine version is "Daniella" or "Daniela" which is used in English-, German-, Italian-, Portuguese- and Spanish-speaking countries.

Danielle


when will the next senator from alabama be seated

Jones was sworn into office on January 3, 2018, becoming the first Democratic U.S. Senator from Alabama since Howell Heflin's retirement in 1997.[26]

United States Senate special election in Alabama, 2017

Luther Strange
Republican

Doug Jones
Democratic

A special election for the United States Senate in Alabama took place on December 12, 2017, to fill a vacancy in the Senate through the end of the term ending on January 3, 2021, arising from the resignation on February 8, 2017, of Jeff Sessions to serve as U.S. Attorney General. Democratic candidate Doug Jones defeated Republican candidate Roy Moore by a margin of 21,924 votes (1.7%). Jones is the first Democrat to win a U.S. Senate seat in the state since 1992.

On February 9, 2017, Governor Robert J. Bentley named Luther Strange, the Attorney General of Alabama, to fill the vacancy until a special election could take place. Bentley controversially scheduled the special election to align with the 2018 general election instead of sooner.[2][3] When Kay Ivey succeeded Bentley as Governor, she rescheduled the special election for December 12, 2017.[4]

Jones, a former U.S. Attorney for the Northern District of Alabama, won the Democratic primary election. Moore, a former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Alabama, competed with Strange and Mo Brooks in the Republican primary, and Moore advanced with Strange to a runoff.[5] President Donald Trump supported Moore's opponent Strange during the primary runoff, and almost the whole national Republican establishment wanted Strange to win, including Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, who made the success of Strange's candidacy a major priority.[6][7] Trump's efforts on behalf of Strange included a rally in Huntsville, Alabama, plus tweeting, and Vice-President Mike Pence also campaigned for Strange.[8][9] With McConnell's help, Strange outspent Moore by a margin of 10-to-1.[8][10] However, Moore won the primary runoff in September 2017.[9][11] This was the first time that an incumbent U.S. Senator having active White House support lost a primary since Arlen Specter lost to Joe Sestak in 2010.[12]

In mid-November, multiple women alleged that Moore had made unwanted advances or sexual assaults on them when he was in his early thirties and they were in their teens (the youngest was 14 at the time).[13][14] As a result of these allegations, many national Republican leaders and office holders called for Moore to withdraw from the special election or withdrew their endorsements of him.[15][16][17] However, Donald Trump and many Alabama Republicans reaffirmed their support.[18] At the time of the revelations, it was too late to remove his name from the ballot. Many Republican leaders proposed shifting their support to a write-in candidate such as Strange.[19] Moore has stated that he never engaged in sexual misconduct, although he has not denied that he approached or dated teenagers over the age of 16 while he was in his 30s. Sixteen is the legal age of consent in Alabama.[20][21] In late November, retired Marine Colonel Lee Busby launched a write-in campaign.[22]

At 9:23 p.m. CST, the Associated Press called the election for Jones, though Moore refused to concede.[23][24] Jones is the first Democratic candidate to win a statewide election in Alabama since former Lieutenant Governor Lucy Baxley was elected president of the Alabama Public Service Commission in 2008.[25]

Following then-President-elect Donald Trump's nomination of then-Senator Sessions to be U.S. Attorney General, Robert Aderholt, a member of the United States House of Representatives, had asked to be appointed to the seat.[27] Representative Mo Brooks had also expressed interest in the seat, while Strange had stated before being selected that he would run for the seat in the special election whether or not he was appointed.[28][29] Other potential choices Bentley interviewed for the appointment included Moore, Del Marsh, the President Pro Tem of the Alabama Senate, and Jim Byard, the director of the Alabama Department of Economic and Community Affairs.[30]

The Republican primary attracted national attention, especially following Trump's endorsement of incumbent Senator Luther Strange. Strange was backed by several key figures within the Republican establishment, most notably Mitch McConnell. His two main rivals in the primary consisted of former state judge Roy Moore and Mo Brooks. While Strange showed no signs of losing the first round of the primary, almost every opinion poll showed him trailing Roy Moore in a runoff. Strange came in second place in the first round of the primary behind Roy Moore, securing a spot in the runoff.[31]

National interest in the race dramatically increased in the month before the runoff. Strange maintained his endorsement from Trump, who campaigned for him in Huntsville during the closing days of the campaign.[32] Trump's endorsement of Strange sparked criticism among his own base, many of whom preferred Moore and detested Strange for his seemingly establishment feel. Several notable people close to Trump broke from the President to endorse Moore, including HUD Secretary Ben Carson and Breitbart Executive Chairman Steve Bannon. Despite the endorsement of Trump, Strange was handily defeated by Roy Moore in the runoff.[33]

U.S. Cabinet officials

Former U.S. Senators

Former U.S. Representatives

U.S. Vice President

Former State Representatives

President Donald Trump supported Moore's opponent Strange during the primary runoff, and almost the whole national Republican establishment wanted Strange to win.[7] Trump's efforts on behalf of Strange included a rally in Alabama, plus tweeting.[9]

U.S. Vice President

On November 9, The Washington Post reported that four women had accused Roy Moore of engaging in sexual conduct with them when they were teenagers and he was an assistant district attorney in his thirties. One of the women was 14 years old at the time, below the legal age of consent.[13] A few days later a fifth woman said that she had received unwanted attention from Moore when she was 15 years old, and that in December 1977 or January 1978,[190] when she was 16, Moore sexually assaulted her.[14][191] Moore denied the allegations.

