what is the main train station in milan

Milan Central or Milano Centrale is the main railway station of the city of Milan, Italy and one of the main railway stations in Europe. The station is a terminus and located at the northern end of central Milan. It was officially inaugurated in 1931 to replace the old central station (built 1864), which was a transit station but with a limited number of tracks and space, so could not handle the increased traffic caused by the opening of the Simplon tunnel in 1906.

Milan Central railway station

Milano Centrale has high speed connections to Turin in the west, Venice via Verona in the east and on the north-south mainline to Bologna, Rome, Naples and Salerno. The Simplon and Gotthard railway lines connect Milano Centrale to Bern and Geneva via Domodossola and Zürich via Chiasso in Switzerland.

Destinations of inter-city and regional railways radiate from Milano Centrale to Ventimiglia (border of France), Genova, Turin, Domodossola (border of Swiss Canton of Valais/Wallis), Tirano (border of Swiss Canton of GraubÃ¼nden/Grisons), Bergamo, Verona, Mantova, Bologna and La Spezia.

The Milan suburban railway service, however, does not use Milano Centrale but the other mainline stations: Porta Garibaldi (northwest), Cadorna (west) and Rogoredo (east).

The first Milano Centrale station opened in 1864 in the area now occupied by the Piazza della Repubblica, south of the modern station.[1] It was designed by French architect Louis-Jules Bouchot (1817–1907) and its architectural style was reminiscent of Parisian buildings of that period. The station was designed to replace Porta Tosa station (opened in 1846 as the terminus of the line to Treviglio and eventually Venice) and Porta Nuova station (opened in 1850 as the second terminus on the line to Monza, which was eventually extended to Chiasso) and was interconnected with all lines, either existing or under construction, surrounding Milan. It remained in operation until 30 June 1931, when the current station was opened. There is now no trace of the old station left.

King Victor Emmanuel III of Italy laid the cornerstone of the new station on April 28, 1906, before a blueprint for the station had even been chosen. The last, real, contest for its construction was won in 1912 by architect Ulisse Stacchini, whose design was modeled after Union Station in Washington, DC,[2] and the construction of the new station began. The purported style was an eclectic mix called "Assyrian-Lombard."[3]

Due to the Italian economic crisis during World War I, construction proceeded very slowly, and the project, rather simple at the beginning, kept changing and became more and more complex and majestic. This happened especially when Benito Mussolini became Prime Minister, and wanted the station to represent the power of the Fascist regime.[4] The major changes were the new platform types and the introduction of the great steel canopies by Alberto Fava; 341 m (1,119 ft) long and covering an area of 66,500 square metres (716,000 sq ft).

Construction resumed in earnest in 1925 and on July 1, 1931, the station was officially opened in the presence of Foreign Minister Galeazzo Ciano.

Its façade is 200 metres (660 ft) wide and its vault is 72 metres (236 ft) high, a record when it was built. It has 24 platforms. Each day about 330,000 passengers use the station, totaling about 120 million per year.

The station has no definite architectural style, but is a blend of many different styles, especially Liberty and Art Deco, but not limited to those. It is adorned with numerous sculptures. “The ‘incongruous envelope of stone’ (Attilio Pracchi) of this gigantic and monumental building dominates Piazza Duca d’Aosta.” [5]

On September 25, 2006, officials announced a €100 million project, already in progress, to refurbish the station. Of the total cost, €20 million has been allocated to restore "certain areas of high artistic value" while the remaining €80 million will be used for more general improvements to the station to make it more functional with the current railway services. The project includes moving the ticket office and installing new elevators and escalators for increased accessibility.[6]

There remains unrestored and inaccessible areas to the public within the station including a waiting room with swastikas on the floor designed to receive Hitler.[3]

The station has 24 tracks. Every day about 320,000 passengers pass through the station using about 500 trains, for an annual total of 120 million passengers. The station is served by national and international routes, with both long-distance and regional lines. Daily international destinations include Bern, Lugano, Geneva, Zürich, Paris, Vienna, Barcelona and Munich.[7] The station is also connected to Milan-Malpensa Airport through the Malpensa Express airport train.

The following services call at the station (incomplete):

For regional (Regio) trains to Monza and Como from Milano Centrale, refer to the 'cross-border' services. There is no train service of Milan Suburbano at the Centrale station.

(CH for Switzerland, D for Germany, A for Austria, F for France, MN for Monaco)

On 11 December 2016, Ã–BB will take over Deutsche Bahn's night trains. The Munich-Milan service will be withdrawn.

^ Train connects at Verona with ÖBB EuroNight Rome-Vienna: DB CityNightLine splits into two trains (first half couples with ÖBB Rome-Vienna and leaves for Vienna or Rome; second half continues to Munich or Milan). Vienna-Rome splits into two trains (first half continues to Rome or Vienna; second half couples with DB CityNightLine for Milan or Munich).

After the opening of Gotthard Base Tunnel, train services between Milan and Switzerland will increase in frequency from 11 December 2016. All SBB-CFF-FSS Eurocity will save 35 minutes of total journey time between Bellinzona and Arth-Goldau.

From December 2017, a new cross-border service Milan-Frankfurt (DB-SBB Eurocity) via ZÃ¼rich will be operational.

The station, along with Roma Termini and Firenze Santa Maria Novella, has security gates which prevent access to the platforms without a ticket.

Each platform is usually dedicated to some particular route. The current organization is as follows, although temporary changes may occur.

On the northern side of the railway yard there used to be a loop curve so that trains could turn around and reverse back into the station. The trains could so be displaced from the left side of the station to the right side and vice versa without crossing all the tracks. The tracks on the loop curve are partially broken up.[8]


what is she said by plan b about

"She Said" is the second single from British musician Plan B's second album The Defamation of Strickland Banks â€” a concept album whose songs tell the fictitious tale of a sharp-suited British soul singer who finds fame with bitter-sweet love songs, but then loses everything when he ends up in prison for a crime he didn't commit.[2] The single was released as a digital download and on CD single on 24 February 2010. "She Said" was the sixteenth best selling British single of 2010.

She Said

"She Said" began to receive increasing amounts of radio airplay throughout February and March 2010. BBC Radio 1 and Radio Gibraltar in particular was supportive of the track up until its release. Plan B performed the single on 12 March 2010 edition of Friday Night with Jonathan Ross. He also performed on Conan on 19 April 2011. The song was also featured in the start of the pilot episode of Whitney.

The music video for "She Said" was directed by Daniel Wolfe and shows the soul singer Strickland Banks, played by Plan B, in court following the events of the "Stay Too Long" video. The video also stars actress Vicky McClure as Strickland Banks' girlfriend and Kaya Scodelario as the female lead.

On 4 April 2010, the single debuted on the UK Singles Chart at a current peak of number 3, making She Said, Plan B's most successful single to date. The single remained at number 3 for two consecutive weeks before falling to number 4 on 18 April 2010, where it remained for two weeks. The single then climbed back to the peak of number 3 on 2 May 2010, where it remained for yet another two weeks. On 16 May 2010, the single fell three places to number 6 before falling a further 2 places to number 8 on its eighth week in the Top 10.

The single also debuted on the Irish Singles Chart on 1 April 2010 at number 35, where it remained for two consecutive weeks. On 15 April 2010, the single climbed 15 places to number 20, before climbing a further 8 places to number 12 the following week. The single remained at number 12 for three consecutive weeks before climbing 3 places to number 9 on 13 May 2010, marking Plan B's first Top 10 hit in Ireland. On its second week in the Top 10, the single climbed 7 places to a current peak of number 2.

In January 2011, the single made a return to the UK Top 100, reaching #63 in the first week of the new year.

