when was the last time grand cayman had a hurricane

In September 2004, The Cayman Islands were hit by Hurricane Ivan, causing mass devastation, loss of human and animal life (both wild and domestic/livestock) and flooding, with some accounts reporting that the majority of Grand Cayman had been underwater and with the lower floors of buildings being completely flooded in excess of 8Â ft. An Ivan Flood Map is available from the Lands & Survey Dept. of The Cayman Islands indicating afflicted areas and their corresponding flood levels.[19] This natural disaster also led to the bankruptcy of a heavily invested insurance company called Doyle. The company had re-leased estimates covering 20% damage to be re-insured at minimal fees when in fact the damage was over 65% and every claim was in the millions. The company simply could not keep paying out and the adjusters could not help lower the payments due to the high building code the Islands adhere to.

History of the Cayman Islands

The Cayman Islands are a British overseas territory located in the Caribbean that have been under various governments since their discovery by Europeans. Christopher Columbus sighted the Cayman Islands on May 10, 1503 and named them Las Tortugas after the numerous sea turtles seen swimming in the surrounding waters. Columbus had found the two small islands (Cayman Brac and Little Cayman) and it was these two islands that he named "Las Tortugas".

The 1523 "Turin map" of the islands was the first to refer to them as Los Lagartos, meaning alligators or large lizards,[1] By 1530 they were known as the Caymanes after the Carib word caimÃ¡n for the marine crocodile, either the American or the Cuban crocodile, Crocodylus acutus or C. rhombifer, which also lived there. Recent sub-fossil findings suggest that C. rhombifer, a freshwater species, were prevalent until the 20th century.

Archaeological studies of Grand Cayman have found no evidence that humans occupied the islands prior to the sixteenth century.[2]

The first recorded English visitor was Sir Francis Drake in 1586, who reported that the caymanas were edible, but it was the turtles which attracted ships in search of fresh meat for their crews. Overfishing nearly extinguished the turtles from the local waters. Turtles were the main source for an economy on the islands. In 1787, Captain Hull of HMS Camilla estimated between 1,200 and 1,400 turtles were captured and sold at seaports in Jamaica per year. According to historian Edward Long the inhabitants on Grand Cayman had the principal occupation of turtle-fishery. Once Caymanian turtlers greatly reduced the turtle population around the islands they journeyed to the waters of other islands in order to maintain their livelihood.[3]

Caymanian folklore explains that the island's first inhabitants were a Welshman named Walters (or Watler) and his companion named Bawden (or Bodden), who first arrived in Cayman in 1658 after serving in Oliver Cromwell's army in Jamaica.[4] The first recorded permanent inhabitant of the Cayman Islands, Isaac Bodden, was born on Grand Cayman around 1700. He was the grandson of the original settler named Bodden.

Most, if not all, early settlers were people who came from outside of the Cayman Islands and were on the fringes of society. Due to this, the Cayman Islands have often been given the term total colonial frontier. Cayman society was a lawless society during the early settlement years. The Cayman Islands remained as a frontier society until well into the twentieth century.[5] The year 1734 marked the rough beginning period of permanent settlement in Grand Cayman. Cayman Brac and Little Cayman were not permanently settled until 1833.[6] A variety of people settled on the islands: pirates, refugees from the Spanish Inquisition, shipwrecked sailors, and slaves. The majority of Caymanians are of African and English descent, with considerable interracial mixing.[7]

During the early years, settlements on the north and west sides of Grand Cayman were often subject to raids by Spanish forces coming from Cuba.[8] On 14 April 1669, the Spanish Privateer Rivero Pardal completed a successful raid on the village of Little Cayman. In the process of the raid, the forces burned twenty dwellings to the ground.[9]

Those living on the islands often partook in what is called wrecking. Caymanians enticed passing ships by creating objects that piqued sailors' interests. Often these objects did not look like other vessels. Caymanians made mules or donkeys with lanterns tied to their bodies to walk along the beaches or lit a large bonfire to attract sailors. Having very little knowledge of the area, sailors often became stuck on the reefs in the process of reaching a distance to where they could communicate with those on the island. Once the ships were stuck on the reefs, islanders took canoes to plunder and salvage the ships under the false pretense of providing assistance.[10]

England took formal control of Cayman, along with Jamaica, under the Treaty of Madrid in 1670[11] after the first settlers came from Jamaica in 1661-71 to Little Cayman and Cayman Brac. These first settlements were abandoned after attacks by Spanish privateers, but English privateers often used the Cayman Islands as a base and in the 18th century they became an increasingly popular hideout for pirates, even after the end of legitimate privateering in 1713. Following several unsuccessful attempts, permanent settlement of the islands began in the 1730s. The Cayman Islands historically have been popular as a tax haven. In the early morning hours of February 8, 1794, ten vessels which were part of a convoy escorted by HMS Convert, were wrecked on the reef in Gun Bay, on the East end of Grand Cayman. Despite the darkness and pounding surf on the reef, local settlers braved the conditions attempting to rescue the passengers and crew of the fledgling fleet. There are conflicting reports, but it is believed that between six, and eight lives were lost that night, among them, the Captain of the Britannia. However, the overwhelming majority, more than 450 people, were successfully rescued. The incident is now remembered as The Wreck of the Ten Sail. Legend has it that among the fleet, there was a member of the British Royal Family on board. Most believe it to be a nephew of King George III. To reward the bravery of the island's local inhabitants, King George III reportedly issued a decreed that Caymanians should never be conscripted for war service, and shall never be subject to taxation. However, no official documentation of this decree has been found. All evidence for this being the origin of their tax-free status is purely anecdotal. Regardless, the Cayman Islands' status as a tax-free British overseas territory remains to this day.

From 1670, the Cayman Islands were effective dependencies of Jamaica, although there was considerable self-government. In 1831, a legislative assembly was established by local consent at a meeting of principal inhabitants held at Pedro St. James Castle on December 5 of that year. Elections were held on December 10 and the fledgling legislature passed its first local legislation on December 31, 1831. Subsequently, the Jamaican governor ratified a legislature consisting of eight magistrates appointed by the Governor of Jamaica and 10 (later increased to 27) elected representatives.

The collapse of the Federation of the West Indies created a period of decolonization in the English-speaking Caribbean.[12] In regards to independence, of the six dependent territories, the Cayman Islands were the most opposed because it lacked the natural resources needed. This opposition came from the fear that independence might prevent any special United States visas that aided Caymanian sailors working on American ships and elsewhere in the United States.[13] The people had concerns about their economic viability if the country was to become independent. The Cayman Islands were not the only smaller British territory that was reluctant in regards to gaining independence. The United Kingdom authorities established a new governing constitution framework for the reluctant territories. In place of the Federation of the West Indies, a constitution was created that allowed for the continuation of formal ties with London. In the Cayman Islands, the Governor's only obligation to the British Crown is that of keeping the Executive Council informed.[14]

Grand Cayman was the only island of the three that create the Cayman Islands that had instituted slavery. Although slavery was instituted, Grand Cayman did not hold witness to violent slave revolts. While scholars tend to agree that to an extent a slave society did exist on at least Grand Cayman, there are debates amongst them on how important slavery was to the society as a whole.[15] The slave period for the Cayman Islands lasted between 1734 and 1834. In 1774, George Gauld estimated that approximately four hundred people lived on Grand Cayman; half the inhabitants were free while the other half were constituted slaves. By 1802, the estimation of inhabitants was at 933 with a 545 slaves. An April 1834 census recorded a population of 1,800 with roughly 46 percent considered free Caymanians. By the time of emancipation, slaves outnumbered that of freemen on Grand Cayman.[16] In 1835, Governor Sligo arrived in Cayman from Jamaica to declare all slaves free in accordance with the Emancipation Act of 1833.

Caymanian settlers resented their administrative association with Jamaica causing them to seize every opportunity to undermine the authorities. This problematic relationship reached its peak during the period leading up to emancipation. Caymanian slaveholders who did not appreciate being deprived of their chattel refused to cooperate with the Slave Registration Act 1817. In response to the Abolition Act 1807, the Slave Registration 1817, and the Emancipation Act of 1834 slaveowners organized resistance efforts against the authorities in Jamaica.[17]

Local residents of the Cayman Islands resisted the stationing of troops of the West India Regiments. This animosity stemmed from the fact that the West India Regiment enlisted black men, which the white establishment was upset by. The resisters were insulted at the idea of black soldiers defending their settlements.[18]

The Cayman Islands were officially declared and administered as a dependency of Jamaica from 1863 but were rather like a parish of Jamaica with the nominated justices of the peace and elected vestrymen in their Legislature. From 1750 to 1898 the Chief Magistrate was the administrating official for the dependency, appointed by the Jamaican governor. In 1898 the Governor of Jamaica began appointing a Commissioner for the Islands. The first Commissioner was Frederick Sanguinetti. In 1959, upon the formation of the Federation of the West Indies the dependency status with regards to Jamaica ceased officially although the Governor of Jamaica remained the Governor of the Cayman Islands and had reserve powers over the Islands. Starting in 1959 the chief official overseeing the day-to-day affairs of the islands (for the Governor) was the Administrator. Upon Jamaica's independence in 1962, the Cayman Islands broke its administrative links with Jamaica and opted to become a direct dependency of the British Crown, with the chief official of the islands being the Administrator.

In 1953 the first airfield in the Cayman Islands was opened as well as the George Town Public hospital. Barclays ushered in the age of formalised commerce by opening the first commercial bank.