After this, certain Republican leaders and conservative organizations withdrew their endorsements of Moore or asked him to drop out of the campaign. These included Texas Senator Ted Cruz, U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions, Ivanka Trump,[192] the National Republican Senatorial Committee,[193] former Republican presidential nominees Mitt Romney[194] and John McCain,[195] Republican Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell,[196] Ohio Governor John Kasich,[197] Utah Senator Mike Lee,[198] Montana Senator Steve Daines,[199] and House Representatives Barbara Comstock, Carlos Curbelo, and Adam Kinzinger, as well as the Young Republican Federation of Alabama.[200][201][202][203][204] Other conservative websites and organizations such as National Review urged readers not to vote for Moore.[205][206] Moore continued to receive support from the state party. A week before the election, President Donald Trump strongly endorsed Moore.[207] Following Trump's endorsement, the RNC reinstated their support for him,[208] and Republican leaders said they would "let the people of Alabama decide" whether to elect Moore.[209]

At the time of the revelations, it was too close to the election for Moore's name to be removed from the ballot.[210] Republican officials proposed various ways to promote an alternate Republican candidate. One suggestion was to ask Governor Kay Ivey to delay the special election until 2018,[19] but Ivey said she had no plans to change the election date.[211] Some Republicans such as Senator Lisa Murkowski floated the prospect of a write-in campaign to elect Luther Strange, with Utah Senator Orrin Hatch actively endorsing a write-in campaign for Strange.[212] However, Strange said it was "highly unlikely" that he would run a write-in campaign.[213] Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell proposed Attorney General Jeff Sessions, who formerly held the Senate seat, as a write-in candidate.[214] In late November, Retired Marine Col. Lee Busby launched a write-in campaign stating that he thought there is room for a centrist in the race.[22]

Republican nominee Roy Moore refused to debate Democratic nominee Doug Jones.[215][216][217] Moore turned down debate invitations extended by the League of Women Voters,[216] WHNT-TV and AL.com.[217][215] Jones' campaign said that Jones was "willing to debate Roy Moore anytime, anywhere" and accused Moore of "hiding from the voters, from the media and from his record for weeks."[217][215] Moore and his campaign stated that he refused to debate Jones because their policy positions were already clear to voters and thus there was no need for a formal debate.[217][215]

Former U.S. Executive Branch officials

U.S. Executive Branch officials

Statewide office holders

* Unpublished poll released on December 15

with Roy Moore on ballot and Luther Strange as write-in candidate

with Luther Strange on ballot

with generic Republican/Democrat

Doug Jones defeated Roy Moore by a margin of 21,924 votes. Voter turnout was 40.54% of Alabama's 3,326,812[433] registered voters.

Jones won primarily by running up huge margins in the state's major cities. The state's four largest counties—Jefferson (home to the state's largest city of Birmingham), Mobile (home to Mobile), Montgomery (home to the state capital of Montgomery) and Madison (home to Huntsville)—all gave Jones 56 percent or more of the vote. He carried Jefferson by over 83,800 votes, and Montgomery by almost 30,500 votes; either county would have been more than enough to give him the victory. Jones also dominated the Black Belt. He took over 96 percent of the black vote, and 61 percent of votes from those under 45. While Moore dominated the state's rural areas, he significantly underperformed Trump's totals in those areas, as well as the suburbs.[434]

As of December 15, Moore demanded a recount and refused to concede the race, despite being urged by Trump, Bannon, and others to do so. If the final margin of victory is less than 0.5%, then a recount would have been automatically triggered. If not, then either candidate can request a recount at his expense.[435][436] However, Alabama Secretary of State John Merrill estimates that a recount could cost anywhere from $1 million to $1.5 million, an amount that must be paid in full when the request is made. Moore had only $636,046 on hand by the time the campaign ended.[437] A number of right-leaning websites have pushed conspiracy theories about voter fraud providing the margin for Jones.[438] Merrill noted on December 20 that the only remaining ballots to count are 366 military ballots and 4,967 provisional ballots left to be counted; even if all those votes were for Moore, the margin would not be sufficient to trigger an automatic recount.[439]

Because the number of write-in votes was larger than Jones' margin of victory, the names written in were both counted and listed.[440] Luther Strange, who lost the Republican primary to Moore, received the most write-in votes, followed by former White House aide Lee Busby, U.S. Rep. Mo Brooks, who also ran in the Republican Senate primary, Libertarian write-in candidate Ron Bishop, Attorney General Jeff Sessions, and Alabama football coach Nick Saban.

After the election, Moore filed a lawsuit attempting to block the state from certifying the election and calling for an investigation into voter fraud. On December 28, 2017, a judge dismissed this lawsuit and state officials certified the election results, officially declaring Doug Jones the winner.[441] Jones was sworn into office on January 3, 2018, by Vice President Mike Pence.[26] Jones became the first Democrat to win a statewide race in Alabama since former Lieutenant Governor Lucy Baxley was elected President of the Alabama Public Service Commission in 2008 over Republican Twinkle Andress Cavanaugh.[25] Prior to that, Democrat Jim Folsom Jr. was elected Lieutenant Governor of Alabama in 2006 over Republican Luther Strange.[442] The last Democrat to win a federal statewide election in Alabama was Richard Shelby in 1992, who switched to the Republican Party in late 1994.


who played harry kim on star trek voyager

Garrett Richard Wang (Chinese: 王以瞻; pinyin: Wáng Yǐzhān) (born December 15, 1968) is an American actor. Wang is known for his role in Star Trek: Voyager as Ensign Harry Kim.

Garrett Wang

Wang was born in Riverside, California, to Taiwanese immigrant parents who moved to Indiana and then to Bermuda, Memphis, Tennessee, and  then back to California.  He moved from Los Angeles to Las Vegas in 2008.

Wang graduated from Harding Academy High School in Memphis, then moved to Los Angeles to attend UCLA to major in premedicine.  He switched majors multiple times, going from biology to political science to history to economics and finally Asian studies with all his upper-division electives in theater.

Through November 2017, Wang hosted a weekly podcast on Twitch. He discussed his post-Star Trek work as being a convention moderator, and other raconteur anecdotes of his life.[3]

Wang is most noted for his series regular role as Ensign Harry Kim on Star Trek: Voyager, which ran from 1995 to 2001. In 2005, Wang played the role of Chow Ping in the TV miniseries Into The West, which was executive produced by Steven Spielberg.  He played the part of Garan in the 2007 fan production Star Trek: Of Gods and Men, saying, "itâ€™s always more challenging for an actor to play the bad guy."[4]

Wang also made an appearance in the television series All-American Girl episode "Submission:Impossible" as Raymond Han.

In 2010, Wang was named the director of the Trek Track for Dragon Con, becoming the first actor to work behind the scenes at a convention.[5]

Wang has participated in the Calgary Comic and Entertainment Expo, in 2012 interviewing Stan Lee and being present at a booth among other exhibitors, as well as being a surprise speaker at TNG Exposed.  He has been a celebrity moderator interviewing other celebrities at various conventions around the world since 2008.