*sales figures based on certification alone^shipments figures based on certification alone


who is the goddess of love in egypt

Hathor (/ˈhæθɔːr/ or /ˈhæθər/;[2] Egyptian: ḥwt-ḥr; in Greek: Ἅθωρ, meaning "mansion of Horus")[1] is an ancient Egyptian goddess who personified the principles of joy, music, feminine love, and motherhood.[3] She was one of the most important and popular deities throughout the history of ancient Egypt. Hathor was worshipped by royalty and common people alike. In tomb paintings, she is often depicted as "Mistress of the West", welcoming the dead into the next life. In other roles, she was a goddess of music, dance, foreign lands, and fertility. She was believed to assist women in childbirth.[4] She was also believed to be the patron goddess of miners.[5]

Hathor

The cult of Hathor predates the historic period, and the roots of devotion to her are therefore difficult to trace. Though it may be a development of predynastic cults that venerated fertility, and nature in general, represented by cows.[6]

But Hathor has been interpreted as a foreign God to Egypt, by way of the Land of Punt, or the land of Somalis, through the inscriptions of Hatshepsut, and is widely known as the "Lady of Punt"[7][8][9][10]

Hathor is commonly depicted as a cow goddess with horns in which is set a sun disk with Uraeus. Twin feathers are also sometimes shown in later periods as well as a menat necklace. Hathor may be the cow goddess who is depicted from an early date on the Narmer Palette and on a stone urn dating from the 1st dynasty that suggests a role as sky-goddess and a relationship to Horus who, as a sun god, is "housed" in her.[6]

The ancient Egyptians viewed reality as multi-layered, and saw deities who merged while retaining divergent attributes and myths as complementary rather than contradictory.[11] Hathor's relationship with Ra is complicated - she is described as his mother, daughter, and wife (though not necessarily simultaneously,) and like Isis, is at times described as the mother of Horus. She is also associated with Bast.[6]

The cult of Osiris promised eternal life to those deemed morally worthy. Originally, the justified dead became an Osiris regardless of gender, but by early Roman times only men were identified with Osiris, with women being identified with Hathor.[12]

The ancient Greeks, meanwhile, sometimes identified Hathor with the goddess Aphrodite.[13]

Hathor is ambiguously depicted until the fourth dynasty.[14][15] In the historical era Hathor is shown using the imagery of a cow deity. Artifacts from pre-dynastic times depict cow deities using the same symbolism as used in later times for Hathor and Egyptologists speculate that these deities may be one and the same or precursors to Hathor.[16]

A cow deity appears on the belt of the King on the Narmer Palette dated to the pre-dynastic era, and this may be Hathor or, in another guise, the goddess Bat with whom she is linked and later supplanted. At times they are regarded as one and the same goddess, though likely having separate origins, and reflections of the same divine concept. The evidence pointing to the deity being Hathor in particular is based on a passage from the Pyramid texts which states that the King's apron comes from Hathor.[17]

A stone urn recovered from Hierakonpolis and dated to the first dynasty has on its rim the face of a cow deity with stars on its ears and horns that may relate to Hathor's, or Bat's, role as a sky-goddess. Another artifact from the first dynasty shows a cow lying down on an ivory engraving with the inscription "Hathor in the Marshes" indicating her association with vegetation and the papyrus marsh in particular. From the Old Kingdom she was also called Lady of the Sycamore in her capacity as a tree deity.[6]

Hathor had a complex relationship with Ra. At times she is the eye of Ra and considered his daughter, but she is also considered Ra's mother. She absorbed this role from another cow goddess Mehet-Weret ("Great flood") who was the mother of Ra in a creation myth and carried him between her horns. As a mother she gave birth to Ra each morning on the eastern horizon and as wife she conceives through union with him each day.[6]

Hathor's maternal nature stems in part from the myth The Contendings of Horus and Seth. In the story, Hathor found Horus after being blinded by his brother, Seth. She then used a gazelle's milk to return Horus' sight. In other texts, however, she was said to have nursed Horus herself in place of taking the milk of a gazelle. Hathor was often depicted in cow form nursing pharaohs in reference to this myth. [18]

Hathor has also been linked to cats, especially within New Kingdom Egypt. Often, Ra was depicted as “The Great Cat”, a large cat which fought and killed one of the Sun God’s rivals, Apep. However, other texts suggest that gods closely associated with Ra, including Hathor herself, assumed this role. Hathor was also associated with Tefnut, who was also depicted as the Eye of Ra at times, as well as a lioness and the “Distant Goddess”. In the “Distant Goddess” myth, Tefnut takes the form of a lioness, as well as a cat in other translations. She is sought out in the desert and convinced to return to Egypt, where she transforms into Hathor once back. [19]

Hathor, along with the goddess Nut, was associated with the Milky Way during the third millennium B.C. when, during the fall and spring equinoxes, the Milky Way aligned over and touched the earth where the sun rose and fell.[20] The four legs of the celestial cow represented by Nut or Hathor could, in one account, be seen as the pillars on which the sky was supported with the stars on their bellies constituting the Milky Way on which the solar barque of Ra, representing the sun, sailed.[21]

The Milky Way was seen as a waterway in the heavens, sailed upon by both the sun deity and the moon, leading the ancient Egyptians to describe it as The Nile in the Sky.[22]

Hathor also was favoured as a protector in desert regions (see Serabit el-Khadim). As Serabit el-Khadim was where turquoise was mined, Hathor's titles included "Lady of Turquoise", "Mistress of Turquoise", and "Lady of Turquoise Country".[23]

Hathor was also associated with the afterlife. Due to her maternal nature, she was believed to greet the souls of the dead, sometimes offering refreshments to help them reach the afterlife, and many would pray to her for prosperity once passing on. Depictions of Hathor guiding rulers into the afterlife exist, but some scholars believe that lower-class Egyptians would also seek her favor, suggesting she would help any who were worthy. [24]

Hathor also became associated with the menat, the turquoise musical necklace often worn by women. A hymn to Hathor says:

Hathor was depicted as Nebethetepet in Heliopolis (Ancient Egypt). She was associated with the sun-god Atum. Her name means mistress of the offering.[25]

Hathor was often invoked for successful pregnancies. Being the Goddess of Fertility, many would pray to her and leave offerings of fruits and wooden phalli. Small statuettes similar to venus figurines were also found left at some of Hathor’s temples, although excavators and historians differ on what these could have represented. Some believed they were fertility statues left to gain the goddess’s favor, while others have suggested they served as children’s dolls.[26]

Hathor was also associated with drunkenness and revelry, which was often a characteristic of her festivals. [27] [28] Hathor's priestesses would often travel around town, singing and dancing while giving civilians her blessing. [29]

There is some debate over the difference between Hathor in Dendera and Mistress of the Sycamore Shrine Hathor. Some scholars believe that there were differences in worshipping the two Hathors, while others believe this is a matter of local cults using different terms for the same goddess.[30]

As Hathor's cult developed from prehistoric cow cults it is not possible to say conclusively where devotion to her first took place. Dendera in Upper Egypt was a significant early site where she was worshiped as "Mistress of Dendera". From the Old Kingdom era she had cult sites in Meir and Kusae with the Giza-Saqqara area perhaps being the centre of devotion. At the start of the first Intermediate period Dendera appears to have become the main cult site where she was considered to be the mother as well as the consort of "Horus of Edfu". Deir el-Bahri, on the west bank of Thebes, was also an important site of Hathor that developed from a pre-existing cow cult.[6]

Temples (and chapels) dedicated to Hathor:

The Book of the Heavenly Cow states that while Ra was ruling the earth, humans began plotting against him. Ra sent Hathor, in the form of the warlike goddess Sekhmet, to destroy them. Hathor (as Sekhmet) became bloodthirsty and the slaughter was great because she could not be stopped. As the slaughter continued, Ra saw the chaos down below and decided to stop the blood-thirsty goddess. So he poured huge quantities of blood-coloured beer on the ground to trick Sekhmet. She drank so much of it—thinking it to be blood—that she became drunk and returned to her former gentle self as Hathor.

Hathor was worshipped in Canaan in the eleventh century BC.

A major temple to Hathor was constructed by Seti II at the copper mines at Timna in Edomite Seir. Serabit el-Khadim (Arabic: سرابيط الخادم, also transliterated Serabit el-Khadem) is a locality in the south-west Sinai Peninsula where turquoise was mined extensively in antiquity, mainly by the ancient Egyptians. Archaeological excavation, initially by Sir Flinders Petrie, revealed the ancient mining camps and a long-lived temple of Hathor. The Greeks, who became rulers of Egypt for three hundred years before the Roman domination in 31 BC, equated Hathor with their own goddess of love and beauty, Aphrodite.