Following a two-year campaign by women to change their circumstances, in 1959 Cayman received its first written constitution which, for the first time, allowed women to vote. Cayman ceased to be a dependency of Jamaica.

During 1966, legislation was passed to enable and encourage the banking industry in Cayman.

In 1971 the governmental structure of the Islands was again changed with a Governor now running the Cayman Islands. Athel Long CMG, CBE was the last Administrator and the first Governor of the Cayman Islands.

In 1991 a review of the 1972 constitution recommended several constitutional changes to be debated by the Legislative Assembly. The post of Chief Secretary was reinstated in 1992 after having been abolished in 1986. The establishment of the post of Chief Minister was also proposed. However, in November 1992 elections were held for an enlarged Legislative Assembly and the Government was soundly defeated, casting doubt on constitutional reform. The "National Team" of government critics won 12 (later reduced to 11) of the 15 seats, and independents won the other three, after a campaign opposing the appointment of Chief Minister and advocating spending cuts. The unofficial leader of the team, Thomas Jefferson, had been the appointed Financial Secretary until March 1992, when he resigned over public spending disputes to fight the election. After the elections, Mr. Jefferson was appointed Minister and leader of government business; he also held the portfolios of Tourism, Aviation and Commerce in the Executive Council. Three teams with a total of 44 candidates contested the general election held on November 20, 1996: the governing National Team, Team Cayman and the Democratic Alliance Group. The National Team were returned to office but with a reduced majority, winning 9 seats. The Democratic Alliance won 2 seats in George Town, Team Cayman won one in Bodden Town and independents won seats in George Town, Cayman Brac and Little Cayman.

Although all administrative links with Jamaica were broken in 1962, the Cayman Islands and Jamaica continue to share many links and experiences, including membership in the Commonwealth of Nations (and Commonwealth citizenship) and a common united church (the United Church in Jamaica and the Cayman Islands) and Anglican diocese (although there is debate about this) as well as a common currency (until 1972). Also, by 1999, 38â€“40% of the population of the Cayman Islands was of Jamaican origin and in 2004/2005 little over 50% of the expatriates working in the Cayman Islands (i.e. 8,000) were Jamaicans (with the next largest expatriate communities coming from the United States, United Kingdom and Canada).

Much suspense was built around the devastation that Hurricane Ivan had caused as the leader of Government business Mr. Mckeeva Bush decided to close the Islands to any and all reporters, aid and denied permissions to land any aircraft except for Cayman Airways. The line of people wishing to leave but unable to do so because of his actions extended from the airport to the post office each day as thousands stranded with no shelter, food, or fresh water hoped for a chance to evacuate. As a result, most evacuations and the mass exodus which ensued in the aftermath was done so by private charter through personal & Corporate expense, with or without official permission. It was also a collective decision within the government at that time to turn away two British warships that had arrived the day after the storm with supplies. This decision was met by outrage from the Islanders who thought that it should have been their decision to make. Power and water was cut off due to damaged pipes and destroyed utility poles, with all utilities restored to various areas over the course of the next three months. Fortis Inc., a Canadian-owned utility company, sent a team down to Grand Cayman to assist the local power company, CUC, with restoration. The official report, extent of damage, duration and recovery efforts in the words of Mr. Bush himself are first recorded a month following to the Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Written Evidence, Letter from the Cayman Islands Government Office in the United Kingdom, 8 October 2004.[20]

"Hurricane Ivan weakened to a category four hurricane as it moved over Grand Cayman. It is the most powerful hurricane ever to hit the cayman islands. The eye of the storm passed within eight to 15 miles of Grand Cayman. It struck on Sunday 12 September, bringing with it sustained winds of 155 miles per hour, gusts of up to 217 mph, and a storm surge of sea water of eight to 10 feet, which covered most of the Island. A quarter of Grand Cayman remained submerged by flood waters two days later. Both Cayman Brac and Little Cayman suffered damage, although not to the same extent as Grand Cayman.

Damage on Grand Cayman has been extensive. I include with this letter, for your reference, a detailed briefing about the damage and the recovery effort, and some photographs[5]of the devastation. 95% of our housing stock has sustained damage, with around 25% destroyed or damaged beyond repair. We currently have 6,000 homes that are uninhabitable-these are homes that house teachers, nurses, manual and other workers. Thankfully, loss of life in Cayman has been limited, relative to the impact of the storm."- Honourable McKeeva Bush, OBE, JP.[21]

While there still remains visible signs of damage, in the vegetation and destruction to buildings particularly along the southern and eastern coastal regions, the Island took considerable time to become suitable as a bustling financial & tourism destination again. There remain housing issues for many of the residents as of late 2005, with some buildings still lying derelict due to insurance claims as of 2013, feasibility, new regulations and building codes. Many residents simply were unable to rebuild, and abandoned the damaged structures.


what song does the musical road in lancaster play

The Civic Musical Road was built on Avenue K in Lancaster, California, United States, on 5 September 2008.[8] Covering a quarter-mile stretch of road between 60th Street West and 70th Street West, the Musical Road used grooves cut into the asphalt to replicate part of the Finale of the William Tell Overture. It was paved over on 23 September after nearby residents complained to the city council about noise levels.[9]

Musical road

A musical road is a road, or part of a road, which when driven over causes a tactile vibration and audible rumbling transmitted through the wheels into the car body in the form of a musical tune.[citation needed]

Musical roads are known to exist in eight countries: Denmark, Japan, South Korea, the United States of America, China, San Marino, Taiwan,[1] and Ukraine.

The first known musical road, the Asphaltophone, was created in October 1995 in Gylling, Ã˜stjylland, Denmark, by Steen Krarup Jensen and Jakob Freud-Magnus, two Danish artists.[2] The Asphaltophone is made from a series of raised pavement markers, similar to Botts' dots, spaced out at intermittent intervals -- watermark -- so that as a vehicle drives over the markers, the vibrations caused by the wheels can be heard inside the car.[2]

In Japan, Shizuo Shinoda accidentally scraped some markings into a road with a bulldozer and drove over them, and realised that it was possible to create tunes depending on the depth and spacing of the grooves.[3] In 2007, the Hokkaido National Industrial Research Institute, which had previously worked on a system using infra-red lights to detect dangerous road surfaces, refined Shinoda's designs to create the Melody Road. They used the same concept of cutting grooves into the concrete at specific intervals and found the closer the grooves are, the higher the pitch of the sound; while grooves which are spaced farther apart create lower pitched sounds.[4]

There are multiple permanently paved 250 m stretches of Melody Roads.[5] The first ones built included one in Hokkaido, another in the town of Kimino in Wakayama where a car can produce the Japanese ballad "Miagete goran yoru no hoshi wo" by Kyu Sakamoto, one in Shizuoka Prefecture on the ascending drive up Mount Fuji, and a fourth in the village of Katashina in Gunma, which consists of 2,559 grooves cut into a 175 m stretch of existing roadway and produces the tune of "Memories of Summer".[6] The roads work by creating sequences of variable width groove intervals to create specific low and high frequency vibrations. Some of these roads, such as one in Okinawa that produces the Japanese folk song "Futami Jowa", as well as one in Hiroshima Prefecture, are polyphonic, with different sequences of rumble strips for the left and right tires so that a melody and harmony can be heard.

As of 2016, there are now over 30 Melody Roads in Japan, with 4 in Hokkaido, 3 in Hiroshima, 2 in Shizuoka, 2 in Oita, 10 in Gunma, and 1 each in various other prefectures.

The Singing Road can be found close to Anyang, Gyeonggi, South Korea, and was created using grooves cut into the ground, similar to the Japanese Melody Roads. Unlike the Japanese roads, however, which were designed to attract tourists, the Singing Road is intended to help motorists stay alert and awake – 68% of traffic accidents in South Korea are due to inattentive, sleeping or speeding drivers.[7] The tune played is "Merrily we roll along" and took four days to construct.[7]

As of 2010, there are three Singing Roads in South Korea; the second one, built at an unknown date, plays a traditional folk tune for guests exiting the ski resort Kangwonland. The third is located on the way from Osan to Chinhae and was built at an unknown date as well, and the title of the song it plays is currently unknown.

After further complaints from city residents about its removal, work began to re-create it on 15 October 2008 on Avenue G between 30th Street West and 40th Street Westâ€”this time, two miles away from any residence.[10][11] This road is named after the Honda Civic. It opened two days later.[12] The new section on Avenue G is only in the far left lane of the westbound side of the road.

The road appears in Honda Civic commercials. The rhythm is recognizable, but the intervals are so far off that the melody bears only a slight resemblance to the William Tell Overture, regardless of the car speed. It is likely the designers made a systematic miscalculation not to include the width of the groove in the relevant width of the spacing plus groove. This failure was made on both roads, Avenue K and Avenue G.[13][14]

Tijeras Musical Road

In October 2014, the village of Tijeras, New Mexico installed a musical road on a two-lane stretch of U.S. Route 66 which plays America the Beautiful when a vehicle drives over it. This highway is labelled NM 333, between Miles 4 and 5, eastbound.[15] Funded by the National Geographic Society, the project was coordinated with the New Mexico Department of Transportation who described the project as a way to get drivers to slow down.[16][17][18]


who sings the song i hate myself for loving you

"I Hate Myself for Loving You" is a 1988 song from Joan Jett and the Blackhearts and the first single from the album Up Your Alley. The song reached No.Â 8 on the U.S. Billboard Hot 100,[1] Jett's third single to reach the Top 10, but her first since "Crimson and Clover" in 1982. The song spent six weeks longer on the charts than did the group's biggest hit, "I Love Rock 'n' Roll" (which was on the chart for 20 weeks).