From early childhood on, actor Garrett Wang was a science-fiction fan, in particular Star Wars and Battlestar Galactica.[6] He watched all the Star Trek films that came out in the theaters, but never really got into Star Trek: The Next Generation (TNG) prior to working on Voyager. The first season-one TNG episode he watched was "Code of Honor", which Garrett says is widely considered by all Trek writers to be the worst episode of Star Trek ever produced. On three separate occasions (in a span of a year and a half), he tried to watch TNG  again, and it was always a repeat of "Code of Honor". Wang considers this a good thing, as he believes if he was a huge fan of TNG, he might have been so nervous during his auditions for Voyager that he might have ended up losing the role altogether.

At Star Trek Las Vegas in 2014, Wang was announced to be reprising his role as Harry Kim in "Delta Rising", the second expansion of the massively multiplayer online role-playing game, Star Trek Online.


where do pneumatic tools get their power from

A pneumatic tool, air tool, air-powered tool or pneumatic-powered tool is a type of power tool, driven by compressed air, supplied by an air compressor. Pneumatic tools can also be driven by compressed carbon dioxide (CO2) stored in small cylinders allowing for portability. Most pneumatic tools convert the compressed air to work using a pneumatic motor.

Pneumatic tool

Compared to their electric power tool equivalents, they are safer to run and maintain, without risk of sparks, short-circuiting or electrocution, and have a higher power to weight ratio, allowing a smaller, lighter tool to accomplish the same task. Furthermore, they are less likely to self-destruct in case the tool is jammed or overloaded.[1] General grade pneumatic tools with short life span are commonly cheaper and are also called disposable tools in tooling industries while industrial grade pneumatic tools with long life span are more expensive. In general, pneumatic tools are cheaper than the equivalent electric-powered tools. Regular lubrication of the tools is still needed however.[1]

Disadvantages are the need for an air compressor, pneumatic tubing and pneumatic couplings.[2] Air tools were formerly unpopular in the DIY (Do it yourself) market, but are becoming increasingly popular due to costs decreasing, and have always been ubiquitous in industrial and manufacturing

Most pneumatic tools are to be supplied with compressed air at 4 to 6 bar.[1]

It is important to know some general specification technical terms used in pneumatic tools while it is also related to how to choose a good air compressor and if the tool can meet your job requirement so that an air tool can be used properly, respectively, Free Speed (rpm), Air Pressure(psi/bar), Air Consumption(cfm/scfm or m3/min), Horse Power(hp), spindle size...etc. Depending on different type of pneumatic tools, there are different specification values that you need to pay attention to.

Flow or airflow, related to air consumption in pneumatic tools, represents the quantity of compressed air that passes through a section over a unit of time. It is represented in l/min, m3, at the equivalent value in free air in conditions of standard reference atmosphere (SRA), i.e. +20 c, 65% of relative humidity, 1013 mbar, in accordance with norms NFE.


what is the largest inner city park in the world

It is the largest inner city park in the world and the most popular visitor destination in Western Australia, being visited by over five million people each year.[1] The park is larger than New York's Central Park which is 3.41 km².

Kings Park, Western Australia

Kings Park is a 4.06-square-kilometre (1,003-acre) park located on the western edge of the central business district in Perth, Western Australia. The park is a mixture of grassed parkland, botanical gardens and natural bushland on Mount Eliza with two-thirds of the grounds conserved as native bushland. With panoramic views of the Swan River and Darling Range, it is home to over 324 native plant varieties, 215 known indigenous fungi species and 80 bird species. It overlooks the city as well as Perth Water and Melville Water on the Swan River.

Besides tourist facilities Kings Park contains the State War Memorial, the Royal Kings Park Tennis club and a reservoir. The streets are tree lined with individual plaques dedicated by family members to Western Australian service men and women who died in World War I and World War II.

The park is also rich in fauna (both native and imported) and during September of each year Kings Park hosts Australia's largest wildflower show and exhibition â€“ the Kings Park Festival.[2]

Prior to European settlement and exploration Mount Eliza was known as Mooro Katta[3] and Kaarta Gar-up, the Aboriginal names given[4] by the Nyoongar inhabitants. The area has been an important ceremonial and cultural place for the Whadjuk tribe who had campsites and hunting grounds in the area.[5]

In the early 1880s a rifle range was established on the site for the Perth section of the Volunteer Rifle Corps' (a civilian militia) use and training. Both the Fremantle and Perth sections held organised competitive shooting competitions on this range. [29]

At the base of the southern face is a freshwater spring, known as Kennedy Spring (Goonininup), which provided year-round water for the native inhabitants. The spring was noted by the first European visitors to the area, Willem de Vlamingh's party, on 11 January 1697. The Lieutenant Governor of the Swan River Colony, James Stirling, chose the townsite of Perth for this reason â€“ the only local spring. He named the area Mount Eliza for Mrs. Ralph Darling.[6]

The Colony's first Surveyor General John Septimus Roe recognised the qualities of the area and tried to protect it, by identifying the land to be set aside for public purposes. By 1835 Roe's protection was overturned and the first shipment of five tonnes of Jarrah was cut on Mt Eliza, becoming the colony's first export.[6] Logging in the area continued until 1871 when Roe's successor Malcolm Fraser persuaded the then Governor Weld to set aside 1.75 km² as public reserve. In 1890 this was enlarged to its current size by Sir John Forrest, the first president of the Board appointed under the Parks and Reserves Act 1895.[3] Forrest planted the first tree, a Norfolk Island Pine (Araucaria heterophylla), and other trees were introduced to the site, Eucalyptus ficifolia and exotic species of Pinus; few of these were successful due to lack of irrigation.[6]

Officially opened on 10 August 1895,[3] the park was originally called Perth Park and was renamed in 1901 to King's Park â€“ the apostrophe was later dropped.[6] This was to mark the ascension to the British throne of King Edward VII and the visit to Perth of George, the Duke of Cornwall and Princess Mary. One of the major roads through the park, May Drive is named in the Princess's honour.

The Mount Eliza reservoir provided water to the local area, and still remains, but by arrangement of the lease was partly diverted for use in the park itself. This was largely allocated, after 1919, to the memorial Oaks and Planes lining May Drive. Their eventual failure led to their substitution with Bangalay, Eucalyptus botryoides, and Eucalyptus calophylla var. rosea.[6]

Since 1999, Kings Park has been administered by the Botanic Gardens and Parks Authority (BGPA), who also administer Bold Park, and does not come under any Local Government authority. The park's administration building contains all the administrative offices where visitors may book guided walking tours, get information, or reserve one of the facilities.