Temple of Hathor, Dendera

Temple of Hathor, Dendera

Temple of Hathor, Dendera

Temple of Hathor, Dendera

Temple of Hathor, Dendera

Temple of Hathor, Dendera

Temple of Hathor, Dendera

Bes at the Temple of Hathor, Dendera

Miniature stea. It shows 2 reliefs of ears and incised hieroglyphs. The title or epithet of the "Lady of Dendera" as well as the names of Taweret and Hathor appear. From Egypt, Ramesside period. The British Museum, London


the oc when do ryan and marissa get together

Ryan Atwood is Marissa's second boyfriend on The O.C. Although extremely on-and-off-again throughout the show’s course - their relationship originated as a platonic friendship in the pilot episode, which later escalated into romantic feelings. By the 10th episode of the first season, the couple officially began their romantic relationship. The beginning of this relationship sees its first end when Marissa feels that Ryan has overreacted to Marissa and Oliver Trask’s friendship. The second course of Marissa and Ryan’s relationship fails because of Theresa Diaz and Ryan’s illegitimate child together, whom Ryan agrees to help raise – returning to Theresa’s arms and leaving Marissa to return to her alcoholic behavior. The third attempt of Marissa and Ryan’s relationship terminates after the suicide of Johnny Harper where they struggle to mourn him and need a break from each other. The couple’s last attempt at a relationship ends when Marissa is killed by a drunken Kevin Volchok who sends Ryan and Marissa's carr off the road, sending her to her death.[12]

Marissa Cooper

Marissa Cooper is a fictional character on the FOX television series The O.C., portrayed by Mischa Barton. Marissa was among the original "core four" characters on The O.C. She is a privileged California native born into a wealthy family, residing next to the Cohen family's house. Throughout The O.C.'s storyline, Marissa is introduced to new characters who influence her perspective on life and her personality.

Marissa Cooper is characterized as the privileged yet troubled girl next door. Her designer-label-packed wardrobe masks her turbulent mood swings and hard-partying ways. Although Marissa is tall, thin and pretty, she is not much else. She is afforded all the privileges of a Newport Beach lifestyle, yet she fails to show any interest or engagement with the world around her. Like many of her peers, she is emotionally distant from her mother and becomes disillusioned with her mother's materialistic ways. As a result, she, like her sister Kaitlin, often rebelled against her mother. She is closer to her father, whom she stated was the "last thing keeping [her] sane"[1] through the tumult of the first two seasons. Throughout the series, Marissa is rarely shown participating in clubs and organizations. The only interests she demonstrates with any regularity are romance and risky behavior, which in her case often go together.[2]

Marissa's risky behavior was a factor in her on-off relationship with Ryan Atwood. For example, during Ryan's first Christmas in Newport Beach, he was furious to find her drunk due to his painful experiences as the child of alcoholic parents but she did not understand his aversion to alcohol and thought that he was overreacting.[3]

Marissa is introduced as a rich, beautiful socialite in Newport Beach, California, whose family (mother Julie, father Jimmy, and younger sister Kaitlin) go through dramatic changes over the seasons. She is a troubled person before the series begins, with a history of substance abuse and rebellious behavior. This is evident from a scene in the pilot where she is left on her front door by her friends, passed out from drinking. The backstory on her friendship with Summer Roberts showcases it as a powerful bond, forged during second grade. One of her deepest connections, the friendship is a central element on the show for three seasons. The show significantly focuses on Marissa's on-and-off again relationship with Ryan Atwood

Marissa's sexuality has been debated by viewers of the series. When she hooked up with bad girl Alex Kelly, the two entering into a romantic relationship, her heterosexual identity became the source of speculation. Fans questioned whether Marissa was actually bisexual or just bi-curious. The question became one of the top queries that viewers wanted The O.C. creator Josh Schwartz to answer.[4]

Others cited Marissa's relationship with Alex as a cynical sweeps attempt, noting the timing at which Marissa "just happened" to be romantically attracted to a woman. Critic L. Brent Bozell III especially elaborated on this.[5] The New York Post attributed the relationship to a ratings ploy as well, stating that the ratings for the show that year were "solid" but had not "exactly been through the roof and a lesbian storyline — or at least a main character experimenting sexually with someone of the same sex — could help matters".[6]

Schwartz insisted that the relationship between Marissa and Alex was not a ratings stunt, and that Marissa developed real feelings for Alex.[7] Sarah Warn of AfterEllen.com said that despite Schwartz's statements, "Marissa's predominantly heterosexual past, the huge fan support for the Marissa and Ryan (Benjamin McKenzie) pairing, and the controversy The O.C. would court by making one of its principal characters bisexual, it's likely that her'real feelings' for Alex will only last a few episodes."[7] Within the series, Marissa refers casually to Alex as her ex-girlfriend.

Marissa's sexual orientation, other than her known heterosexual identity, was never confirmed by the series, and was reported to be "Marissa just experimenting with the fairer sex and not committing to a full-on romantic, sapphic relationship."[6] The executives did, however, cite her relationship with Alex as an important one, and one that was successful with viewers.

Schwartz said that the network was "nervous" about the storyline and wanted it "wrapped up as fast as humanly possible and Alex moving on out of the OC."[8]

The decision to kill Barton's character came from the producers.[9] Josh Schwartz relays that it was entirely a creative decision: "It had as much to do with creatively feeling like this was always in the cards for this character and she was an inherently tragic heroine, and part of the Ryan/Marissa story was him trying to save her from a fate that she couldn't be rescued from."[10] Commenting on her character's death, Barton said: "My character has been through so, so much and there's really nothing more left for her to do."[11] She added, "I was really excited that I get to die, to be honest. [...] It was better than one of those lame farewells."[9]

Marissa's father is caught committing fraud and eventually files for bankruptcy. The first episode sees sparks form between Marissa and Ryan Atwood. "Who are you?" asks Marissa. "Whoever you want me to be," replies Ryan. Luke Ward, Marissa's long-term boyfriend, shows animosity towards Ryan from the moment he steps foot into Orange County. Soon after, on a vacation to Tijuana with Ryan, Seth Cohen and best friend Summer Roberts, Marissa discovers that her parents are separating. In the aftermath, she catches Luke cheating on her with one of her best friends, Holly Fischer. Marissa then separates from her friends and overdoses on pain killers. Ryan finds her unconscious in an alleyway in Tijuana and summons help just in time. After this, Marissa battles with her mother, who wants to send her to rehab. She eventually gets through to Julie but has to agree to see a therapist in Newport Beach after she is caught shoplifting. She meets Oliver Trask during her first session, and they soon become good friends, much to Ryan's displeasure.

Throughout the first season, Marissa is involved in an on-again, off-again relationship with Ryan, with the relationship jeopardized by Luke and Oliver. Oliver is initially discovered by Ryan to be mentally unstable and harboring an unhealthy obsession for Marissa. Ryan and Marissa break up because of his interference. Oliver is arrested after he keeps Marissa as a hostage and threatens to kill himself if she does not leave Ryan for good. After Oliver's arrest, Marissa attempts reuniting with Ryan, he refuses and they remain friends.

During this time, her mother is romantically involved with Kirsten Cohen's father, Caleb Nichol. During a brief breakup with Caleb, Marissa's mother has a fling with Luke, which causes Marissa to run away to Chino, California, to Ryan's ex-girlfriend Theresa Diaz's house. This leads to Ryan and Marissa again becoming romantically involved. Marissa uses the affair between Julie and Luke as blackmail to get out of counseling or living with her mother because Julie does not want anyone to find out.

Marissa and Ryan's relationship is strained once more when Theresa comes to Newport Beach towards the end of the season after suffering domestic abuse from her boyfriend Eddie. Theresa reveals to Marissa that she is pregnant and does not know whether the baby's father is Ryan or Eddie. In the season finale, Ryan leaves Marissa to move back to Chino and help Theresa raise the baby. Marissa moves into Caleb Nichol's home after he and her mother marry in the season finale. Marissa's grief over Ryan's departure makes her turn back to alcohol.

During the second season, Marissa struggles with alcohol and depression, caused largely by Ryan's departure from her life. When Ryan returns, it looks as though they may have rekindled their relationship, but after finding out about her relationship with D.J., the "yard guy", Ryan decides that they should just be friends, which they remain throughout most of the season. Marissa's relationships in the interim period seem somewhat specifically chosen to take stabs at her motherâ€”first with D.J. and then a same-sex relationship with Alex Kelly. Her relationship with her parents sinks to an all-time low when she discovers that they were back together again. At Jimmy's farewell party, she confronts her parents in public and loudly calls Julie a whore and herself "the daughter of a thief and a slut".[1]

Towards the end of the season, Marissa gets back together with Ryan and becomes friends with his brother, Trey, who was recently let out of jail. After Trey takes cocaine, he tries to rape Marissa. Marissa does not want to tell Ryan because she did not want him to worry, and Trey does not want her to tell him because he and Ryan were getting along again. Marissa breaks down and tells Summer, who tells Seth. Seth was initially reluctant to tell his foster brother, knowing Ryan's volatile temperament and tendency to physically lash out when it came to people he cared about. When Ryan finds out, he and Trey get into an extremely violent fist fight at Trey's apartment. The scene ends with Marissa shooting Trey in order to save Ryan, who was pinned on the floor.