I Hate Myself for Loving You

Former Rolling Stones guitarist Mick Taylor played the guitar solo in the song.[2] One of the backing vocalists featured on the Up Your Alley album was Louie Merlino, later the founder of the band Beggars & Thieves. Merlino did backing vocals on countless songs that were written or co-written by Desmond Child. When Las Vegas, Nevada-based band Sin City Sinners has Merlino singing with them, it is not uncommon for them to cover this song.[citation needed]

For this song, Joan Jett and the Blackhearts received a nomination at the 31st Grammy Awards for Best Rock Performance by a Duo or Group with Vocal.

The single charted No. 39 on rock digital songs in Sep 10, 2011.

The song made an appearance in the When Peck This sounds At Concert.


google’s version of sponsored links that appear for certain keywords is called

Pay-per-click is commonly associated with first-tier search engines (such as Google AdWords and Microsoft Bing Ads). With search engines, advertisers typically bid on keyword phrases relevant to their target market. In contrast, content sites commonly charge a fixed price per click rather than use a bidding system. PPC "display" advertisements, also known as "banner" ads, are shown on web sites with related content that have agreed to show ads and are typically not pay-per-click advertising. Social networks such as Facebook and Twitter have also adopted pay-per-click as one of their advertising models.

Pay-per-click

Pay-per-click (PPC), also known as cost per click (CPC), is an internet advertising model used to direct traffic to websites, in which an advertiser pays a publisher (typically a website owner or a network of websites) when the ad is clicked.

However, websites can offer PPC ads. Websites that utilize PPC ads will display an advertisement when a keyword query matches an advertiser's keyword list, or when a content site displays relevant content. Such advertisements are called sponsored links or sponsored ads, and appear adjacent to, above, or beneath organic results on search engine results pages, or anywhere a web developer chooses on a content site.[1]

The PPC advertising model is open to abuse through click fraud,[2] although Google and others have implemented automated systems[3] to guard against abusive clicks by competitors or corrupt web developers.[4]

Pay-per-click, along with cost per impression and cost per order, are used to assess the cost effectiveness and profitability of internet marketing. Pay-per-click has an advantage over cost per impression in that it tells us something about how effective the advertising was. Clicks are a way to measure attention and interest. If the main purpose of an ad is to generate a click, or more specifically drive traffic to a destination, then pay-per-click is the preferred metric. Once a certain number of web impressions are achieved, the quality and placement of the advertisement will affect click through rates and the resulting pay-per-click.

Pay-per-click is calculated by dividing the advertising cost by the number of clicks generated by an advertisement. The basic formula is:

There are two primary models for determining pay-per-click: flat-rate and bid-based. In both cases, the advertiser must consider the potential value of a click from a given source. This value is based on the type of individual the advertiser is expecting to receive as a visitor to his or her website, and what the advertiser can gain from that visit, usually revenue, both in the short term as well as in the long term. As with other forms of advertising targeting is key, and factors that often play into PPC campaigns include the target's interest (often defined by a search term they have entered into a search engine, or the content of a page that they are browsing), intent (e.g., to purchase or not), location (for geo targeting), and the day and time that they are browsing.

In the flat-rate model, the advertiser and publisher agree upon a fixed amount that will be paid for each click. In many cases the publisher has a rate card that lists the pay-per-click (PPC) within different areas of their website or network. These various amounts are often related to the content on pages, with content that generally attracts more valuable visitors having a higher PPC than content that attracts less valuable visitors. However, in many cases advertisers can negotiate lower rates, especially when committing to a long-term or high-value contract.

The flat-rate model is particularly common to comparison shopping engines, which typically publish rate cards.[5] However, these rates are sometimes minimal, and advertisers can pay more for greater visibility. These sites are usually neatly compartmentalized into product or service categories, allowing a high degree of targeting by advertisers. In many cases, the entire core content of these sites is paid ads.

The advertiser signs a contract that allows them to compete against other advertisers in a private auction hosted by a publisher or, more commonly, an advertising network. Each advertiser informs the host of the maximum amount that he or she is willing to pay for a given ad spot (often based on a keyword), usually using online tools to do so. The auction plays out in an automated fashion every time a visitor triggers the ad spot.

When the ad spot is part of a search engine results page (SERP), the automated auction takes place whenever a search for the keyword that is being bid upon occurs. All bids for the keyword that target the searcher's Geo-location, the day and time of the search, etc. are then compared and the winner determined. In situations where there are multiple ad spots, a common occurrence on SERPs, there can be multiple winners whose positions on the page are influenced by the amount each has bid. The bid and Quality Score are used to give each advertiser's advert an ad rank. The ad with the highest ad rank shows up first. The predominant three match types for both Google and Bing are broad, exact and phrase match. Google also offers the broad modifier match type which differs from broad match in that the keyword must contain the actual keyword terms in any order and doesn't include relevant variations of the terms.[6]

In addition to ad spots on SERPs, the major advertising networks allow for contextual ads to be placed on the properties of 3rd-parties with whom they have partnered. These publishers sign up to host ads on behalf of the network. In return, they receive a portion of the ad revenue that the network generates, which can be anywhere from 50% to over 80% of the gross revenue paid by advertisers. These properties are often referred to as a content network and the ads on them as contextual ads because the ad spots are associated with keywords based on the context of the page on which they are found. In general, ads on content networks have a much lower click-through rate (CTR) and conversion rate (CR) than ads found on SERPs and consequently are less highly valued. Content network properties can include websites, newsletters, and e-mails.[7]

Advertisers pay for each single click they receive, with the actual amount paid based on the amount of bid. It is common practice amongst auction hosts to charge a winning bidder just slightly more (e.g. one penny) than the next highest bidder or the actual amount bid, whichever is lower.[8] This avoids situations where bidders are constantly adjusting their bids by very small amounts to see if they can still win the auction while paying just a little bit less per click.

To maximize success and achieve scale, automated bid management systems can be deployed. These systems can be used directly by the advertiser, though they are more commonly used by advertising agencies that offer PPC bid management as a service. These tools generally allow for bid management at scale, with thousands or even millions of PPC bids controlled by a highly automated system. The system generally sets each bid based on the goal that has been set for it, such as maximize profit, maximize traffic, get the very targeted customer at break even, and so forth. The system is usually tied into the advertiser's website and fed the results of each click, which then allows it to set bids. The effectiveness of these systems is directly related to the quality and quantity of the performance data that they have to work with â€” low-traffic ads can lead to a scarcity of data problem that renders many bid management tools useless at worst, or inefficient at best.

There are several sites that claim to be the first PPC model on the web,[9] with many appearing in the mid-1990s. For example, in 1996, the first known and documented version of a PPC was included in a web directory called Planet Oasis. This was a desktop application featuring links to informational and commercial web sites, and it was developed by Ark Interface II, a division of Packard Bell NEC Computers. The initial reactions from commercial companies to Ark Interface II's "pay-per-visit" model were skeptical, however.[10] By the end of 1997, over 400 major brands were paying between $.005 to $.25 per click plus a placement fee.[citation needed]

In February 1998 Jeffrey Brewer of Goto.com, a 25-employee startup company (later Overture, now part of Yahoo!), presented a pay per click search engine proof-of-concept to the TED conference in California.[11] This presentation and the events that followed created the PPC advertising system. Credit for the concept of the PPC model is generally given to Idealab and Goto.com founder Bill Gross.[12]

Google started search engine advertising in December 1999. It was not until October 2000 that the AdWords system was introduced, allowing advertisers to create text ads for placement on the Google search engine. However, PPC was only introduced in 2002; until then, advertisements were charged at cost-per-thousand impressions or Cost per mille (CPM). Overture has filed a patent infringement lawsuit against Google, saying the rival search service overstepped its bounds with its ad-placement tools.[13]

Although GoTo.com started PPC in 1998, Yahoo! did not start syndicating GoTo.com (later Overture) advertisers until November 2001.[14] Prior to this, Yahoo's primary source of SERPS advertising included contextual IAB advertising units (mainly 468x60 display ads). When the syndication contract with Yahoo! was up for renewal in July 2003, Yahoo! announced intent to acquire Overture for $1.63 billion.[15] Today, companies such as adMarketplace, ValueClick and adknowledge offer PPC services, as an alternative to AdWords and AdCenter.