Kings Park was featured in 2006 on the American reality TV show The Amazing Race, where teams collected a clue from in front of the War Memorial.

In early 2009, the south western area of the park was severely damaged by a fire, which has been suspected to have been deliberately lit.

The Elizabeth Quay redevelopment plans include a cable car to Kings Park, although construction is not in scope for the initial phase.[7]

The State War Memorial Precinct is located on Mount Eliza overlooking Perth Water. It comprises the Cenotaph, Court of Contemplation, Flame of Remembrance and Pool of Reflection. The Anzac Day dawn service is held at 5:30 am on 25 April each year and is attended by more than 40,000 people.[1] There is also an official service held at 11 am on 11 November for Remembrance Day.[8]

The Cenotaph was unveiled in the year of the Centenary of Western Australia â€“ on 24 November 1929 by the Governor Sir William Campion, and had as the honorary architect General Sir J. Talbot Hobbs.[9] The court of contemplation is at the western side of the precinct and was unveiled on 6 November 1955 by Sir Charles Gairdner. The flame of remembrance and pool of reflection was inaugurated by Queen Elizabeth II on 1 April 2000.[10]

Underneath the Cenotaph is the roll of honour with the names of all servicemen and women who enlisted in Western Australia to die in the Boer War, World War I, World War II, Korean War or Vietnam. In 2012, after some controversy the names of service personnel who died in Iraq and Afghanistan were inscribed on the wall.[11]

Distributed throughout the park are more specific memorials to various battles, military units, prisoners of war and other groups.[12]

The road verges through King Park have been planted with eucalyptus trees, and in front of each one is a plaque honouring those service men who died during action or as a result of wounds received; there are over 1600[13] of these plaques.[3] Originally proposed by Mr Arthur Lovekin, owner of the Daily News, the idea was based on the Avenue of Honour in Ballarat, Victoria. Originally families were required to pay 10 shillings to cover the cost of the plantings; ex-servicemen provided the necessary labour to plant the trees. In 1920 Lovekin and board member Sir William Loton each donated 500 pounds to clear and plant Forrest Avenue with Sugar Gums. After Lovekin died the Kings Park board renamed Forrest Avenue to Lovekin Drive.[14] Kings Park now has three tree-lined avenues set aside to honour service personnel who died in the two World Wars and other engagements: May Drive, Lovekin Drive and the most recent addition - Marri Walk.[13]

Originally planted with Red-flowering gums Corymbia ficifolia in 1898 to celebrate Queen Victoria's Jubilee, and added to in 1929 to celebrate the State Centenary â€“ the gums were affected by patch canker disease in the 1930s.[15] It was in 1938 that the Lemon Scented Gum trees Corymbia citriodora now line the avenue are to honour the dignitaries and members of the Western Australia Centenary organising Committee, who on 29 September 1929 planted the trees.

This memorial is dedicated to the 16 Western Australian victims, the injured and those who helped the survivors of the Bali bombings on 12 October 2002 in the resort town of Kuta on the Indonesian island of Bali, where 202 people were killed and 209 injured. The majority of the dead were foreign tourists, including 88 Australians.

The Edith Dircksey Cowan Memorial, formerly known as the Edith Cowan Memorial Clock, is the clock tower at the main entrance to Kings Park. It was built in 1934 as a memorial to Edith Cowan, the first woman elected to an Australian parliament. It is also believed to be the first civic monument erected in Australia to honour an Australian woman.

The botanic garden is an 18 hectare site within the park. Currently known as the Western Australian Botanic Garden[16] it has a collection of 2000 species of Western Australian flora on display. WA Botanic Garden is part of the worldwide network of botanic gardens committed to plant conservation.[1] The garden was designed by John Oldham, who held the position of Government Landscape Architect at the time. It was established to showcase the flora of Western Australia to those visiting Perth for the 1962 British Empire and Commonwealth Games, although the official opening did not take place until 4 October 1965.[17] Botanic Garden is today home to over half of Australia's 25,000 plant species and the following popular landmarks:[1]

The Science Directorate within the Botanic Gardens and Parks Authority is renowned for its research and scientific works, specialising in conservation and restoration of native species and ecosystems. The directorate is categorised into specific scientific areas including restoration ecology, seed science, conservation genetics, propagation science and orchid science, which are supported by many accredited research scientists and students.[1]

Beginning in 1965, the Kings Park Festival has grown to a month-long celebration of floral displays, live music, exhibitions, workshops, interpretive artworks, guided walks and family activities throughout September. Held to promote the beauty of Western Australia's native wildflowers, the event now attracts over 500,000 people including gardening enthusiasts, families, school students, artists, seniors and fashion lovers.[1][2]

Synergy Parkland is one of two children's playgrounds in Kings Park, the other being the Ivey Watson Playground. It includes a lake and island, play and climbing equipment for children, and life-sized model dinosaurs.[1] Sponsored by Western Australian power company, Synergy, it also includes themes related to energy.

The Vietnam War memorial and Zamia cafÃ© are located in the Synergy Parkland.

This popular playground for young families is specifically targeted for children aged under five to encourage strong early childhood development. It was extensively refurbished in 2006 with funding from Lotterywest.[18]

The Aboriginal Art Gallery is a retail outlet on Fraser Avenue that exhibits the works of Aboriginal artists from Western Australia and the Northern Territory.[1]

Built on the highest point of the park in 1966, the DNA Tower is a white 15m high double helix staircase that has 101 steps and was inspired by a double staircase in the Château de Blois in France. Its design resembles the deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) molecule. The paving below the DNA Tower is made with stones sent from 11 towns and 80 shires in Western Australia.[19]

Jacob's Ladder is a set of stairs located at the end of Cliff Street, in the close proximity to Kings Park, though it is not part of the park.[20] It has 242 steps and leads down to Mounts Bay Road. The Ladder is a popular site for Perth residents to exercise, with many people using it in the mornings and on lunch breaks.[21]

The staircase was closed after being damaged by a landslide during a storm on 22 March 2010,[22][23] and re-opened on 21 June 2010, after repairs.[24]

Law Walk is Kings Park's premier urban bushland trail.[25] It is a 2.5Â km loop walk that begins at Rotunda Two and continues along the ridge of the limestone escarpment to Dryandra Lookout. A loop in the trail then leads to the Lotterywest Federation Walkway and back to the start of Law Walk, taking visitors approximately 45 minutes to complete.