As the series' third season opens, Marissa is under investigation regarding the shooting of Trey Atwood, who is in a coma as a result of the wound. When he awakens, Julie threatens to smother Trey if he does not tell the authority that Ryan shot him, in order to keep Marissa out of trouble. Marissa finds out and convinces Trey to tell the truth. Ryan is let free, and Marissa faces no legal liability as she was defending another person's life using proportional force in the circumstances.

Despite a lack of legal repercussions, the event results in Marissa's expulsion from the prestigious Harbor School, as it is cited along with her past of flagrant shoplifting and substance abuse. Following her expulsion, she attends the local public school Newport Union and has difficulty fitting in. She befriends one of her schoolmates, a local surfer named Johnny Harper. Johnny causes rifts in her relationship with Ryan, who ironically befriends Johnny due to their similar backgrounds, initially because Marissa feels she cannot talk to Ryan about what happened with Trey and later because Johnny falls in love with her. She is readmitted to Harbor after a campaign led by Ryan, Seth, Summer, and Marissa's former rival for power at Harbor, Taylor Townsend. Marissa confirms her commitment to Ryan and writes Johnny a letter saying that while he is her friend and she cares for him, she will never love him. This results in Johnny falling to his death from a cliff after a drinking binge, and the tragedy causes Ryan and Marissa's final breakup.

In the wake of Johnny's death, Marissa struggles to find closure, as well as her own place and purpose in Newport Beach. She develops a relationship with Kevin Volchok after she and Ryan break up, which causes her to go back to her rebellious ways. She begins to abuse alcohol again and tries cocaine. Marissa distances herself from Ryan, Summer, and Seth and becomes argumentative again with her mother. After some time, she comes to her senses and decides to leave Kevin. But when she finds him watching The Sound of Music, she realizes he has a sensitive side and decides she may be able to have a relationship with him. During their senior prom, though, she catches him cheating on her and breaks things off.

In the season finale, Marissa receives a letter from her father inviting her to live for a year on a boat with him in Greece, and she accepts. The day she graduates from Harbor along with her friends Summer, Ryan, Seth, and Taylor, Kevin begins calling her and asks to see her, but she declines. Marissa pays Kevin to get out of town and to leave her and Ryan alone. She says her goodbyes to her family and friends and prepares to leave for Greece. After their time together, Ryan drives her to the airport. On the way to the airport, a drunken Kevin begins hitting their car, causing them to go off the road.

The car flips over several times and lands upside down on another street. Marissa is unconscious, but Ryan pulls her out of the car, which begins to drip gasoline. Ryan takes Marissa into his arms and away from the car as it explodes. He tells her that he will need to go get help, but knowing that nothing can be done, she asks him to stay. After a few moments of looking into each other's eyes, she dies while in Ryan's arms.

In "The Avengers," Summer believes she sees Marissa - as a ghost - when she returns to the adjoining bedrooms they shared together for the first time since Marissa's death. This causes Summer to fast track her trip back to Brown and leave Newport Beach. Moreover, many characters throughout Season 4 catch glimpses of Marissa, whether they be similar-looking girls in passing or a ghostly imagination of Marissa while reminiscing about her in a familiar place.

Marissa's death has a significant impact on the fourth season, as various characters, particularly her mother Julie and Ryan, struggle to deal with their grief over her death. In the episode "The Cold Turkey", Julie decides that it was time to move on after learning that Volchok turned himself over to the police and had been arrested. Later in the episode, during Thanksgiving dinner, Ryan reminisces to Julie about the first time he saw Marissa out on the driveway and thought that "she was really hot". Marissa's death is most explicitly examined in the episode "The Chrismukk-huh?" where Ryan and Taylor Townsend, both in comas, enter into an alternate universe where he has never moved to Newport Beach, and the lives of most major characters are completely changed.

While trying to find out what is happening in this reality, Taylor stumbles into Marissa's bedroom. She surprises Julie's maid, who tells Taylor that "Miss Cooper's" plane arrives at 3 o'clock from Berkeley. Taylor then sees a photograph of Marissa and Julie on her desk, which leads her to believe that Marissa is still alive in this alternate universe.

After Taylor tells Ryan the news, he immediately wants to go to the airport to see Marissa. Taylor does not want him to in fear that Ryan, who is still recovering from Marissa's death, would be willing to spend the rest of his life in a coma if he could be with Marissa. At the airport, Ryan catches a glimpse of a girl with a pink Berkeley sweatshirt tied around her waist. The sweatshirt resembles the one worn by Marissa in "The Day After Tomorrow." Ryan grabs her shoulder and realizes that it is not Marissa, but her sister, Kaitlin. Kaitlin then explains to Ryan that her sister died three years ago in an overdose in Tijuana (a parallel of her non-fatal overdose in the episode "The Escape").

Ryan then returns to Newport Beach, realizing that he can never be with Marissa again, alternate universe or not. At first, Ryan and Taylor believe they need to restore the relationships that existed before Marissa's death in order to wake up. However, it becomes apparent that both Ryan and Taylor need to battle their internal demons instead. For Taylor, her demon is her mother (whom she confronts along with her alternate male self at the Christmas party), and for Ryan, it is getting over Marissa.

Back in the real world, Kirsten finds a letter from Marissa addressed to Ryan but does not read it. She hands it over to Julie, who reads the letter. Marissa wrote that she still loved Ryan, but would be leaving Newport Beach because she knew that it was the best thing to do, so that they could both move on. She stated that when she got back, they might try again, as they would both be older and wiser. The letter is eventually placed right beside Ryan, which allows the letter to be "delivered" to Ryan in the alternate universe.

Ryan then goes to the beach, and upon discovering the letter, reads it. He finally says goodbye to Marissa and exits the alternate universe.

In the final episode, Marissa appears as Ryan's final flashback as he reflects on his life in Newport Beach. As he backs out of the driveway, Ryan remembers seeing Marissa standing on the corner watching as he and Sandy drive away when Ryan thought he was not coming back to Newport Beach (as seen in "The Premiere").

The overall relationship between Marissa and her mother, Julie Cooper, is full of angst, rebellion, misunderstanding and miscommunication. Beginning with the fling between Julie and Marissa's ex-boyfriend Luke Ward, the strain in the two's relationship increases throughout the course of the show. After Marissa’s father Jimmy Cooper and Julie divorce, Julie treats Marissa as second tier to her many wealthy, successful boyfriends and fiancés in an attempt to save her own social and monetary status. The troubled Marissa is then left to deal with her friendship, alcoholic, and depression issue alone, without the help of Julie. The mother-daughter duo move from their home neighboring the Cohens, to Caleb Nichol's home, to a mobile home during their time of financial hardship.

Summer Roberts, Marissa’s best friend, is a girl that Marissa often leans on in both happy and sad times. Marissa’s nickname for Summer, “Sum,” emphasizes the two’s bond. Together, Marissa and Summer are the popular girls at school: Summer the socialite, and Marissa the over-achieving, beautiful girl many long to be. The friendship between Summer and Marissa is further strengthened by the boyfriends they often have: best friends, and “brothers,” Seth Cohen and Ryan Atwood, as many group hang-outs and double dates occur.[12] After every fight between Marissa’s on-and-off-again boyfriend, Ryan, Summer is the first by Marissa’s side – a supportive and comforting friend asking what went wrong. Summer becomes a positive force in Marissa's life. For instance, Summer helps Marissa out of the hospital in episode 8, is open to Marissa's fluid sexuality in episode 24, and has enough faith in Marissa despite her problematic behavior that she buys her a Berkeley sweatshirt in episode 71. Their friendship offers strong signs of female solidarity and is unique in that it is shown as a source of support and a catalyst for empowerment.

