who has died in the beverly hills hotel

In 1963, the comedy picture Who's Been Sleeping in My Bed?, starring Dean Martin, Elizabeth Montgomery, Jill St. John and Carol Burnett, was shot at the hotel.[15] In the 1970s, John Lennon and Yoko Ono hid out in one of the bungalows for a week. Richard M. Nixon's chief of staff, H.R. Haldeman, and presidential aide John Ehrlichman were eating breakfast in the Polo Lounge when they were informed of the Watergate in 1972.[11] In January, 1976, Peter Finch died of a sudden heart attack while sitting in the hotel lobby. Two months later, he was posthumously awarded the Academy Award for Best Actor for his role as Howard Beale in the film Network. His co-star Faye Dunaway stayed at the hotel after winning the Academy Award for Best Actress for the same film; in one memorable photograph she was seated by the hotel pool lounging back in a chair surrounded by newspapers and her Oscar trophy.[15] The exterior of the hotel was featured on the album cover art of The Eagles's LP "Hotel California" that same year.[4][18] Two years later, California Suite was filmed at the hotel.[6]

The Beverly Hills Hotel

The Beverly Hills Hotel, also called The Beverly Hills Hotel and Bungalows, is located on Sunset Boulevard in Beverly Hills, California. One of the world's best-known hotels,[1][2] it is closely associated with Hollywood film stars, rock stars and celebrities. The hotel has 208 guest rooms and suites, and 23 bungalows, each designed in the peachy pink and green colors which are a trademark of the hotel.

The Beverly Hills Hotel was established in May 1912, before the city's existence. The original owners were Margaret J. Anderson, a wealthy widow, and her son, Stanley S. Anderson, who had been managing the Hollywood Hotel. The original hotel was designed by Pasadena architect Elmer Grey, in the Mediterranean Revival style. From 1928 to 1932, the hotel was owned by the Interstate Company. In 1941, Hernando Courtright, the vice president of the Bank of America, purchased the hotel with friends including Irene Dunne, Loretta Young and Harry Warner. Courtright established the Polo Lounge, which was for many years the premier dining spot in Los Angeles, hosting luminaries such as the Rat Pack, Humphrey Bogart and Marlene Dietrich. Courtright paid for a significant renovation in the late forties, during which the hotel was first painted its famous pink color in 1948, to match that period's country club style. The following year, architect Paul Williams added the Crescent Wing.

The strict resident owner of The Beverly Hills Hotel from 1954 until his death in 1979 was former Detroit real estate magnate Ben L. Silberstein. In 1986, Marvin Davis bought the Hotel from Silberstein's sons-in-law Burt Slatkin and Ivan F. Boesky. On December 30, 1992, the hotel closed for a complete restoration, reopening in 1995. Since 1996 it has been run as part of the Dorchester Collection. In 2012 the hotel was named the first historic landmark in Beverly Hills, and two new Presidential Bungalows were added.

In early 1911, Margaret J. Anderson, a wealthy widow, and her son, Stanley S. Anderson, who had been managing the Hollywood Hotel, ordered the construction of the Beverly Hills Hotel, in close proximity to the Burton Green mansion.[3][4][5] Burton Green, an oil tycoon and real estate developer, President of the Rodeo Land and Water Company, had purchased land in the foothills of the Santa Monica Mountains, which had once been owned by the Mexican government. He had begun building mansions on the land, including his own residence, investing some $500,000, but was having difficulty selling them.[6] He hired Anderson to build a hotel, which he named Beverly Farms, after his home in Massachusetts, believing that it would attract people to the area, billing it as "halfway between Los Angeles and the sea". The Hollywood film industry was taking off at the time and investors were looking to develop the area. A May 11, 1911 edition of The Los Angeles Times announced the news that a "huge Mission-style hotel" was to be built by Anderson, with the motto that "her guests were entitled to the best of everything regardless of cost".[7]

The hotel opened May 12, 1912, before the city's existence.[4][8] Margaret and Stanley took up residence within the hotel grounds. By 1914, Hollywood directors, actors and actresses such as Mary Pickford and Douglas Fairbanks, Charlie Chaplin, Gloria Swanson, Buster Keaton, Rudolph Valentino and Will Rogers had purchased homes in the area, "transforming bean fields surrounding The Beverly Hills Hotel into prime real estate".[6] The city of Beverly Hills was established. The first five bungalows of the hotel were built in 1915.[9] In 1919, Douglas Fairbanks bought a lodge above the hotel, and expanded it with his wife Mary Pickford, which became known as "Pickfair." [9] According to one publication, a star would know they would finally "made it" when they received a dinner invitation from "Pickfair".[10] Gloria Swanson resided in one of the bungalows of the hotel during her divorce.[11]