The Kokoda Track Memorial Walk is a tribute to the bravery of Australian troops who fought in the Papua New Guinea campaign of July 1942 â€“ January 1943. The Kokoda Walk begins at Kennedy Fountain on Mounts Bay Road with a steep climb of 150 steps that ascends a height of 62m.[1]

Founded in 1984, the Kings Park Guides are a group of volunteers that lead Guided Walks all year round and help staff the Visitor Information Centre. Twice daily the Kings Park Volunteer Guides provide guided walking tours of the monuments and memorials, bushland paths and the Botanic Garden. The guides cover all aspects of the park including the local Noongar names and traditions. Walks are varied according to the Noongar season Djilba-Kambarang (July–October) for the wildflower season; the Mukuru for May and June, and the Birak-Djeran for November – April.

The Friends of Kings Park[26] was established in 1993 to promote community involvement and commitment within Kings Park and Botanic Garden.

The Kings Park Volunteer Master Gardeners[27] provide a free garden advisory service to the community and offer free advice on anything from propagation and potting to planting out and pests.

In 1922, the West Perth sub branch of the Returned Services League (RSL) became responsible for the maintenance and preservation of the plaques along Kings Park's Honour Avenues. Today they are known as the Honour Avenues Group.[28]


who destroyed the church of the holy sepulchre

The Destruction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre 1009 refers to the destruction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, churches, synagogues, torah scrolls and other religious artifacts and buildings in and around Jerusalem, which was ordered on 28 September 1009 A.D. by the Fatmid Caliph Al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah, known as the "mad Caliph"[1] or "Nero of Islam".[2]

At Easter in 1008, Al-Hakim started tightening controls on religious freedoms in Jerusalem, forbidding Christians from making their annual Palm Sunday procession from Bethany.[3]

On 29 September 1009, Al-Hakim ordered a governor or Ramla called Yarukh to demolish the area around Constantine's original Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Yarukh, along with his son Yusuf, Al-Husayn ibn Zahir al-Wazzan and Abu'l-Farawis Al-Dayf were among those who started destroying various buildings. The Church of the Holy Sepulchre was said to be built on the site of the Calvary or Golgotha where Jesus was alleged to have been crucified, over a rock-cut room that Helena and Macarius identified as the location of the resurrection.[1] The destruction was chronicled by Yahya ibn Sa'id of Antioch who noted it "cast down as far as the foundations" and the rock cut tomb was demolished in the attempt to "cause all trace of it to disappear". All sacred remains and holy relics were "completely annihilated".[1] Iron hammers were ineffectual against the bedrock foundations of the tomb, so they resorted to burning it with fire.[3]

The desecration was not only carried out on Christian sites in and around Jerusalem. In campaigns of 1011 and 1013â€“14, Al-Hakim continued his campaign of destruction against Jewish synagogues and Torah scrolls along with churches all over Syria. Unlike other Fatimids, Al-Hakim launched persecutions against dhimmis that lasted throughout his reign.[4] Christians were made to wear crosses and Jews forced to wear wooden blocks around their necks.[5] He only stopped for fear of retaliatory attacks on Mosques in Christian lands.[6]

When the news reached Europe, Christians were horrified and Pope Sergius IV sent a circular letter to all churches calling for a holy fight in the Middle East and expulsion of Muslims from the Holy land.[7] The events would later be recalled by Pope Urban II in his preaching for the Crusade at Clermont.[8] Although the crusades happened almost a century after the desecration and caused by various other complex political intrigues, it was still very much in the public mind as a cause.[9] It was considered so by William of Tyre.[10]

Adémar de Chabannes wrote about the events, drawing associations between Al-Hakim (who founded the Druze faith and self-proclaimed himself to be the Mahdi[11]) and the Antichrist, blaming the Jews for inspiring his desecration of the Holy Sepulchre.[12] Rudolfus Glaber also wrote a history of the events blaming French Jews from Orléans for sending a message to the Caliph via a pilgrim disguised as a Jew. The message was said to have been hidden inside a hollow staff and urged the Caliph to destroy the sepulchre on threat Christians would take over his empire otherwise. Rudolfus portrays Al-Hakim as gullible and firmly cast blame on the Jews.[4] This led to outbreaks of antisemitism and violence against Jews across Europe with King Robert II of France ordering forced conversions and Henry II, Holy Roman Emperor to expel Jews from Mainz, condemning Judaism as heresy.[13]

Al-Qalanisi and Al-Djawizi suggested that Al-Hakim was angered by the supposed miracle of the Holy Fire, which had been reported as early as the 9th century. Taqi al-Din Ahmad ibn 'Ali al-Maqrizi suggested the use of black elder and quicksilver was used to cause the fraudulent miracle.[6] Bar Hebraeus and Severas ibn Muqaffa report accounts of a Christian monk named John who had become disenchanted with the Patriarch of Jerusalem informed the Caliph of the fraud to disparage him.[4] Severas notes the Patriarch was arrested at the time of the sepulchre's destruction and AdÃ©mar confirms he was killed.[4] The Patriarch of Jerusalem who was secretly put to death over the matter was the appropriately named Arsenius, also a Patriarch of Alexandria and apparently an uncle of Al-Hakim.[14]

Al-Hakim's motivations for the desecration are unclear and have been variously attested. John J. Saunders states that his anti-Christian policies were intended to mitigate the discontent aroused by his father's liberal attitude towards non-Muslims.[2] There were also suspicions of Christians colluding with Bedouin tribes to undermine Fatimid power.[15] It was possibly in relatiation for Byzantine attacks.[16] In Master of the Age, historian Paul. E Walker writes that in the popular imagination of the era, Al-Hakim's actions were interpreted by some Muslims as "doing what a Muslim leader should do" by destroying the pre-Islamic cultural heritage as part of a policy seen to be "commanding the good and forbidding the bad".[17] William of Tyre suggested Al-Hakim's mother may have been Christian and he desecrated Jerusalem simply to quash these suggestions.[18] Some note Al-Hakim's shifting religious allegiances finally starting a new Abrahamic religion that incorporated Buddhist beliefs in reincarnation.[19] Others simply think he was psychotic.[20]


where does the title a thousand splendid suns come from

The title of the book comes from a line in the Josephine Davis translation of the poem "Kabul",[10] by the 17th-century Iranian poet Saib Tabrizi:

A Thousand Splendid Suns

A Thousand Splendid Suns is a 2007 novel by Afghan-American author Khaled Hosseini. It is his second, following his bestselling 2003 debut, The Kite Runner. Mariam is an illegitimate child, and suffers from both the stigma surrounding her birth along with the abuse she faces throughout her marriage. Laila, born a generation later, is comparatively privileged during her youth until their lives intersect and she is also forced to accept a marriage proposal from Rasheed, Mariam's husband.