Marissa’s first romantic relationship on the show is with water polo player Luke Ward. Their relationship begins prior to the Premiere. Marissa and Luke’s relationship stems back to the fifth grade on a class trip to the Museum of Tolerance. After much hesitation, Marissa decides to lose her virginity to Luke. Issues in Marissa and Luke’s relationship constantly arise, making the viewer question if they really are in love. On a trip to Tijuana, Marissa discovers Luke cheating on her with one of her friends, Holly Fischer, on the dance floor in a club.[12] Marissa breaks up with Luke, who later begins an affair with her mother, Julie Cooper.[13] Luke and Marissa’s tumultuous relationship evolves into a mature friendship by the second season. The two realize that they may not be the most compatible couple but can benefit from each other's friendship and support.

There is controversy surrounding Marissa Cooper’s character and how she is perceived. Some viewers perceived Marissa’s behavior negatively, viewing her as a poor role model at times. Specifically, her behavior had a negative influence on unhealthy consumption of alcohol. Marissa’s use of drugs and alcohol to cope with her mental issues and emotional stress provides a poor influence for the show’s viewers. Marissa is depicted several times drinking alcohol alone behind locked doors. Some viewers did not want to follow in Marissa’s footsteps due to her constant destructive behavior. She became entertaining to watch on television but not someone that viewers wanted to mirror.[14]


what kind of fish are in parker dam

Boating on Parker Lake is limited to non powered and electric powered boats. All boats must be properly registered with any state and have a launching or mooring permit from the Pennsylvania Fish and Boat Commission. The lake is a fishing destination for those in search of largemouth bass, sunfish, and brown bullhead. When the lake freezes in winter it is open to ice fishing and ice skating.[2]

Parker Dam State Park

Parker Dam State Park is a 968-acre (392 ha) Pennsylvania state park in Huston Township, Clearfield County, Pennsylvania in the United States. The park is surrounded by Moshannon State Forest. Parker Dam State park is 17 miles (27 km) north of Clearfield on Pennsylvania Route 153 just off exit 111 of Interstate 80. The park was constructed during the Great Depression by the Civilian Conservation Corps. They built many of the facilities that are in use today at Parker Dam State Park.

The park takes its name from William Parker, who leased lumbering rights from John Otto. Parker built a splash dam on Laurel Run at the site of the present lake. Lumbering began as early as 1794 in Clearfield County, harvesting the white pine and hemlock which covered the mountainsides. The tall white pines fetched a high price in Baltimore for use as masts. Logs were floated all the way to Baltimore by way of the Susquehanna River. Logging picked up in force during the 1850s when the Susquehanna Boom was built across the West Branch Susquehanna River at Williamsport. The boom stopped the floating logs for sorting and cutting at the sawmills. Later, railroads and roads were built by the lumber companies to harvest and distribute the timber. The railroads replaced the floating of the logs down the creeks and into the West Branch. The lumber boom era was not to last, and soon all the trees were gone. Once the trees disappeared, the people were soon to follow. The lumbermen left behind a barren landscape that was devastated by erosion, flooding and wildfires for twenty years. The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania bought the thousands of acres of deforested and burned land. The state began the massive project of reforesting the land. The young men of the Civilian Conservation Corps led the reforestation effort. They also built miles of road, many bridges, cleared streams and built the facilities at Parker Dam State Park.[2]

Parker Dam State Park and the surrounding Moshannon State Forest provides a habitat for a wide variety of wild creatures. There are many warblers and ravens to be seen in the dark coniferous forests. The rarely seen ovenbird and American redstart make their home in the deciduous forest. Turkey, beaver, white-tailed deer, coyotes and foxes can be spotted along the ridges, in the hollows and in the fields of the park. Bobcat, porcupine and elk also make their home in the woods of Parker Dam State Park. Elk are rarely seen in Pennsylvania, but there is a large herd that has thrived in the most remote and wooded parts of Clearfield, Cameron, Elk and Clinton counties.[2]

A tornado struck Clearfield County during the 1985 Barrie tornado outbreak that occurred on May 31 of that year and destroyed a great portion of the forest in Parker Dam State Park. The tornado was reported as an F4 on the Fujita scale with winds in the park of up to 260 M.P.H. At the time of the tornado, not many people were in the park, although a couple of campers and boy scouts were on hand to tell the story of survival. This tornado escaped the news, due to no loss of life and its location. It was the longest-lived tornado of the outbreak that day in the state, staying on the ground for 69 miles, and stretching across the counties of Clearfield, Clinton, and Centre, and was one of four F4 tornadoes to touch down in Pennsylvania that day. The state used this as an opportunity to teach about how forests will regrow if left untouched after a tornado. Mud Run Road dissects the tornado damaged area. The land to the west of the road was left untouched and many large and bare tree trunks are left standing. The fallen trees to the east of the road were salvaged for lumber. The forest is regrowing at different rates on either side of the road, providing a study of the effects of man on reforestation.[2] May 31, 2016 marks the 31st anniversary of the tornado event.

Parker Lake is a 20-acre (8.1Â ha) man made lake in Parker Dam State Park created by the damming of Laurel Run. The camping and picnic areas are located on the shores of the lake. There is a sand beach at Parker Lake that is open from 8:00 am until dusk from Memorial Day until the end of September.[2] Beginning in 2008 lifeguards will not be posted at the beach.[3]

Hunting is permitted on about 526 acres (213Â ha) of Parker Dam State Park. Hunters are expected to follow the rules and regulations of the Pennsylvania Game Commission. The common game species are ruffed grouse, squirrels, turkey, white-tailed deer, and rabbits. The hunting of groundhogs is prohibited.[2]

Parker Dam State Park is the western trailhead of the Quehanna Trail System. This trail is about 75 miles (121Â km) long and meanders its way through the surrounding state forests. The Quehanna Trail connects with the Susquehannock Trail near Sinnemahoning State Park. Backpackers are not permitted to camp overnight at the park. The trails are open to cross-country skiing during the winter months.[2]

Parker Dam State Park holds education workshops in several different fields of study. Environmental education opportunities are available year round through hands-on activities, guided walks and evening programs and lectures. The park also holds educational programs for schools and teachers. Visitors can get a hands on opportunity to explore a maple sugaring operation in March and an apple cider demonstration during October. The park also has a display about the life and times of the members of the Civilian Conservation Corps that did so much to help build Parker Dam State Park.[2][4]

The following state parks are within 30 miles (48Â km) of Parker Dam State Park:[5][6][7]


what is the population of muslim in pakistan

About 97.0% of Pakistanis are Muslims.[3] Pakistan has the second largest number of Muslims in the world after Indonesia.[4][5] The majority are Sunni (75–95%)[6][7][8][9][10] while Shias make up between 5–20%[11][12][13][14][15] and Ahmadis (sometimes considered non-Muslims) are 1–2%.[16]

Islam in Pakistan

Islam is the largest and the state religion of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.[1] Pakistan has been called a "global center for political Islam".[2]

The arrival of the Muslims to the areas of modern-day Pakistan, along with subsequent Muslim dynasties, set the stage for the religious boundaries of South Asia that would lead to the development of the modern state of Pakistan as well as forming the foundation for Islamic rule which quickly spread across much of South Asia. Following the rule of various Islamic empires, including the Ghaznavid Empire, the Ghorid kingdom, and the Delhi Sultanate, the Mughals controlled the region from 1526 until 1739. Many Sufi missionaries from Middle East and Central Asia migrated and settled in South Asia. Sufism in Pakistan plays an important role in the country.

The Delhi Sultanate and later Mughal Empire ruled the northern India region. During the Delhi Sultanate and later Mughal Empire attracted Muslim refugees, nobles, technocrats, bureaucrats, soldiers, traders, scientists, architects, artisans, teachers, poets, artists, theologians and Sufis from the rest of the Muslim world and they migrated and settled in the South Asia. During the reign of Sultan Ghyasuddin Balban (1266-1286) thousands of Central Asian Muslims sought asylum including more than of 15 sovereigns and their nobles due to the Mongol invasion of Khwarezmia and Eastern Iran.

At the court of Sultan Iltemish in Delhi the first wave of these Muslim refugees escaping from the Central Asian genocide perpetrated by the hordes of Genghis Khan, brought administrators from Iran, painters from China, theologians from Samarkand, Nishapur and Bukhara, nobles from Khwarezm, divines and saints from all Muslim lands, craftsmen and men and maidens from every region, doctors adept in Greek medicine, philosophers from everywhere.