Among PPC providers, Google AdWords, Microsoft adCenter and Yahoo! Search Marketing had been the three largest network operators, all three operating under a bid-based model.[1] For example, in the year 2014, PPC(Adwords) or online advertising attributed approximately $45 billion USD of the total $66 billion USD of Google's annual revenue[16] In 2010, Yahoo and Microsoft launched their combined effort against Google, and Microsoft's Bing began to be the search engine that Yahoo used to provide its search results.[17] Since they joined forces, their PPC platform was renamed AdCenter. Their combined network of third party sites that allow AdCenter ads to populate banner and text ads on their site is called BingAds.[18]

In 2012 Google was ruled to have engaged in misleading and deceptive conduct by the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission in possibly the first legal case of its kind. The Commission ruled unanimously that Google was responsible for the content of its sponsored AdWords ads that had shown links to a car sales website CarSales. The Ads had been shown by Google in response to a search for Honda Australia. The ACCC said the ads were deceptive, as they suggested CarSales was connected to the Honda company. The ruling was later overturned when Google appealed to the Australian High Court. Google was found not liable for the misleading advertisements run through AdWords despite the fact that the ads were served up by Google and created using the companyâ€™s tools.[19]


what is the girl ducks name in ducktales

Webbigail "Webby" Vanderquack (voiced by Russi Taylor in the 1987 series, Kate Micucci in the 2017 series) is the granddaughter of Mrs. Beakley. In the original 1987 series, she was typically wearing a pink shirt and a large hairbow, usually timid, and often had difficulty being accepted by Scrooge's grand-nephews at first before they accepted her as an adopted sister of theirs.[2]

List of DuckTales characters

This article includes a list of characters from the Disney DuckTales animated franchise, including the original 1987 series and the 2017 reboot series, as well as one theatrical movie and a variety of merchandise, including video games and comics. Prior to the series, many of the characters appeared in the Uncle Scrooge comic book stories, in particular the ones created by Carl Barks.[1]

Scrooge McDuck (voiced by Alan Young in the 1987 series, David Tennant in the 2017 series) is the richest duck in the world and the main protagonist of the series. Scrooge is constantly seeking ways to further increase his wealth (his favorite pastime appears to be treasure hunting), and to avoid losing it. He was a self-made billionaire when he left Scotland and came to America with his Number One Dime, eventually establishing his home in McDuck Manor and erecting his famous "Money Bin". In the original 1987 series, he sports a blue jacket with red cuffs and a red collar.

For the 2017 reboot, Scrooge's background is slightly different. He is well known as a seasoned "adventure-capitalist", who used to conduct adventures with his nephew Donald joining him. However an incident occurred that led to an estrangement between the pair and Scrooge losing the spark for adventure. Ten years after this incident, Scrooge regains this spark when he is reunited with Donald and introduced to his grand-nephews for the first time. The reboot sees him wearing a red jacket with visible pockets and black cuffs and collar, as per his comic book appearance.

Huey, Dewey, and Louie (voiced by Russi Taylor in the 1987 series, Danny Pudi, Ben Schwartz and Bobby Moynihan respectively in the 2017 series) are triplets of Della Duck, the nephews of Donald Duck, and the grand-nephews of Scrooge McDuck. All three tend to be playful and mischievous, while also being devoted members of the Junior Woodchucks scouts. In the original 1987 series, the triplets are sent to Scrooge to stay with him, while their uncle leaves to join the navy. All three are identical in appearance and personality, and wear identical outfits - a cap and jumper- with the only difference between each of them being the color of their clothing - Huey wears red, Dewey wears blue, and Louie wears green. The introduction of this scheme by DuckTales was adapted for later use in future animations that featured the triplets.

For the 2017 reboot, Huey, Dewey and Louie were given distinct appearances, voices and personalities - Huey is the eldest of the triplets and the smartest of the group, wearing a red short-sleeved shirt and cap; Dewey is the most adventurous, and wears a blue long-sleeved T-shirt; and Louie is the youngest of the trio and the most easygoing, who wears a green hooded top. Although all three are mischievous and sneaky around Donald, they are wide-eyed admirers of Scrooge's fortune and the legends of his adventures. Initially, the trio are sent to stay with Scrooge while Donald attends a job interview during the premiere episode, but after renewing his spirit for adventure (and Dewey accidentally wrecking their houseboat), the trio and Donald move in with him and accompany him on his new adventures.

In the 2017 reboot, Webby is slightly older and smarter, with her character wearing a pink and blue sweater vest, a purple skirt, and a smaller hairbow on her right-side, while she is revealed to be an enthusiastic adventure fan and Clan McDuck historian who idolizes Donald Duck as one of the greatest adventurers of all time.[3] The nephews find her slightly intimidating upon their first meeting, but soon accept her as a close new friend.[4][5]

Launchpad McQuack (voiced by Terry McGovern in the 1987 series, Beck Bennett in the 2017 series) is Scrooge's pilot, who is an able flyer, but is somewhat incompetent and rarely ever lands a plane safely, usually crashing them and walking away without injury. In the original 1987 series he uses the motto "If it has wings, I can crash it", and revealed in later episodes to be of Irish descent and having an ancestor who was involved in the Civil War. His physical appearance is somewhat heroic, with his clothing being similar to that of early era pilots, including a leather cap with flight goggles, an aviation scarf, and a brown flight jacket with light brown pants. The character later appeared as a main character in Disney's Darkwing Duck, appearing in most episodes of that series.

For the 2017 reboot, Launchpad works for Scrooge as his limo driver to begin with, before being placed in charge of piloting various craft besides planes. While his physical appearance is the same as his 1987 counterpart, he wears an outfit resembling that of private commercial pilots from the 40s/50s, including a baseball cap, a leather jacket with a fur lined collar, a green undershirt, and white slacks.

Mrs. Bentina Beakley (voiced by Joan Gerber in the 1987 series, Wendee Lee in DuckTales: Remastered and Toks Olagundoye in the 2017 series) is the maid and nanny of the household, and the maternal grandmother of Webby. In the original 1987 series, she is shown as gentler and sweet on her granddaughter, while wearing a purple dress and large white apron over her front and having two hair pins to maintain her hairstyle. In the episode "Jungle Duck," it is revealed that Mrs. Beakley used to be a nanny for a younger Lord Graydrake.

In the 2017 reboot, her character is more down-to-earth than the other residents of McDuck Manor, often offering advice to Scrooge and the children, though takes offense at being treated as her employer's secretary. Her physical appearance is similar to her 1987 counterpart, though she has no hair pins, while she wears clothing similar to a nanny, and has an apron around her waist. In the premiere episode, she is protective of Webby, but later agrees to let her be a part of Scrooge's adventures towards the end of the episode.

Donald Duck (voiced by Tony Anselmo in both series) is a classic Disney character, whose appearance in the original 1987 series was deliberately downplayed due to his time in the animation spotlight, in order to give more focus to Scrooge and the boys.[6][7] In the original series, he leaves his nephews with Scrooge in order to serve with the Navy,[8] whereupon he makes occasional appearances as a guest character in some episodes, while in others he is mentioned via mail and pictures he sends to Scrooge and his nephews. He doesn't make any appearances after the first season.

For the 2017 reboot, Donald's appearance is significantly increased to involve him in the adventures of Scrooge and his nephews, which included changing a part of the background between him and his uncle. In the reboot, he and Scrooge used to adventure together, until an incident occurred that caused them to drift apart and not speak to each other for ten years. After Donald discovers his nephews plan to be alone to cause some mischief with their houseboat, Donald reluctantly reunites with Scrooge in order to get him to babysit his nephews. After a mishap leads him to becoming involved in a new adventure with Scrooge (and losing him his houseboat), Donald agrees to move in his family to McDuck Manor while still trying to maintain his independence. In addition to increasing his appearance in the cartoon, the reboot also sees him wearing a black sailor suit that he wears in many of the classic Donald Duck and Uncle Scrooge comics that the show is built upon.

Flintheart Glomgold (voiced by Hal Smith in the 1987 series, Brian George in DuckTales: Remastered and Keith Ferguson in the 2017 series) is Scrooge's arch-rival, and the second-richest duck in the world. His first appearance in the series was in the second part of the pilot episode.[49] Glomgold often comes up with schemes to earn more money, often at Scrooge's expense, in order to surpass Scrooge and capture the title of World's Richest Duck. Early Barks sketches for Scrooge and Glomgold show remarkable similarities, especially in temperament. While the comics originally depicted Glomgold as a native of South Africa, his origin was changed to Scottish descent just like Scrooge. He made a cameo appearance in the Darkwing Duck episode "In Like Blunt", along with the Beagle Boys and Magica De Spell.[50]

In the 2017 series, debuting in the hourlong pilot episode "Woo-oo!",[35] he heads Glomgold Industries and makes his fortune through personal branding, preferring to develop his products as cheaply as possible.

The Beagle Boys are a large family of dogs, who are constantly trying to rob banks or Scrooge's Money Bin. The Beagle Boys consist of:

Alongside Bigtime, Burger, and Bouncer, the 1987 series include four additional main Beagle Boys and some minor Beagle Boys:

Several additional groups of Beagle Boys (all voiced by Eric Bauza) appear in the episode "The Beagle Birthday Massacre!":[43]

Magica De Spell (voiced by June Foray in the 1987 series, Catherine Tate in the 2017 series) is a powerful sorceress who is constantly after Scrooge's Number One Dime. Magica is one of three top antagonists that Scrooge, his family and his friends face every time. Scrooge's coveted Number One Dime is thought to have magic powers, that Magica can use to rule the world with it.