Hosseini has remarked that he regards the novel as a "mother-daughter story" in contrast to The Kite Runner, which he considers a "father-son story".[1] It continues some of the themes used in his previous work, such as the familial aspects, but focuses primarily on female characters and their roles in Afghan society.

A Thousand Splendid Suns was released on May 22, 2007,[2] and received favorable prepublication reviews from Kirkus Reviews,[3] Publishers Weekly,[4] Library Journal,[5] and Booklist,[6] becoming a number one New York Times bestseller for fifteen weeks following its release.[7] During its first week on the market, it sold over one million copies.[8] Columbia Pictures purchased film rights in 2007 and confirmed intentions to create a movie adaption of the book. The first theatrical adaptation of the book premiered on February 1, 2017, at the American Conservatory Theater in San Francisco, California.[9]

In an interview, Khaled Hosseini explains, "I was searching for English translations of poems about Kabul, for use in a scene where a character bemoans leaving his beloved city, when I found this particular verse. I realized that I had found not only the right line for the scene, but also an evocative title in the phrase 'a thousand splendid suns,' which appears in the next-to-last stanza."[1]

When asked what led him to write a novel centered on two Afghan women, Hosseini responded:

"I had been entertaining the idea of writing a story of Afghan women for some time after I'd finished writing The Kite Runner. That first novel was a male-dominated story. All the major characters, except perhaps for Amir's wife Soraya, were men. There was a whole facet of Afghan society which I hadn't touched on in The Kite Runner, an entire landscape that I felt was fertile with story ideas...In the spring of 2003, I went to Kabul, and I recall seeing these burqa-clad women sitting at street corners, with four, five, six children, begging for change. I remember watching them walking in pairs up the street, trailed by their children in ragged clothes, and wondering how life had brought them to that point...I spoke to many of those women in Kabul. Their life stories were truly heartbreaking...When I began writing A Thousand Splendid Suns, I found myself thinking about those resilient women over and over. Though no one woman that I met in Kabul inspired either Laila or Mariam, their voices, faces, and their incredible stories of survival were always with me, and a good part of my inspiration for this novel came from their collective spirit."[1]

Hosseini disclosed that in some ways, A Thousand Splendid Suns was more difficult to write than his first novel, The Kite Runner.[1] This is partly because when he penned The Kite Runner, "no one was waiting for it."[1] He also found his second novel to be more "ambitious" than the first due to its larger number of characters, its dual focus on Mariam and Laila, and its covering of a multi-generational-period of nearly forty-five-years.[1] However, he stated, "As I began to write, as the story picked up pace and I found myself immersed in the world of Mariam and Laila, these apprehensions vanished on their own. The developing story captured me and enabled me to tune out the background noise and get on with the business of inhabiting the world I was creating."[1] The characters "took on a life of their own" at this point and "became very real for [him]".[12]

Similar to The Kite Runner, the manuscript had to be extensively revised; Hosseini divulged that he ultimately wrote the book five times before it was complete.[13] The novel's anticipated release was first announced in October 2006, when it was described as a story about "family, friendship, faith and the salvation to be found in love".[14]

The novel centers on two women, Mariam and Laila, how their lives become intertwined after a series of drastic events, and their subsequent friendship and support for each other in the backdrop of Kabul in the 20th and 21st century. It is split into four parts that focus on individual stories: Part one is about Mariam, part two is on Laila, part three is on the relationship between the two women, and Laila's life with Tariq is in part four. The last section also happens to be the only part written in the present tense.

Mariam lives in a kolba on the outskirts of Herat with her embittered mother. Jalil, her father, is a wealthy businessman who owns a cinema and lives in the town with three wives and nine children. Mariam is his illegitimate daughter, and she is prohibited to live with them, but Jalil visits her every Thursday. On her fifteenth birthday, Mariam wants her father to take her to see Pinocchio at his movie theater, against the pleas of her mother. When he does not show up, she hikes into town and goes to his house. He refuses to see her, and she ends up sleeping on the street. In the morning, Mariam returns home to find that her mother has committed suicide out of fear that her daughter had deserted her. Mariam is then taken to live in her father's house. Jalil arranges for her to be married to Rasheed, a shoemaker from Kabul who is thirty-years her senior. In Kabul, Mariam becomes pregnant seven successive times, but is never able to carry a child to term. This is a sad, disquieting reality for both Rasheed and Mariam. Ultimately Rasheed grows more and more despondent over his wife's inability to have a child and particularly a son. As their marriage wears on Rasheed gradually becomes more and more abusive.

Part Two introduces Laila. She is a girl growing up in Kabul who is close friends with Tariq, a boy living in her neighborhood. They eventually develop a romantic relationship despite being aware of the social boundaries between men and women in Afghan society. War comes to Afghanistan, and Kabul is bombarded by rocket attacks. Tariq's family decides to leave the city, and the emotional farewell between Laila and Tariq culminates with them making love. Laila's family also decides to leave Kabul, but as they are packing a rocket destroys the house, killing her parents and severely injuring Laila. Laila is subsequently taken in by Rasheed and Mariam.

After recovering from her injuries, Laila discovers that she is pregnant with Tariq's child. After being informed by Abdul Sharif that Tariq has died, she agrees to marry Rasheed, a man eager to have a young and attractive second wife in hopes of having a son with her. When Laila gives birth to a daughter, Aziza, Rasheed is displeased and suspicious. This results in him becoming abusive towards Laila. Mariam and Laila eventually become confidants and best friends. They plan to run away from Rasheed and leave Kabul but are caught at the bus station. Rasheed beats them and deprives them of water for several days, almost killing Aziza.