After the Battle of Panipat (1526) Mughal Emperor Babur defeated the Lodi dynasty with a diverse array of Muslim soldiers and nobles who were awarded estates and they settled with their families in modern Pakistan.

In 711 CE, when the Umayyad dynasty sent a Muslim Arab army led by Muhammad bin Qasim against the ruler of Sindh, Raja Dahir.

Following the birth of Islam in Arabia in the early 7th century, the Muslim Arabs rose to power and replaced the Zoroastrian Persian Empire as the major power west of India in the mid 7th century. In 711â€“713 AD, Arab armies from the Umayyad caliphate of Damascus conquered Sind and advanced into the present-day southern Punjab, gaining control of Multan, which was later to become a center of the Ismaili sect of Islam.

Hinduism, Buddhism, and Shamanism were the prominent religions in the region until Muslim Arabs and Turks conquered the area during the 7th century AD. Over the centuries migration took place by the population consisting majorly of Hindus and Buddhists.[17] While local Pashtuns brought in Islam, introducing some of the local traditions (albeit altered by Islam) such as Pashtunwali or the Pashtun code of honor.

The Muslim poet-philosopher Sir Allama Muhammad Iqbal first proposed the idea of a Muslim state in northwestern South Asia in his address to the Muslim League at Allahabad in 1930. His proposal referred to the four provinces of Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan, and the NorthWest Frontierâ€”essentially what would become Pakistan. Iqbal's idea gave concrete form to two distinct nations in the South Asia based on religion (Islam and Hinduism) and with different historical backgrounds, social customs, cultures, and social mores.

Islam was thus the basis for the creation and the unification of a separate state. Allama Muhammad Iqbal in 1937, in a letter to Jinnah wrote, "After a long and careful study of Islamic Law I have come to the conclusion that if this system of Law is properly understood and applied, at last the right to subsistence is secured to every body. But the enforcement and development of the Shariat of Islam is impossible in this country without a free Muslim state or states. This has been my honest conviction for many years and I still believe this to be the only way to solve the problem of bread for Muslims as well as to secure a peaceful India."[18]

Three days before the creation of Pakistan, Mohammad Ali Jinnah is reported to have given an inaugural speech in the constituent assembly, where he said, "You will find that in the course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State." This statement of Jinnah is an object of great controversy especially amongst secular Pakistani intellectuals. There is no available audio or video recording of this statement. Moreover, the statement is viewed differently by two major camps. Some Pakistanis try to deduce that secularism is what Jinnah wanted based on his statement. Others claim that the statement is not contrary to Islam's injunctions since all citizens have equal rights in an Islamic state. They also claim that Jinnah never used the word "secular", even though he could have.

Those who argue that Mohammad Ali Jinnah wanted an Islamic Pakistan, base their arguments on Jinnah's own words. He said: "Pakistan is the premier Islamic State and the fifth largest in the world... The constitution of Pakistan has yet to be framed by the Pakistan Constituent Assembly. I do not know what the ultimate shape of this constitution is going to be, but I am sure that it will be of a democratic type, embodying the essential principles of Islam. Today, they are as applicable in actual life as they were 1,300 years ago. Islam and idealism have taught us democracy. It has taught equality of men, justice and fair-play to everybody.’’ (Radio Broadcast to the People of the United States of America, February 1948).

Most Pakistanis would agree that Jinnah certainly did not want a theocracy but a democracy guided by the principles of Islam. At another instance he said, "The great majority of us are Muslims. We follow the teachings of the Prophet Mohammed (may peace be upon him). We are members of the brotherhood of Islam in which all are equal in rights, dignity and self-respect. Consequently, we have a special and a very deep sense of unity. But make no mistake: Pakistan is not a theocracy or anything like it.” (Radio Broadcast to the People of Australia, 1948). About democracy and the role of Islam, Jinnah said, "You have to stand guard over the development and maintenance of Islamic democracy, Islamic social justice and the equality of manhood in your own native soil.”

Pakistan had been created in the name of Islam.[19][20] The idea of Pakistan had received overwhelming popular support among Indian Muslims, especially those in the provinces of British India where Muslims were in a minority such as U.P.[21] The Muslim League leadership, ulama (Islamic clergy) and Jinnah had articulated their vision of Pakistan in terms of an Islamic state.[22] Muhammad Ali Jinnah had developed a close association with the ulama.[23] When Jinnah died, Islamic scholar Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani described Jinnah as the greatest Muslim after the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb and also compared Jinnah's death to the Prophet's passing.[23] Usmani asked Pakistanis to remember Jinnah's message of Unity, Faith and Discipline and work to fulfil his dream:

to create a solid bloc of all Muslim states from Karachi to Ankara, from Pakistan to Morocco. He [Jinnah] wanted to see the Muslims of the world united under the banner of Islam as an effective check against the aggressive designs of their enemies.[23]

The first formal step taken to transform Pakistan into an ideological Islamic state was in March 1949 when the country's first Prime Minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, introduced the Objectives Resolution in the Constituent Assembly.[24] The Objectives Resolution declared that sovereignty over the entire universe belongs to God Almighty.[25] The president of the Muslim League, Chaudhry Khaliquzzaman, announced that Pakistan would bring together all Muslim countries into Islamistan-a pan-Islamic entity.[26] Khaliq believed that Pakistan was only a Muslim state and was not yet an Islamic state, but that it could certainly become an Islamic state after bringing all believers of Islam into a single political unit.[27] Keith Callard, one of the earliest scholars on Pakistani politics, observed that Pakistanis believed in the essential unity of purpose and outlook in the Muslim world:

Pakistan was founded to advance the cause of Muslims. Other Muslims might have been expected to be sympathetic, even enthusiastic. But this assumed that other Muslim states would take the same view of the relation between religion and nationality.[26]

However, Pakistan's pan-Islamist sentiments were not shared by other Muslim governments at the time. Nationalism in other parts of the Muslim world was based on ethnicity, language and culture.[26] Although Muslim governments were unsympathetic with Pakistan's pan-Islamic aspirations, Islamists from all over the world were drawn to Pakistan. Figures such as the Grand Mufti of Palestine, Al-Haj Amin al-Husseini, and leaders of Islamist political movements, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, became frequent visitors to the country.[28] After General Zia-ul-Haq took power in a military coup, Hizb ut-Tahrir (an Islamist group calling for the establishment of a Caliphate) expanded its organisational network and activities in Pakistan. Its founder, Taqi al-Din al-Nabhani, would maintain regular correspondence with Abul Aâ€™la Maududi, the founder of Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), and he also urged Dr Israr Ahmed to continue his work in Pakistan for the establishment of a global caliphate.[29]

Social scientist Nasim Ahmad Jawed conducted a survey in 1969 in pre-divided Pakistan on the type of national identity that was used by educated professional people. He found that over 60% of people in East Pakistan (modern day Bangladesh) professed to have a secular national identity. However, in West Pakistan (current day Pakistan) the same figure professed to have an Islamic and not a secular identity. Furthermore, the same figure in East Pakistan defined their identity in terms of their ethnicity and not Islam. But it was the opposite in West Pakistan where Islam was stated to be more important than ethnicity.[30]

After Pakistan's first ever general elections the 1973 Constitution was created by an elected Parliament.[31] The Constitution declared Pakistan an Islamic Republic and Islam as the state religion. It also stated that all laws would have to be brought into accordance with the injunctions of Islam as laid down in the Quran and Sunnah and that no law repugnant to such injunctions could be enacted.[32] The 1973 Constitution also created certain institutions such as the Shariat Court and the Council of Islamic Ideology to channel the interpretation and application of Islam.[33]

On 5 July 1977, General Zia-ul-Haq led a coup d'état.[34] In the year or two before Zia-ul-Haq's coup, his predecessor, leftist Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, had faced vigorous opposition which was united under the revivalist banner of Nizam-e-Mustafa[35] ("Rule of the prophet"). According to supporters of the movement, establishing an Islamic state based on sharia law would mean a return to the justice and success of the early days of Islam when the Islamic prophet Muhammad ruled the Muslims.[36] In an effort to stem the tide of street Islamisation, Bhutto had also called for it and banned the drinking and selling of wine by Muslims, nightclubs and horse racing.[36][37]