In the 2017 series, she debuts as a sinister shadow trapped in Lenaâ€™s amulet in the episode "The Beagle Birthday Massacre!",[43] while making her first speaking appearance in "Terror of the Terra-firmians!".[55]


who adopted the constitution of india on 26 november 1949

Constitution Day (National Law Day), also known as Samvidhan Divas, is celebrated in India on 26 November every year to commemorate the adoption of Constitution of India. On 26 November 1949, the Constituent Assembly of India adopted the Constitution of India, and it came into effect on 26 January 1950.[1]

Constitution Day (India)

The Government of India declared 26 November as Constitution Day on 19 November 2015 by a gazette notification. The Prime Minister of India made the declaration on 11 October 2015 while laying the foundation stone of the B. R. Ambedkar memorial in Mumbai.[2] The year of 2015 is the 125th birth anniversary of Ambedkar, who had chaired the drafting committee of the Constituent Assembly and played a pivotal role in the drafting of the constitution[1] which was illuminated to become the most beautiful Constitution of the world by Beohar Rammanohar Sinha under the mentorship of Nandalal Bose. Previously this day was celebrated as Law Day.[3] 26 November was chosen to spread the importance of the constitution and to spread thoughts and ideas of Ambedkar.[4]

Since 2015 is the 125th birth anniversary year of B. R. Ambedkar (14 April 1891 â€“ 6 December 1956), who is known as the architect of the Indian constitution, the government decided in May 2015 to celebrate this year "in a big way".[5][6][7] A special committee chaired by Prime Minister of India was announced for year-long celebrations. Various programmes will be held by various ministries and departments throughout the year to spread thoughts and ideas of Ambedkar.[8][6] As part of the celebrations while laying foundation stone for an Ambedkar memorial at the Indu Mills compounds in Mumbai in October 2015, Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi announced that 26 November will be celebrated as "Constitution Day".[9][10][11][12] In November 2015, the government officially announced celebration of the day.[13]

Constitution Day is not a public holiday. Various departments of the Government of India celebrated the first Constitution day. As per the Department of Education and Literacy, the preamble of the constitution was read in all schools by all students. In addition, there were quiz and essay competitions both online and offline on the subject of the constitution of India. There was a lecture on salient features of the constitution in each school. The Department of Higher Education requested various universities to arrange mock parliamentary debates in colleges, and the University Grants Commission (UGC) arranged an all-India quiz competition at Ambedkar University, Lucknow, where quiz winners of all states participated.[13]

The Ministry of External Affairs directed all overseas Indian schools to celebrate 26 November as Constitution Day and directed embassies to translate the constitution into the local language of that nation and distribute it to various academies, libraries and faculties of Indology. The work of translating the Indian constitution into Arabic has been completed.[14][13] Department of Sport arranged symbolic run named "Run for Equality".[15][13] There was also a special session of Indian parliament on 26 November 2015 to give tribute to the constitution and Ambedkar. The Parliament House complex was also illuminated on this occasion.[13]


what position in football has the biggest players

In gridiron football, a lineman is a player who specializes in play at the line of scrimmage. The linemen of the team currently in possession of the ball are the offensive line, while linemen on the opposing team are the defensive line. A number of NFL rules specifically address restrictions and requirements for the offensive line. The defensive line is covered by the same rules that apply to all defensive players and the offensive lineman are supposed to help block the quarterback from getting sacks for a loss or even worse a fumble.[1] Linemen are usually the largest players on the field in both height and weight, since their positions usually require less running and more strength than skill positions.

Lineman (gridiron football)

An offensive lineman's motion during a play is often limited to just a few quick steps to establish position, followed by a wrestling match similar to sumo.[2] Offensive linemen thus tend to be the largest players on the field, with excellent agility and balance but limited straight-line running speed. Most pro and college football offensive lineman tend to weigh over 300 pounds.

On running plays, the primary job of the offensive line is to create space for the ball carrier to run, either by pushing all defensive players backwards past the line of scrimmage, or by pushing defensive players to the side to allow the ball carrier to run past them.

On passing plays, the offensive line is responsible for stopping defensive players from tackling the quarterback before he has thrown the ball. Stopping these players indefinitely is usually not possible, so the main objective of the offensive line is to slow them down, providing the quarterback with several seconds to identify an open receiver and throw the ball.

The interior offensive line consists of the center, who is responsible for snapping the ball into play, two guards who flank the center, and two offensive tackles who flank the guards. In addition to the interior line, a full offensive line may also include a tight end outside one or both of the tackles.

Interior offensive linemen are not eligible to catch forward passes, and are not allowed to advance more than 2 yards past the line of scrimmage at the time a pass is thrown, whether they are engaged with a defensive player or not. However, ends (whether tight ends or wide receivers) are eligible to catch passes.

On some running plays, an offensive lineman will pull by backing out of his initial position and running behind the other offensive linemen to engage a defensive player beyond the initial width of the offensive line; in modern games this duty usually falls to guards.

When an offensive lineman knocks a player down on a block, leaving the defensive player lying flat on his back, it is colloquially known as a pancake block.[3]

When an offensive line has an equal number of men on either side of the center, it is known as a balanced line.[4]

The defensive line consists of one or two defensive tackles and two defensive ends who play outside the defensive tackles. The defensive line works with the linebackers to try to control the line of scrimmage. The 4-3 defensive formation, most commonly used in the NFL, employs two defensive tackles (and a defensive line of four men, with three linebackers behind them), while the 3-4 formation uses just a single defensive tackle, called the nose tackle (and a defensive line of three men, with four linebackers behind them). However, defensive ends in a typical 3-4 have responsibilities more similar to a 4-3 defensive tackle than 4-3 defensive ends.

On running plays, the goal is to tackle the ball carrier. The defensive line attempts to maintain their original formation (even spacing without holes), but also to prevent any members of the opposing offensive line from successfully engaging the linebackers, who chase down the ball carrier. The defensive tackles are usually the most skilled run defenders on the team.

On passing plays, the defensive line tries to reach the quarterback. Ideally, the defensive players are able to tackle the quarterback for a loss (a sack), but in practice the quarterback will usually manage to throw the ball before an actual tackle is made; the goal is thus to put pressure on the quarterback as quickly as possible to force him to throw the ball before he can find an open receiver. Defensive ends are usually the most skilled pass rushers on the team. In order to increase the pressure on the quarterback, teams will often have players other than the defensive line attempt to tackle the quarterback; this is called a blitz.

Because the defense does not know whether the offense is attempting to run a passing play or a running play (or whether a quarterback will give up on an attempt to pass and instead run with the ball), they must balance passing and running strategies: running around offensive linemen and avoiding contact may allow faster pressure on a quarterback, but it also leaves a hole in the defensive line and frees an offensive lineman to engage a linebacker, enabling a big running play.

Defensive linemen—particularly defensive ends—are called upon to do more running than offensive linemen, thus they usually tend to be somewhat lighter and faster.


what happens when the kumari (nepal goddess) come of age

A Kumari is generally chosen for one day and worshipped accordingly on certain festivals like Navaratri or Durga Puja. In Kathmandu Valley this is a particularly prevalent practice. A Kumari is believed to be the incarnation of Taleju. When her first menstruation begins, it is believed that the goddess vacates her body. Serious illness or a major loss of blood from an injury are also causes for loss of deity.

Kumari (goddess)

Kumari, or Kumari Devi, or Living Goddess â€“ Nepal is the tradition of worshipping young pre-pubescent girls as manifestations of the divine female energy or devi in Hindu religious traditions. The word Kumari is derived from the Sanskrit Kaumarya, meaning "princess".[1]

In Nepal, a Kumari is a pre-pubescent girl selected from the Shakya caste or Bajracharya clan of the Nepalese Newari community. The Kumari is revered and worshipped by some of the country's Hindus. While there are several Kumaris throughout Nepal, with some cities having several, the best known is the Royal Kumari of Kathmandu, and she lives in the Kumari Ghar, a palace in the center of the city. The selection process for her is especially rigorous. As of 2017, the Royal Kumari is Trishna Shakya, aged three, installed in September 2017 by the Maoist government that replaced the monarchy. Unika Bajracharya, selected in April 2014 as the Kumari of Patan, is the second most important living goddess.[2][3]

The worship of the goddess in a young girl represents the worship of divine consciousness spread all over the creation. As the supreme goddess is thought to have manifested this entire cosmos out of her womb, she exists equally in animate as well as inanimate objects. While worship of an idol represents the worship and recognition of supreme through inanimate materials, worship of a human represents veneration and recognition of the same supreme in conscious beings.

In the Shakta text Devi Mahatmyam or Chandi, the goddess is said to have declared that she resides in all female living beings in this universe. The entire ritual of Kumari is based on this verse. But while worshiping a goddess, only a young girl is chosen over a mature woman because of their inherent purity and chastity.

Hindu scriptures like the JÃ±anarnava Rudrayamala tantra assign names to a Kumari depending on her age. A one-year-old girl is called Sandhya, a two-year-old girl is called Sarasvati, a child of three years of age is called Tridhamurti, on her fourth year she is Kalika, on fifth she is Subhaga, on sixth she is Uma, on her seventh year she is called Malini. An eight-year-old girl is called Kubjika, on the ninth year she is Kaalasandarbha, on reaching tenth year she is Aparajita, on eleventh she is Rudrani, on twelfth year she is named Bhairavi, on thirteenth she is Mahalakshmi, on fourteenth she is Pithanayika, on fifteenth she is Kshetragya, and on sixteen years of her age she is Ambika.

In Nepal, Kumaris are worshiped only for a day; these names are assigned only while the ritual lasts, often a few hours. Usually one cannot be a Kumari beyond 16 years of age because of menarche.

The main target of a Kumari puja is to realize the potential divinity in every human being, mostly female. A Hindu spiritual aspirant sees the universal consciousness of humanity.