A few years later, Laila gives birth to Zalmai, Rasheed's son. The Taliban has risen to power and imposed harsh rules on the Afghan population, prohibiting women from appearing in public without a male relative. There is a drought, and living conditions in Kabul become poor. Rasheed's workshop burns down, and he is forced to take jobs for which he is ill-suited. He sends Aziza to an orphanage. Laila endures a number of beatings from the Taliban when caught alone on the streets in attempts to visit her daughter.

Then one day Tariq appears outside the house, and he and Laila are reunited. Laila realizes that Rasheed had hired Abdul Sharif to inform her about Tariq's fake death, so that he could marry her. When Rasheed returns home from work, Zalmai tells his father about the visitor. Rasheed starts to savagely beat Laila. He nearly strangles her, but Mariam intervenes and kills Rasheed with a shovel. Afterwards, Mariam confesses to killing Rasheed in order to draw attention away from Laila and Tariq. Mariam is publicly executed, allowing Laila and Tariq to leave for Pakistan with Aziza and Zalmai. They spend their days working at a guest house in Murree, a summer retreat.

After the fall of the Taliban, Laila and Tariq return to Afghanistan. They stop in the village where Mariam was raised, and discover a package that Mariam's father left behind for her: a videotape of Pinocchio, a small sack of money, and a letter. Laila reads the letter and discovers that Jalil had regretted sending Mariam away. Laila and Tariq return to Kabul and use the money to fix up the orphanage, where Laila starts working as a teacher. Laila is pregnant with her third child, and if it is a girl, Laila has already named her Mariam.

When asked about common themes in The Kite Runner and A Thousand Splendid Suns, Khaled Hosseini replied:

"Both novels are multigenerational, and so the relationship between parent and child, with all of its manifest complexities and contradictions, is a prominent theme. I did not intend this, but I am keenly interested, it appears, in the way parents and children love, disappoint, and in the end honor each other. In one way, the two novels are corollaries: The Kite Runner was a father-son story, and A Thousand Splendid Suns can be seen as a mother-daughter story."[1]

He ultimately considers both novels to be "love stories" in that it is love that "draws characters out of their isolation, that gives them the strength to transcend their own limitations, to expose their vulnerabilities, and to perform devastating acts of self-sacrifice".[1]

Hosseini visited Afghanistan in 2003, and "heard so many stories about what happened to women, the tragedies that they had endured, the difficulties, the gender-based violence that they had suffered, the discrimination, the being barred from active life during the Taliban, having their movement restricted, being banned essentially from practicing their legal, social rights, political rights".[12] This motivated him to write a novel centered on two Afghan women.[12]

Washington Post writer Jonathan Yardley suggests that "the central theme of A Thousand Splendid Suns is the place of women in Afghan society", pointing to a passage in which Mariam's mother states, "Learn this now and learn it well, my daughter: Like a compass needle that points north, a man's accusing finger always finds a woman. Always. You remember that, Mariam."[18]

In the book, both Mariam and Laila are forced into accepting a marriage to Rasheed, who requires them to wear a burqa before it is implemented by law under the Taliban. He later becomes increasingly abusive.[17] A Riverhead Trades Weekly review states that the novel consistently shows the "patriarchal despotism where women are agonizingly dependent on fathers, husbands and especially sons, the bearing of male children being their sole path to social status."[19]

In the first week following its release, A Thousand Splendid Suns sold over one million copies,[8] becoming a number-one New York Times bestseller for fifteen weeks.[7] Time magazine's Lev Grossman placed it at number three in the Top 10 Fiction Books of 2007, and praised it as a "dense, rich, pressure-packed guide to enduring the unendurable."[20][21] Jonathan Yardley said in the Washington Post "Book World", "Just in case you're wondering whether Khaled Hosseini's A Thousand Splendid Suns is as good as The Kite Runner, here's the answer: No. It's better."[18]

A Thousand Splendid Suns received significant praise from reviewers, with Publishers Weekly calling it "a powerful, harrowing depiction of Afghanistan"[4] and USA Today describing the prose as "achingly beautiful".[22] Lisa See of The New York Times attributed the book's success to Hosseini "[understanding] the power of emotion as few other popular writers do".[23] Natasha Walter from The Guardian wrote, "Hosseini is skilled at telling a certain kind of story, in which events that may seem unbearable - violence, misery and abuse - are made readable. He doesn't gloss over the horrors his characters live through, but something about his direct, explanatory style and the sense that you are moving towards a redemptive ending makes the whole narrative, for all its tragedies, slip down rather easily."[24]

Cathleen Medwick gave the novel a highly positive review in O, the Oprah Magazine:

"Love may not be the first thing that comes to mind when you consider the war-ravaged landscape of Afghanistan. But that is the emotion—subterranean, powerful, beautiful, illicit, and infinitely patient—that suffuses the pages of Khaled Hosseini's A Thousand Splendid Suns. As in his best-selling first novel, The Kite Runner, Hosseini movingly examines the connections between unlikely friends, the fissures that open up between parents and children, the intransigence of quiet hearts."[25]

The New York Times writer Michiko Kakutani wrote a more critical review, describing the opening as "heavy-handed" and early events in the novel as "soap-opera-ish".[26] Despite these objections, she concluded, "Gradually, however, Mr. Hosseini's instinctive storytelling skills take over, mowing down the reader's objections through sheer momentum and will. He succeeds in making the emotional reality of Mariam and Laila's lives tangible to us, and by conjuring their day-to-day routines, he is able to give us a sense of what daily life was like in Kabul â€” both before and during the harsh reign of the Taliban."[26] Similarly, Yvonne Zipp of The Christian Science Monitor concluded that A Thousand Splendid Suns was ultimately "a little shaky as a work of literature".[27]

The depictions of the lead female characters, Mariam and Laila, were praised by several commentators. John Freeman from The Houston Chronicle found them "enormously winning"[28] while Carol Memmott from USA Today further described them as "stunningly heroic characters whose spirits somehow grasp the dimmest rays of hope".[22] Medwick summed up the portrayals: "Mariam, branded as a harami, or bastard, and forced into an abusive marriage at the age of fifteen, and Laila, a beauty groomed for success but shrouded almost beyond recognition by repressive sharia law and the husband she and Mariam share. The story, epic in scope and spanning three decades, follows these two indomitable women whose fortunes mirror those of their beloved and battered country—'nothing pretty to look at, but still standing'—and who find in each other the strength they need to survive."[25]