Zia-ul-Haq committed himself to establishing an Islamic state and enforcing sharia law.[36] Zia established separate Shariat judicial courts[33] and court benches[38][39] to judge legal cases using Islamic doctrine.[40] New criminal offences (of adultery, fornication, and types of blasphemy), and new punishments (of whipping, amputation, and stoning to death), were added to Pakistani law. Interest payments for bank accounts were replaced by "profit and loss" payments. Zakat charitable donations became a 2.5% annual tax. School textbooks and libraries were overhauled to remove un-Islamic material.[41] Offices, schools, and factories were required to offer praying space.[42] Zia bolstered the influence of the ulama (Islamic clergy) and the Islamic parties,[40] whilst conservative scholars became fixtures on television.[42] 10,000s of activists from the Jamaat-e-Islami party were appointed to government posts to ensure the continuation of his agenda after his passing.[36][40][43][44] Conservative ulama (Islamic scholars) were added to the Council of Islamic Ideology.[38] Separate electorates for Hindus and Christians were established in 1985 even though Christian and Hindu leaders complained that they felt excluded from the county's political process.[45]

Zia's state sponsored Islamization increased sectarian divisions in Pakistan between Sunnis and Shias and between Deobandis and Barelvis.[46] A solid majority of Barelvis had supported the creation of Pakistan,[47] and Barelvi ulama had also issued fatwas in support of the Pakistan Movement during the 1946 elections,[48][49] but ironically Islamic state politics in Pakistan was mostly in favour of Deobandi (and later Ahl-e-Hadith/Salafi) institutions.[50] This was despite the fact that only a few (although influential) Deobandi clerics had supported the Pakistan Movement.[50] Zia-ul-Haq forged a strong alliance between the military and Deobandi institutions.[50]

Possible motivations for the Islamization programme included Zia's personal piety (most accounts agree that he came from a religious family),[51] desire to gain political allies, to "fulfill Pakistan's raison d'Ãªtre" as a Muslim state, and/or the political need to legitimise what was seen by some Pakistanis as his "repressive, un-representative martial law regime".[52]

According to Shajeel Zaidi a million people attended Zia ul Haq's funeral because he had given them what they wanted: more religion.[53] A PEW opinion poll found that 84% of Pakistanis favoured making Sharia the official law of the land.[54] According to the 2013 Pew Research Center report, the majority of Pakistani Muslims also support the death penalty for those who leave Islam (62%). In contrast, support for the death penalty for those who leave Islam was only 36% in fellow South Asian Muslim country Bangladesh (which shared heritage with Pakistan).[55] A 2010 opinion poll by PEW Research Centre also found that 87% of Pakistanis considered themselves 'Muslims first' rather than a member of their nationality. This was the highest figure amongst all Muslim populations surveyed. In contrast only 67% in Jordan, 59% in Egypt, 51% in Turkey, 36% in Indonesia and 71% in Nigeria considered themselves as 'Muslim first' rather than a member of their own nationality.[56]

At least one observer (Charles Kennedy) has described the range of views on the "appropriate role of Islam" in Pakistan as having "Islamic Modernists" at one end of the spectrum and "Islamic activists" at the other. "Islamic activists" such as much or the ulama (Islamic clerics) and Jamaat-e-Islami (Islamist party), support the expansion of "Islamic law and Islamic practices". "Islamic Modernists" are lukewarm to this expansion and "some may even advocate development along the secularist lines of the West."[57]

Since the 1930s, the Muslim League had been lobbying and pushing its politics for a separate homeland for the Muslims of India, known as Pakistan. After Jinnah died in 1948, Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan's constitutional policies were directed to work on constitution.[58] On 12 March 1949, Prime Minister Ali Khan had the State parliament passing and promulgating the Objectives Resolution, which ultimately declared Islam as state religion of the country.[58] The main objective of Resolution was the "declaration of State's submitting to the democratic faith of Islam and to the sovereignty of God".[58] Such resolution was met with great resistance in the state parliament when Law minister J.N. Mandal resigned from his ministry and gave great criticism to Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan. Politicization of Islam in the country further tighten its support when ultra-conservative Clerics passed a "demand draft", called 'Twenty Two Points' which called for the preparation of constitution according to Objectives Resolution, in 1950.

Until the government of General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, "Islamic activists" were frustrated by the lack of "teeth" to enforce Islamic law in Pakistan's constitution. For example, in the 1956 constitution, the state did not enforce "Islamic moral standards" but "endeavor[ed]" to make them compulsory and to "prevent" prostitution, gambling, consumption of alcoholic liquor, etc. Interest was to be eliminated "as soon as possible".[59][60]

Political Islam or Islamic revivalism/activism in Pakistan was and is associated with right-wing politics, (unlike some countries such as Iran or Lebanon, where Islamist slogans often mention "revolution" and support for the mostazafin against the elite). Influential Islamist leader Abul A'la Maududi, leader of Jamaat-e-Islami, strongly opposed socialism and populism. During the 1970 general elections, the religious conservative and not-so-religious conservative parties participated in the election in direct competition with left-oriented PPP led by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. When the PPP won and initiated a land reform and nationalization program, right wing opposition (PNA) united under the revivalist banner of Nizam-e-Mustafa[61] ("Rule of the prophet"), calling for the establishment of an Islamic state based on sharia law, that according to supporters of the movement would mean a return to the justice and success of the early days of Islam when the Islamic prophet Muhammad ruled the Muslims.[62] In an effort to stem the tide of street Islamisation, Bhutto had also called for Islamisationâ€”banning the drinking and selling of wine by Muslims, nightclubs and horse racing.[62][63]

Bhutto was overthrown in 1977 and later executed by General Zia, who received support (at least at first) from this opposition, including Maududi, and the Jamaat-e-Islami. Zia pursued conservative policies both domestically and in foreign policy where he maintained strict opposition to Soviet Communism.

"Islamisation" was the "primary" policy,[64] or "centerpiece"[65] of the government of General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, the ruler of Pakistan from 1977 until his death in 1988. Zia establishing Hudood Ordinances against fornication and alcohol consumption, strict blasphemy laws, a profit-and-loss banking system, taxation of Zakat, establishment of a Federal Shariat Court and a Shariat Appellate Bench on the Supreme Court, and other policies such as a Ramadan Ordinance banning eating, smoking, and drinking in public places during that month and changing the weekend from Sunday to Friday.

These carried considerably greater implications for women than for men. Islamic activists believed the policies were inadequate, as (for example) interest-bearing saving accounts were not prohibited.

Sufism is a vast term and many Sufi orders exist within Pakistan. Sufism has a strong tradition in Pakistan. After the partition of the Indian subcontinent, it was the Muslim Sufi missionaries who played a pivotal role in converting the millions of native people to Islam. The Muslim Sufi orders already prevalent in the South Asia spread in other parts of Pakistan such as predominantly in the Punjab and to a relatively lesser extent in Sindh. The most notable Muslim Sufi orders in Pakistan are doubtlessly the Qadiriyya, Naqshbandiya, Chishtiya and Suhrawardiyya silsas (Muslim Orders) and they have a large amount of devotees in Pakistan. The tradition of visiting dargahs is still practiced today. Sufis whose shrines receive much national attention are Data Ganj Baksh (Ali Hajweri) in Lahore (ca. 11th century), Sultan Bahoo in Shorkot Jhang, Baha-ud-din Zakariya in Multan and Shahbaz Qalander in Sehwan (ca. 12th century) and Shah Abdul Latif Bhitai in Bhit, Sindh and Rehman Baba in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province. The Urs (death anniversary) of Sufi saints accounts for the largest gathering upon their shrines held annually by the devotees. Although, popular Sufi culture is centered on Thursday night gatherings at shrines and annual festivals which feature Sufi music and dance, certain tariqas such as Sarwari Qadri Order, refrain from such traditions and believe in paying visit to the shrines, making prayers or reciting manqabat. Moreover, contemporary Islamic fundamentalists also criticize the popular tradition of singing, dance and music, which in their view, does not accurately reflect the teachings and practice of the Prophet Mohammad and his companions. There have been terrorist attacks directed at Sufi shrines and festivals, 5 in 2010 that killed 64 people. Presently, the known tariqas in Pakistan have maintained their organisations usually known as tehreeks and have their khanqahs for the dhikr of Allah, as per the old age Sufi tradition.[66][67][68]

According to the CIA World Factbook and Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies, 95-97% of the total population of Pakistan is Muslim.[3] The majority of the Pakistani Muslims belong to the Sunni Hanafi Madhhab (school of jurisprudence[70]). Estimates on the Sunni population in Pakistan ranges from between 75% to 95%.[6][7][8][9][10]