Whilst the veneration of a living Kumari in Nepal is relatively recent, dating only from the 17th century, the tradition of Kumari-Puja, or virgin worship, has been around for much longer. There is evidence of virgin worship taking place in Nepal for more than 2,300 years. It appears to have taken hold in Nepal in the 6th century. There is written evidence describing the selection, ornamentation and worship of the Kumari dating from the 13th century CE.

There are several legends telling of how the current tradition of the Kumari began. Most of the legends, however, tale of King Jayaprakash Malla, the last Nepalese king of the Malla Dynasty (12thâ€“17th century CE). According to the most popular legend, a king and his friend, the goddess Taleju, approached his chambers late one night as he played tripasa, a dice game. The goddess came along every night to play the game, with the condition that the king refrain from telling anyone about their meetings.

But one night the king's wife followed him to his chamber in order to find out who the king was meeting so often. The king's wife saw Taleju and the goddess was angered. She told the king that, if he wanted to see her again or have her protect his country, he'd have to search for her among the Newari (Shakya) community of Ratnawali, as she would be incarnated as a little girl among them. Hoping to make amends with his patroness, King Jayaprakash Malla left the palace in search of the young girl who was possessed by Taleju's spirit.

Similarly, there is another story about the disappearance of Taleju. Some believe that the goddess visited king Trailokya Malla every night in the human form. Like other legendary stories, the king and the goddess played tripasa (dice) while discussing the welfare of the country. However, one night king Trailokya Malla made sexual advances towards the goddess Taleju. As a result, the goddess in rage stopped visiting the palace. The king in regret worshipped and pleaded for her return. Finally, the goddess agreed to appear in the body of the virgin girl from the Shakya family.[4]

In another version of the story, a king was very promiscuous. He was also attracted to young girls.Unfortunately during sex with a young girl she died.This left the king completely disturbed, guilt riddened and saddened, who repented the sin by concluding the girl had returned to her goddess spiritual nature. He declared the creation of the kumari devi to perpetually remind the world of the sacred nature of young girls and virginity.

Even today, a mother's dream of a red serpent is believed to be a portent of the elevation of her daughter to the position of Royal Kumari. And each year, the Nepalese King seeks the blessing of the Royal Kumari at the festival of Indra Jatra. This tradition has changed from 2008 A.D with the country becoming the youngest republic of the world.

A variation of this and other legends names King Gunkam Dev, a 12th-century ancestor of King Jayaprakash Malla, as the main character rather than Jayaprakash Malla.

A third variation of the legend says that during the reign of King Jayaprakash Malla, a young girl was banished from the city because it was feared that she was possessed by the goddess Durga. When the queen learned of the young girl's fate, she became enraged and insisted that the king fetch the girl and install her as the living incarnation of Durga.

Once Taleju has left the sitting Kumari, there is a frenzy of activity to find her successor. Some have compared the selection process to the process used in nearby Tibet to find the reincarnations of Tulkus, such as the Dalai Lama or the Panchen Lama. The selection process is conducted by five senior Buddhist Vajracharya priests, the Panch Buddha, the Bada Guruju or Chief Royal Priest, Achajau the priest of Taleju and the royal astrologer. The King and other religious leaders that might know of eligible candidates are also informed that a search is underway.

Eligible girls are from the Newar Shakya caste of silver and goldsmiths. She must be in excellent health, never have shed blood or been afflicted by any diseases, be without blemish and must not have yet lost any teeth. Girls who pass these basic eligibility requirements are examined for the battis lakshanas, or thirty-two perfections of a goddess. Some of these are poetically listed as such:

In addition to this, her hair and eyes should be very black, she should have dainty hands and feet, small and well-recessed sexual organs and a set of twenty teeth.

The girl is also observed for signs of serenity and fearlessness and her horoscope is examined to ensure that it is complementary to the King's. It is important that there not be any conflicts as she must confirm the King's legitimacy each year of her divinity. Her family is also scrutinized to ensure its piety and devotion to the King.

Once the priests have chosen a candidate, she must undergo yet more rigorous tests to ensure that she indeed possesses the qualities necessary to be the living vessel of Durga. Her greatest test comes during the Hindu festival of Dashain. On the kalratri, or 'black night', 108 buffaloes and goats are sacrificed to the goddess Kali. The young candidate is taken into the Taleju temple and released into the courtyard, where the severed heads of the animals are illuminated by candlelight and masked men are dancing about. If the candidate truly possesses the qualities of Taleju, she shows no fear during this experience. If she does, another candidate is brought in to attempt the same thing.

As a final test, the living goddess must spend a night alone in a room among the heads of ritually slaughtered goats and buffaloes without showing fear. The fearless candidate has proven that she has the serenity and the fearlessness that typifies the goddess who is to inhabit her. After passing all other tests, the final test is that she must be able to pick out the personal belongings of the previous Kumari from an assortment of things laid out before her. If she is able to do so, there is no remaining doubt that she is the chosen one.

There are claims contrary to the commonly believed ritual and screening process, however. The ex-Royal Kumari Rashmila Shakya states in her autobiography[5] From Goddess to Mortal that this has nothing to do with the selection process, but rather is a ritual the Royal Kumari goes through each year, and that there are no men dancing around in masks trying to scare her, and that at most there are only a dozen or so decapitated animal heads in the scary room test. She also describes the requisite physical examination of each Kumari as neither intimate nor rigorous.

Once the Kumari is chosen, she must be purified so that she can be an unblemished vessel for Taleju. She is taken by the priests to undergo a number of secret Tantric rituals to cleanse her body and spirit of her past experiences. Once these rituals are completed, Taleju enters her and she is presented as the new Kumari. She is dressed and made up as a Kumari and then leaves the Taleju temple and walks across the square on a white cloth to the Kumari Ghar that will be her home for the duration of her divinity.

Once the chosen girl completes the Tantric purification rites and crosses from the temple on a white cloth to the Kumari Ghar to assume her throne, her life takes on an entirely new character. She will leave her palace only on ceremonial occasions. Her family will visit her rarely, and then only in a formal capacity. Her playmates will be drawn from a narrow pool of Newari children from her caste, usually the children of her caretakers. She will always be dressed in red, wear her hair in a topknot and have the agni chakchuu or "fire eye" painted on her forehead as a symbol of her special powers of perception.

The Royal Kumari's new life is vastly different from the one to which she has been accustomed in her short life. Whilst her life is now free of material troubles, she has ceremonial duties to carry out. Although she is not ordered about, she is expected to behave as befits a goddess. She has shown the correct qualities during the selection process and her continued serenity is of paramount importance; an ill-tempered goddess is believed to portend bad tidings for those petitioning her.

The Kumari's walk across the Durbar Square is the last time her feet will touch the ground until such time as the goddess departs from her body. From now on, when she ventures outside of her palace, she will be carried or transported in her golden palanquin. Her feet, like all of her, are now sacred. Petitioners will touch them, hoping to receive respite from troubles and illnesses. The King himself will kiss them each year when he comes to seek her blessing. She will never wear shoes; if her feet are covered at all, they will be covered with red stockings.

The power of the Kumari is perceived to be so strong that even a glimpse of her is believed to bring good fortune. Crowds of people wait below the Kumari's window in the Kumari Chowk, or courtyard, of her palace, hoping that she will pass by the latticed windows on the third floor and glance down at them. Even though her irregular appearances last only a few seconds, the atmosphere in the courtyard is charged with devotion and awe when they do occur.

The more fortunate, or better connected, petitioners visit the Kumari in her chambers where she sits upon a gilded lion throne. Many of those visiting her are people suffering from blood or menstrual disorders since the Kumari is believed to have special power over such illnesses. She is also visited by bureaucrats and other government officials. Petitioners customarily bring gifts and food offerings to the Kumari, who receives them in silence. Upon arrival, she offers them her feet to touch or kiss as an act of devotion. During these audiences, the Kumari is closely watched and her actions interpreted as a prediction of the petitioners lives', for example as follows:

If the Kumari remains silent and impassive throughout the audience, her devotees leave elated. This is the sign that their wishes have been granted.

Many people attend to the Kumari's needs. These people are known as the Kumarimi and are headed by the patron. Their job is very difficult. They must attend to the Kumari's every need and desire while giving her instruction in her ceremonial duties. While they cannot directly order her to do anything, they must guide her through her life. They are responsible for bathing her, dressing her and attending to her makeup as well as preparing her for her visitors and for ceremonial occasions.

Traditionally, the Kumari received no education as she was widely considered to be omniscient. However, modernization has made it necessary for her to have an education once she re-enters mortal life. Kumaris are now allowed to attend public schools, and have a life inside the classroom that is no different from that of other students. While many kumaris, such as the Kumari of Bhaktapur, attend school, others, such as the main kumari in Kathmandu, receive their education through private tutors.

Similarly, her limited playmates must learn to respect her. Since her every wish must be granted, they must learn to surrender to her whatever they have that she may want and to defer to her wishes in what games to play or activities to play.