Jennifer Reese from Entertainment Weekly dubbed Rasheed "one of the most repulsive males in recent literature".[29] Lisa See said that, with the exception of Tariq, "the male characters seem either unrelentingly evil or pathetically weak" and opinionated, "If a woman wrote these things about her male characters, she would probably be labeled a man-hater."[23]

Columbia Pictures owns the movie rights to the novel. Steven Zaillian finished writing the first draft of the screenplay in 2009[30] and is also slated to direct; Scott Rudin has signed on as a producer.[31] In May 2013, studios confirmed a tentative release date of 2015.[32]

The first theatrical adaptation of the novel premiered in San Francisco, California, on February 1, 2017. It is co-produced by the American Conservatory Theater and Theatre Calgary.[9]


what is the s i unit of current

The ampere (/ˈæmpɪər, æmˈpɪər/;[1] symbol: A),[2] often shortened to "amp",[3] is the base unit of electric current in the International System of Units (SI).[4][5] It is named after André-Marie Ampère (1775–1836), French mathematician and physicist, considered the father of electrodynamics.

Ampere

The International System of Units defines the ampere in terms of other base units by measuring the electromagnetic force between electrical conductors carrying electric current. The earlier CGS measurement system had two different definitions of current, one essentially the same as the SI's and the other using electric charge as the base unit, with the unit of charge defined by measuring the force between two charged metal plates. The ampere was then defined as one coulomb of charge per second.[6] In SI, the unit of charge, the coulomb, is defined as the charge carried by one ampere during one second.

SI defines ampere as follows:

The ampere is that constant current which, if maintained in two straight parallel conductors of infinite length, of negligible circular cross-section, and placed one metre apart in vacuum, would produce between these conductors a force equal to 6993200000000000000♠2×10−7 newtons per metre of length.[7][4][8]

Ampère's force law[9][10] states that there is an attractive or repulsive force between two parallel wires carrying an electric current. This force is used in the formal definition of the ampere.

The SI unit of charge, the coulomb, "is the quantity of electricity carried in 1 second by a current of 1 ampere".[11] Conversely, a current of one ampere is one coulomb of charge going past a given point per second:

In general, charge Q is determined by steady current I flowing for a time t as Q = It.

Constant, instantaneous and average current are expressed in amperes (as in "the charging current is 1.2 A") and the charge accumulated, or passed through a circuit over a period of time is expressed in coulombs (as in "the battery charge is 7004300000000000000♠30000 C"). The relation of the ampere (C/s) to the coulomb is the same as that of the watt (J/s) to the joule.

The ampere was originally defined as one tenth of the unit of electric current in the centimetre–gram–second system of units. That unit, now known as the abampere, was defined as the amount of current that generates a force of two dynes per centimetre of length between two wires one centimetre apart.[12] The size of the unit was chosen so that the units derived from it in the MKSA system would be conveniently sized.

The "international ampere" was an early realization of the ampere, defined as the current that would deposit 6997111800000000000♠0.001118 grams of silver per second from a silver nitrate solution.[13] Later, more accurate measurements revealed that this current is 6999999850000000000♠0.99985 A.

Since power is defined as the product of current and voltage, the ampere can alternatively be expressed in terms of the other units using the relationship I=P/V, and thus 1 ampere equals 1 W/V.

The standard ampere is most accurately realized using a Kibble balance, but is in practice maintained via Ohm's law from the units of electromotive force and resistance, the volt and the ohm, since the latter two can be tied to physical phenomena that are relatively easy to reproduce, the Josephson junction and the quantum Hall effect, respectively.[14]

At present, techniques to establish the realization of an ampere have a relative uncertainty of approximately a few parts in 107, and involve realizations of the watt, the ohm and the volt.[14]

Rather than a definition in terms of the force between two current-carrying wires, it has been proposed that the ampere should be defined in terms of the rate of flow of elementary charges.[10] Since a coulomb is approximately equal to 7018624150930000000♠6.2415093×1018 elementary charges (such as those carried by protons, or the negative of those carried by electrons), one ampere is approximately equivalent to 7018624150930000000♠6.2415093×1018 elementary charges moving past a boundary in one second. (7018624150930000000♠6.2415093×1018 is the reciprocal of the value of the elementary charge in coulombs.[15]) The proposed change would define 1 A as being the current in the direction of flow of a particular number of elementary charges per second. In 2005, the International Committee for Weights and Measures (CIPM) agreed to study the proposed change. The new definition was discussed at the 25th General Conference on Weights and Measures (CGPM) in 2014 but for the time being was not adopted.

The current drawn by typical constant-voltage energy distribution systems is usually dictated by the power (watt) consumed by the system and the operating voltage. For this reason the examples given below are grouped by voltage level.

A typical motor vehicle has a 12Â V battery. The various accessories that are powered by the battery might include:

Most Canada, Mexico and United States domestic power suppliers run at 120Â V.

Household circuit breakers typically provide a maximum of 15 A or 20 A of current to a given set of outlets.

Most European domestic power supplies run at 230 V, and most Commonwealth domestic power supplies run at 240 V. For the same amount of power (in watts), the current drawn by a particular European or Commonwealth appliance (in Europe or a Commonwealth country) will be less than for an equivalent North American appliance.[Note 1] Typical circuit breakers will provide 16 A.

The current drawn by a number of typical appliances are:


how many mandals are there in adilabad district

Adilabad mandal is one of the 52 mandals in Adilabad district of the Indian state of Telangana. It is under the administration of Adilabad revenue division and the headquarters are located at Adilabad.[2][3] The mandal is bounded by Jainad, Bela, Inderavelly, Gudihatnur, Talamadugu and Tamsi mandals.[4]

Adilabad mandal

Adilabad mandal is one of the three mandals under Adilabad assembly constituency, which in turn represents Adilabad lok sabha constituency of Telangana Legislative Assembly.[5]

As of  2011[update] census, the mandal has 43 settlements. It includes 2 towns and 41 villages.[2]

The settlements in the mandal are listed below:

Note: M-Municipality[6]