Shia Ithna 'ashariyah are estimated to be 5â€“20% of the country's population.[7][71][14][15] Pakistan, like India, is said to have at least 16 million Shias.[15][72][73] A PEW survey in 2012 found that only 6% of Pakistani Muslims were Shia.[14]

Shias allege discrimination by the Pakistani government since 1948, claiming that Sunnis are given preference in business, official positions and administration of justice.[74] Attacks on Shias increased under the presidency of Zia-ul-Haq,[74] with the first major sectarian riots in Pakistan breaking out in 1983 in Karachi and later spreading to Lahore and Balochistan.[75] Sectarian violence became a recurring feature of the Muharram month every year, with sectarian violence between Sunnis and Shias taking place in 1986 in Parachinar.[75] In one notorious incident, the 1988 Gilgit Massacre, Osama bin Laden-led Sunni tribals assaulted, massacred and raped Shia civilians in Gilgit after being inducted by the Pakistan Army to quell a Shia uprising in Gilgit.[76][77][78][79][80]

Many people on the Makran coast of Balochistan follow the heterodox Zikri sect of Islam. Zikri sect developed within Sunni Hanafis during the 18th century Mahdi movement as a reaction to decline of the Muslim rule and encroaching British colonialism in South Asia. Zikris are now gravitating back towards orthodox Sunni Hanafi beliefs.

Muslims who reject the authority of hadith, known as Quranist, Quraniyoon, or Ahle Quran, are also present in Pakistan.[81] In South Asia during the 19th century, the Ahle Quran movement formed partially in reaction to the Ahle Hadith movement whom they considered to be placing too much emphasis on hadith. Many Ahle Quran adherents were formerly adherents of Ahle Hadith but found themselves incapable of accepting certain hadiths.[82] Notable Quranists of Pakistani descent include Ghulam Ahmed Pervez (founder of Tolu-e-Islam), Asarulislam Syed (founder of the Jannat Pakistan Party), and Shabbir Ahmed.

Roughly twelve per cent of Pakistani Muslims self-describe or have beliefs overlapping with non-denominational Muslims. These Muslims have beliefs that by and large overlap with those of the majority of Muslims and the difference in their prayers are usually non-existent or negligible. Nonetheless, in censuses asking for a clarification on which strand or rite of Muslim faith they most closely align, they usually answer "just a Muslim".[83]

The Ahmadiyya Muslim community, a minority Muslim group is also present. In 1974, the government of Pakistan amended the Constitution of Pakistan to define a Muslim "as a person who believes in finality of Prophet Muhammad" and technically Ahmadis are declared non-Muslims.[84] Ahmadis believe in Muhammad as the best and the last law bearing prophet and Mirza Ghulam Ahmad as the Christ of Muslims. Consequently, they were declared non-Muslims by a parliamentary tribunal. There are approximately 2 million Ahmadi Muslims in the country. This equates to around 1% of the population.[16]

There has been conversion to Islam from the religious minorities of Pakistan. Deen Mohammad Shaikh is a Muslim missionary from Matli in Badin District in Sindh province and has converted over 110,000 Hindus to Islam.[85]

There is no law in Pakistan enforcing hijab and wearing of Hijab by Pakistani women is fairly uncommon.

The Muslim print media has always existed in Pakistan which included newspapers, books and magazines. The Muslim satellite channels are widely available and are watched by Pakistani population.

The Islamiat, study of Islam, as a subject is compulsory for all Muslim students up to Matriculation ( equivalent to Tenth grade) in Pakistan. Islamic education to the masses is also propagated mainly by Islamic schools and literature. Islamic schools (or Madrassas) mostly cater to the youth from impoverished social backgrounds and those learning to be Islamic clerics. More casual and even research oriented material is available in the form of books. While the most prominent of these schools are supervised, the latter are being'moderated' by both the government and some of the scholars, thereby also removing in the process the various material present in it that is used by anti-Muslim writers. Oldest and universally accepted titles such as the Sahih Bukhari have been revised into'summarised' editions and some of the old, complete titles, translated to Urdu, the national language, are not available for purchase now. These changes are also a herald to new outbreaks of religious controversy in the region.

Islamic institutions like the mosque play an active role in philanthropy. In the times of disasters, Islamic religious institutions play a significant role in relief efforts.

The first Mughal Emperor Babur before crossing the Indus River.

Shah Jahan Mosque, Thatta was patronized by the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan.

A painting by Edwin Lord Weeks c. 1889 of the marketplace near Wazir Khan Mosque.


where's the chick-fil-a kickoff game being played

The Chick-fil-A Kickoff Game is an annual college football game played on the opening weekend of the NCAA Division I FBS season in Atlanta, Georgia. The event coincides with Labor Day weekend in the United States. From its inception in 2008 until 2016, the game was held in the Georgia Dome. The Georgia Dome's replacement, Mercedes-Benz Stadium, hosts the game starting in 2017.

Chick-fil-A Kickoff Game

Organizers intended for the game to become a national spotlight game, on par with the Kickoff Classic held in the Meadowlands from 1983â€“2002, and the Disneyland Pigskin Classic in the 1990s. In 2008, ESPN's College Gameday broadcast from Downtown Atlanta, while ESPN corporate sponsors and local Atlanta-based companies featured prominent displays at Fanzones in Atlanta's Centennial Olympic Park.[1]

Payout to each team depends on the amount of revenue gained in excess of the Kickoff's $5.5 million budget. In 2008, Clemson and Alabama were both expected to receive more than $2 million.[1]

The first game, known that year as the Chick-fil-A College Kickoff, was played on August 30, 2008, the opening Saturday of the 2008 season. Alabama defeated Clemson 34â€“10.

Alabama returned to the Chick-fil-A Kickoff for the 2009 game, defeating Virginia Tech to begin the 2009 season.

Auburn and UCLA were initially slated to play in 2010, but Auburn officials later backed out of the offer. ABC attempted to replace Auburn with Georgia Tech, but the switch prompted UCLA to opt out entirely because the game would essentially be a home game for the Atlanta-based Yellow Jackets, with no scheduled return trip to Los Angeles.[2][3] Finally, an agreement was reached in which LSU and North Carolina would match up. The 2010 game also saw the introduction of a trophy awarded to the winner, the Old Leather Helmet.[4]

The 2011 edition was the first Chick-fil-A Kickoff to feature a team that was not a member of the ACC or SEC, the two conferences with tie-ins to the Chick-fil-A Bowl. Boise State of the Mountain West Conference, one of the most successful programs from a non-BCS automatic qualifier conference in recent years, defeated Georgia 35â€“21.

The Chick-fil-A Kickoff consisted of two games in 2012. Tennessee defeated NC State 35–21 on Friday night prior to Clemson defeating Auburn 26–19 in the headliner on Saturday. The dual-game idea was first mentioned in the Miami Herald in May 2010, when Gary Stokan, president of the Chick-Fil-A Bowl, told the newspaper that there was the possibility of having Alabama face Miami in a rematch of the 1993 Sugar Bowl.[5]

The 2013 edition was a rematch of the 2009 game. Alabama, the two-time defending BCS national champions, once again defeated Virginia Tech, this time by a score of 35â€“10.

2014 would again feature two games. Ole Miss defeated Boise State 35–13 in a Thursday night game. Alabama would defeat West Virginia 33–23 in the headliner on Saturday afternoon. It marked the first ever meeting between Alabama and West Virginia in any sport.

The 2015 Chick-fil-A Kickoff Game, which moved to CBS that season, returned to a single game with the ACC's Louisville Cardinals taking on the SEC's Auburn Tigers. Auburn defeated Louisville, 31â€“24.

The 2016 Chick-fil-A Kickoff Game, which moved back to ESPN, featured North Carolina and Georgia, both making their second appearances in the kickoff series. The Bulldogs defeated the Tar Heels 33â€“24 in the final edition of the game played the Georgia Dome.

The 2017 event was the third doubleheader in the series. Alabama defeated Florida State on Saturday evening by a score of 24–7, serving as the Saturday Night Football season opener. Tennessee defeated Georgia Tech 42–41 in double overtime on Monday evening. The two games were the first in the series to be played in the new Mercedes-Benz Stadium in Downtown Atlanta.

Rankings are from the AP Poll.