On 3 July 2007, Sajani Shakya was removed from her position as Kumari of Bhaktapur after visiting the United States to attend the release of the movie Living Goddess at Silverdocs, the American Film Institute/Discovery Channel documentary festival in downtown Silver Spring, Maryland. The visit, according to the elders, had tainted her purity.[6] A couple of weeks later, temple authorities at Sajani Shakya's home town recanted their previous statement and said that she would not be stripped of her title because she was willing to undergo a "cleansing" ceremony to remove any sins she might have committed while traveling.[7]


what does march of dimes raise money for

March of Dimes improves the health of mothers and babies through five programming areas: medical research, education of pregnant women, community programs, government advocacy, and support of pregnant women and mothers.[4]  The organization provides women and families with educational resources on baby health, pregnancy, preconception and new motherhood, as well as supplying information and support to families in the NICU who are affected by prematurity, birth defects, or other infant health problems.[3]

March of Dimes

March of Dimes is a United States nonprofit organization that works to improve the health of mothers and babies by preventing birth defects, premature birth and infant mortality.[1]

The organization was founded by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1938, as the National Foundation for Infantile Paralysis, to combat polio. The name "March of Dimes" was coined by Eddie Cantor. After funding Jonas Salk's polio vaccine, the organization expanded its focus to the prevention of birth defects and infant mortality.  In 2005, as preterm birth emerged as the leading cause of death for children worldwide,[2] research and prevention of premature birth became the organization's primary focus.[3]

The organization began in 1938 as the National Foundation for Infantile Paralysis. In 1976 it became known as the March of Dimes Birth Defects Foundation. In 2007, the formal name became the March of Dimes Foundation.[5]

The group was founded by President Franklin D. Roosevelt on January 3, 1938, as a response to U.S. epidemics of polio, a condition that can leave people with permanent physical disabilities. Roosevelt was himself diagnosed with polio in 1921, although his symptoms are now known to be more consistent with Guillain–Barré syndrome – an autoimmune neuropathy which Roosevelt's doctors failed to consider as a diagnostic possibility.[6] The foundation was an alliance between scientists and volunteers, with volunteers raising money to support research and education efforts.[5]

The National Foundation for Infantile Paralysis was a reconstitution of the Georgia Warm Springs Foundation, which Roosevelt and his friend Basil O'Connor founded with other friends in 1927.[7] O'Connor became the foundation's president, a position he held for more than three decades. His first task was to create a network of local chapters that could raise money and deliver aid; more than 3,100 county chapters were established during his tenure.[5]

The name "March of Dimes" — a play on the contemporary radio and newsreel series, The March of Time — was coined by stage, screen and radio star Eddie Cantor.[8][9] He inspired a nationwide fundraising campaign in the week preceding President Roosevelt's birthday on January 30, 1938. Lapel pins were sold for ten cents each; special features were produced by the motion picture studios and radio industry; and nightclubs and cabarets held dances and contributed a portion of the proceeds.[10] Thousands of people mailed cards and letters, each containing a dime, to the White House. Cantor's appeal collected more than $85,000 in what the press called "a silver tide which actually swamped the White House."[11]

"During the past few days bags of mail have been coming, literally by the truck load, to the White House," Roosevelt said in birthday celebration broadcast January 30, 1938. "Yesterday between forty and fifty thousand letters came to the mail room of the White House. Today an even greater number — how many I cannot tell you — for we can only estimate the actual count by counting the mail bags. In all the envelopes are dimes and quarters and even dollar bills — gifts from grown-ups and children — mostly from children who want to help other children get well. … It is glorious to have one's birthday associated with a work like this."[12]

The March of Dimes was the title used for the foundation's annual fundraising event that requested each child donate a dime. At the Christmas season, booths were set up in cities where the children could drop their dime in a slot. These were out on the street and sometimes not even overseen by anyone.  Gradually the name became synonymous with that of the organization.[13]

"His genius was in generating large numbers of relatively small contributions for a cause," The New York Times wrote of O'Connor. "Over the years he collected and spent more than seven billion dimes — many of them from schoolchildren — with a half-billion dollars of it going to the war on polio."[7]

Publisher Gerard Piel credited O'Connor with a "unique social invention: a permanently self-sustaining source of funds for the support of research â€” the voluntary health organization." With a centralized administration, state and local chapters and a large corps of volunteers, the National Foundation for Infantile Paralysis became the prototype for dozens of similar foundations.[7]

Because Franklin D. Roosevelt founded the March of Dimes, a redesign of the dime was chosen to honor him after his death.[8] The Roosevelt dime was issued in 1946, on what would have been the president's 64th birthday.

From 1938 through the approval of the Salk vaccine in 1955, the foundation spent $233 million on polio patient care, which led to more than 80 percent of U.S. polio patients' receiving significant[clarification needed] foundation aid.[14][verification needed]

Around the same time, Albert Sabin (also with funding from the March of Dimes) developed a simpler version of the vaccine, which was based on an attenuated live version of the polio virus.[15][16] Both Salk's version and Sabin's version had potential safety concerns; Salk's vaccine had the risk of a virus which is not completely inactivated, while Sabin's vaccine had the risk of reversion to virulence.[17]

In 1955, a batch of Salk's vaccine made by Cutter Laboratories in California was inadequately inactivated and, as a result, 11 children died. After this incident, production methods were changed and no further incidents were reported. Sabin became highly critical of O'Connor and the March of Dimes, who he believed were biased towards Salk's vaccine and made statements inconsistent with the scientific research. In the meantime, trials of the vaccine based on Sabin's version were carried out in the Soviet Union with important contributions made by Mikhail Chumakov. In 1958, the Soviet Union organized industrial production of this vaccine and polio was largely eradicated in Eastern Europe and Japan. This success led to trials in the United States as well and the licensing of the Sabin's vaccine in 1961, over the considerable opposition of the March of Dimes, which supported Salk's vaccine. Eventually, Sabin's vaccine superseded Salk's vaccine based on its advantages, which included a simpler (oral) administration and lifelong immunity.[17][15][6]

FDR receives a $1 million check, proceeds from the first President's Birthday Ball (1934)

Eleanor Roosevelt with celebrities invited to Washington, D.C., for the 1937 President's Birthday Ball

FDR buys a certificate enrolling him as "Founder No. 1" of the new National Foundation for Infantile Paralysis (1938)

Poster for the 1939 President's Birthday Ball

Eleanor Roosevelt buys the first ticket for the 1940 President's Birthday Ball

Glenn Miller recorded Irving Berlin's "At the President's Birthday Ball" (1942)

FDR with Basil O'Connor (1944)

Eleanor Roosevelt with celebrities invited to Washington, D.C., for the 1944 President's Birthday Ball

Eleanor Roosevelt and Lucille Ball at the 1944 President's Birthday Ball

1944 President's Birthday Ball

Eleanor Roosevelt with celebrities invited to Washington, D.C., for the 1945 President's Birthday Ball

Following widespread use of the polio vaccine, the organization was faced with disbanding or steering its resources toward a new mission. Basil O’Connor, then the organization's president, directed his staff to identify strengths and weaknesses and reformulate its mission.[5] The National Foundation for Infantile Paralysis (NFIP) shortened its name to the National Foundation (NF) in 1958 and launched its "Expanded Program" against birth defects, arthritis, and virus diseases, seeking to become a "flexible force" in the field of public health. In the mid-1960s, the organization focused its efforts on prevention of birth defects and infant mortality, which became its mission.[18][19] At that time, the cause of birth defects was unknown; only the effects were visible. In 1976, the organization changed its name to the March of Dimes Birth Defects Foundation.[5] Reducing the toll of premature birth was added as a mission objective in 2005.

Rubella, also called German measles, is associated with a disorder called congenital rubella syndrome, which can cause miscarriages and birth defects such as deafness, blindness and mental retardation.[20] Vaccination is an effective preventive measure. On behalf of the March of Dimes, Virginia Apgar testified to the United States Senate in 1969 about the importance of federal funding of a rubella immunization program,[21] and the organization funded[clarification needed] a vaccine, which was licensed in the early 1970s.[22] In 2006, a statement published in Birth Defects Research Part A credited the "remarkable success of the immunization program to eliminate rubella is due to joint efforts by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, various state and local health departments, the American Academy of Pediatrics, the American College of Obstetrics and Gynecology, and the March of Dimes".[23]

In 1976, the March of Dimes published a report titled Toward Improving the Outcome of Pregnancy (TIOP), and in 1993 they published Toward Improving the Outcome of Pregnancy: The 90s and Beyond (TIOP II).[24] TIOP "stratified maternal and neonatal care into 3 levels of complexity and recommended referral of high-risk patients to centers with the personnel and resources needed for their degree of risk and severity of illness."[24] TIOP was published when "resources for the most complex care were relatively scarce and concentrated in academic medical centers."[24] TIOP II updated care complexity designations from levels I, II and III to basic, specialty and subspecialty, and the criteria were expanded.[24] In 2001, the March of Dimes introduced a family support program for those with babies in a neonatal intensive care unit (NICU).[25] The program seeks to educate NICU staff to communicate effectively with patients' families.[26][27] The March of Dimes hosted the Symposium on Quality Improvement to Prevent Prematurity in October 2009.[28][29][30]  In December 2010, the March of Dimes released TIOP III, subtitled Enhancing Perinatal Health Through Quality, Safety, and Performance Initiatives.

Fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS) is categorized as a group of birth defects ranging from mental retardation to various growth and behavioral problems.[31] The March of Dimes has provided grant funding for FAS research,[32][33] and they supported the National Council on Alcoholism in its push for legislation to bring public attention to the dangers of alcohol use by pregnant women.[verification needed] This led to a 1989 law mandating a warning label about the risk of birth defects that alcoholic beverages still carry today.[34][verification needed][35]

The March of Dimes has campaigned for public education on folic acid,[36] a vitamin which can prevent neural tube defects such as spina bifida and anencephaly if mothers have enough of it in their body. The March of Dimes has funded polls on folic acid from The Gallup Organization.[37]  Analysis of some of the results, said that women aged 18â€“24 years had the least awareness regarding folic acid consumption or knowledge about when it should be taken.[38] On the issue, the organization partnered with the Grain Foods Foundation, an industry group, in public education efforts.[39][40]

Awareness about preterm birth, which is associated with a variety of negative health outcomes, is an organizational goal. According to an editorial in the May 2004 issue of the Journal of the National Medical Association, the original goals of the campaign were to raise awareness of the problem from 35 percent to at least 60 percent and to decrease the rate of premature births by at least 15 percent (from 11.9 percent to 10.1 percent).[41] In 2008, the Prematurity Campaign was extended by the Board of Trustees until 2020, and global targets were set for prematurity prevention.[42] In 2008, the March of Dimes started its annual Premature Birth Report Card, which grades the nation and each individual state on preterm birth rates.[43]

March of Dimes states on its website that it supports mandated newborn screening of all babies in all states in the U.S. for at least 30 life-threatening conditions for which effective treatment and reliable testing are available to prevent catastrophic consequences to the child.[44][45]

In 2003, the March of Dimes began releasing an annual, state-by-state report card on each stateâ€™s adoption of expanded newborn screening recommended by the American College of Medical Genetics. March of Dimes president Jennifer L. Howse, Ph.D. has stated that this program is intended to inform parents of the tests available in their state, enabling those with affected babies to pursue early treatment.[46]

According to a presentation at the 2005 annual meeting of the American Public Health Association, individual, state-based March of Dimes chapters work with governors, state legislators, health departments, health professionals, and parents to improve state newborn screening programs and to make comprehensive newborn screening programs available to every newborn throughout the country.[47]

In 2005, only 38 percent of infants were born in states that required screening for 21 or more of 29 core conditions recommended by the American College of Medical Genetics; but by 2009, all 50 states and the District of Columbia required screening for 21 or more of these treatable disorders.[48]

The March for Dimes supported the Newborn Screening Saves Lives Reauthorization Act of 2013 (H.R. 1281; 113th Congress), a bill that would amend the Public Health Service Act to reauthorize grant programs and other initiatives to promote expanded screening of newborns and children for heritable disorders.[49] The organization encouraged its supporters to "tell Congress that you support" the bill.[50] The March of Dimes described the bill as reauthorizing "critical federal activities that assist states in improving and expanding their newborn screening programs, supporting parents and provider newborns screening education, and ensuring laboratory quality and surveillance."[50]

The March of Dimes has lobbied the United States' Congress to support the continuation of the State Children's Health Insurance Program (SCHIP) in 2007 and 2009. SCHIP is a program that provides health insurance to 11 million low-income children and pregnant women. March of Dimes partnered with the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) and the National Association of Children's Hospitals (NACH) on the issue.[51][52][53]

The March of Dimes published its Global Report on Birth Defects in 2006, which estimated birth defects' global burden.[54]

In 2009, the March of Dimes partnered with the Department of Reproductive Health and Research of the World Health Organization (RHR/WHO) to publish a white paper on the global and regional toll of preterm birth worldwide. This report, which was the first attempt to identify the global scope of premature births and related infant deaths, found that an estimated 13 million infants worldwide are born premature each year and more than one million of them die in their first month of life.  Further, premature births account for 9.6 percent of total births and for 28 percent of newborn deaths.  The highest rates of premature birth are in Africa, followed by North America (Canada and the United States combined).[55]

Established in 1970, the March for Babies, previously called WalkAmerica,[56] is the largest fundraiser of the year for the March of Dimes, as well as the oldest nationwide charitable walking event.[57] In the decades since, many other organizations have used the walkathon format to help raise money.[58] Funds raised by the event support March of Dimes-sponsored research and other programs to prevent premature birth, birth defects and infant mortality.[59]

According to the March of Dimes, March for Babies is held in more than 900 communities across the nation. Every year, 1 million people—including 20,000 company teams, family teams and national sponsors—participate in the event, which has raised more than $1.8 billion since 1970.[60] The March of Dimes states that seventy-six cents of every dollar raised in March for Babies is spent on research and programs to help prevent premature birth, birth defects and infant mortality.[61]

The first person to walk for the March of Dimes was John Harrison Finger, a textile worker in High Point, North Carolina. In 1948, his daughter came home from school and asked for a donation for the polio fund. Finger replied that he did not have the money but that he would raise some. In what is thought to be the first walkathon in March of Dimes history, Finger walked 32 miles — round trip from High Point to Greensboro — and collected a total of $1,700 in a red wagon he pulled behind him. During his lifetime he walked more than 1,000 miles and raised $15,832 to benefit the charity. The March of Dimes formally created its nationwide WalkAmerica drive in 1971, and Finger was named "Mr. WalkAmerica" in 1983.[62][63]

Once rare in the United States, cases of pertussis (whooping cough) are appearing across the country with greater frequency.[64] To address this issue, the March of Dimes and Sanofi Pasteur launched a national education campaign in 2010 called "Sounds of Pertussis" to raise awareness about the seriousness of pertussis and the need for adult vaccination to prevent infecting babies.[64][65] NASCAR driver Jeff Gordon is a national spokesperson for the campaign.[66] The campaign recently sponsored a song-writing contest called Sound Off About Pertussis, which was won by Maria Bennett with her original song, "Give Pertussis a Whooping."[67]

To combat the States high prematurity levels, in 2007, the March of Dimes, the Johnson & Johnson Pediatric Institute, and the Kentucky Department for Public Health partnered with six Kentucky hospitals to launch “Healthy Babies Are Worth the Wait,” a health promotion and prematurity prevention initiative intended to reduce the rate of preventable preterm births in targeted areas of Kentucky.[68][69] Kentucky was chosen as a pilot due to its predisposition to risk factors such as an elevated preterm birth rate greater than the national average that has been steadily increasing over the past few years, adjustable risk factors including smoking and nutrition, and the commitment and dedication of community leaders. In 2007–2009, the trial programs saw a 6.5% reduction in preterm birth rates.[70] The success of the program in the State of Kentucky led to the development of similar initiatives in New Jersey, Texas, New York, Kansas, and Illinois with upcoming sites in Florida and California.[71]
The primary goal of Healthy Babies Are Worth the Wait is a 15 percent reduction in the rate of singleton (one baby) preterm births in these targeted areas.[72] Program goals include increasing knowledge and education regarding factors that increase the risks of preterm birth. In addition, influencing change in health care settings and creating new advancements in preventing preterm and low-birth-weight births. Other strategic goals include improving access to prenatal services and avoiding early elective deliveries until at least 39 week's gestation.[71] Healthy Babies are Worth the Wait initiative was developed based on five core concepts (the 5 P's): Partnerships and collaborations, Provider initiatives, Patient support, Public engagement, and Progress measurement. Providers should educate patients on the risk factors and prevention methods for preterm births, Women of childbearing age should receive knowledge regarding the challenges of delivering prematurely, and public information regarding the costs of prematurity on society ($26 million annually).[73] With babies born earlier than 37 weeks, the risk of complications rise. Longer NICU stays, respiratory distress, infections, jaundice, low blood sugar, and even stillbirth.[74] Program initiatives and services include Progesterone shots given to women predisposed to another preterm birth, folic acid usage, stress management, and strategies to eliminate cesarean deliveries and inductions before 39 week's gestation unless medically necessary. The program was implemented as a Best Practice in the Association of Maternal & Child Health Programs (AMCHP) in 2015.[75]

The March of Dimes Perinatal Data Center includes the PeriStats Web site, which provides free access to U.S., state, county, and city maternal and infant health data.[76]

Virginia Apgar, M.D., the creator of the Apgar Score, joined the March of Dimes in 1959 and eventually served as vice president for medical affairs.[78]

Animal rights organizations have raised concerns about March of Dimes-funded medical research involving animals.[79] The foundation states it supports the use of non-animal research alternatives wherever possible.

In his book Essentials of Sociology: A Down-to-Earth Approach, sociologist Professor James M. Henslin describes March of Dimes as a bureaucracy that has taken on a life of its own through a classic example of a process called goal displacement.  Faced with redundancy after Jonas Salk discovered the polio vaccine, it adopted a new mission, "fighting birth defects", which was recently changed to a vaguer goal of "breakthrough for babies", rather than disbanding.[80][81]

Charity Navigator, an organization that attempts to quantify the effectiveness of charities, has given the organization a rating of two stars (out of four). This is a merged score that attributes both a Financial as well as Accountability & Transparency rating to a non-profit. As of Fiscal Year 2015, Charity Navigator gives a 60.18 out of 100 score for Financial and a 97.00 out of 100 for Accountability & Transparency.[82] This gives the March of Dimes a merged score of 71.76, leading to their two star status.

Another criticism has been that President Jennifer Howse's compensation is high. In 2011 the March of Dimes 990 reported it was $545,982.[83] In 2012 her compensation was reduced to $526,679.[84] In 2013 her compensation was reduced again to $508,707.[85] In 2014 her salary was reduced a fourth time to $503,692.[86] In a separate Charity Navigator Report entitled 2012 CEO Compensation,[87] they reported that CEO salaries in the Northeast and Pacific West are higher than in other parts of the country. The report also outlines that larger charities compensate their CEO's much better than smaller charities. The median CEO salary in 2012 for $200â€“500 million a year charities is $418,324 (page 6), making Jennifer Howse's compensation about 25% higher than the median.