In 1915, the Andersons donated a portion of the hotel's original grounds to the community of Beverly Hills. It was used to create the community's first public park. Originally known as Sunset Park, it is now Will Rogers Memorial Park.[12] An early tradition was the annual Easter Egg hunt, put on for the children of the guests and employees.[13] Silent film star Harold Lloyd was an early hotel patron, and in 1921 he decided to film a scene at the hotel for A Sailor-Made Man.[14] From 1928 to 1932, the hotel was owned by the Interstate Company. Interstate had to close the hotel during the Great Depression years, although the company leased the bungalows out as rental properties. With Bank of America funding, the hotel reopened in 1932.[15]

During the 1930s, The Beverly Hills Hotel became increasingly popular with Hollywood film stars. Fred Astaire took a shine to the hotel, and enjoyed reading the Daily Variety and The Hollywood Reporter by the pool.[11] Cesar Romero and Carole Lombard were pictured together at the hotel in 1937.[9] In 1938, the Sand and Pool Club was established at the hotel. It proved extremely popular, with white sand imported from Arizona, which made the pool area look like a beach. The following year, it began hosting fashion shows sponsored by local department stores such as Bullock's Wilshire.[15] In 1940, one of the hotel's long-time patrons, Marlene Dietrich, was instrumental in bringing about a change in policy in the Polo Lounge, which had made it compulsory for women to don skirts which she refused to wear.[15]

In 1941, Hernando Courtright, the vice president of the Bank of America, purchased the hotel with friends. Irene Dunne, Loretta Young and Harry Warner also became owners of the hotel as a result of their investment with Courtright.[16] Courtright established the Polo Lounge "in honor of a celebrity band of polo players who toasted victories at the restaurant after matches in the bean fields".[6] In 1942, Howard Hughes bought up half a dozen of the bungalows and lived there on several occasions throughout the decades.[9] The hotel accommodated his eccentricities, including his request for "roast beef sandwiches delivered to a nook in a tree".[11] The Beverly Hills Hotel underwent significant renovation in the late forties when the porte cochere was expanded and painted in stripes. In 1947 Courtright opened the Crystal Room and the Lanai Restaurant, later called The Coterie. The building was first painted its famous pink color in 1948 to match the country club style of the period, and it became known as "The Pink Palace".[9] The following year, architect Paul Williams added the Crescent Wing. The Fountain Coffee Shop also opened at this time.[6]

In 1954, Detroit real estate magnate Ben L. Silberstein bought the hotel for $5.5 million. Courtright later became hotelier at the Beverly Wilshire Hotel.[5] The reputation of the Beverly Hills Hotel, as a leading luxury hotel with glamorous patrons, took off during the 1950s and attracted eminent guests such as the Duke and Duchess of Windsor, Princess Margaret and Lord Snowdon, King Albert of Belgium, the Crown Prince of Monaco and Grace Kelly, John Wayne and Henry Fonda.[6] Elizabeth Taylor, one of the hotel's best known guests, would stay with her numerous husbands in the bungalows, and spent six of her eight honeymoons there.[17] Her father owned an art gallery on the ground floor of the hotel. The Polo Lounge became associated with Frank Sinatra, Dean Martin and the Rat Pack, where they held heavy drinking bouts. In 1956, the pool of the hotel and cabana club was a filming location for Designing Women, starring Gregory Peck and Lauren Bacall. Marilyn Monroe and Yves Montand stayed at the hotel during the production of George Cukor's Let's Make Love.[6] Monroe's favorite bungalow was No. 7.[15] George Hamilton and Rex Harrison enjoyed sunbathing at the hotel; Harrison would sunbathe in the nude in Cabana One, and answer the door wearing "just a handkerchief over his private parts".[11]

Lauren Bacall and Humphrey Bogart

Dean Martin and Frank Sinatra

Owner Ben Silberstein died in 1979, and passed the hotel to his two daughters, Muriel Slatkin and Seema Boesky, wife of stock trader Ivan Boesky. In 1986, Marvin Davis bought the hotel from Silberstein's sons-in-law Burt Slatkin and Ivan Boesky.[19] Boesky had bought the outstanding 5% of stock for a reported fortune and decided to sell, despite Slatkin's desire to keep the hotel. Less than a year later, Davis sold the hotel to the Sultan of Brunei, Hassanal Bolkiah, for $110 million.

On December 30, 1992, the hotel closed for a complete restoration, said to be in the region of $100â€“125 million.[16][17][20] The project lasted two and a half years with the hotel reopening on June 3, 1995, with upgrades to furniture and fittings.[21] The hotel is now managed and owned by the Dorchester Collection, organized in 1996 to manage the hotel interests of the Brunei Investment Agency. The west coast regional director for the Dorchester Collection oversees The Beverly Hills Hotel as well as the Hotel Bel-Air.[22] In 2012, the hotel celebrated its 100-year anniversary and began to remodel its lobby, with the Polo Lounge, pool cabanas and Cabana Cafe, and guest-rooms and suites to be renovated by 2014.[21] The hotel was also named the first historic landmark in Beverly Hills in September 2012.[23]

The Sultan of Brunei's stake in the ownership of the hotel drew controversy in April 2014 when he initiated the first phase of a three-phase plan to adapt Brunei's legal system to include aspects of Sharia law[24] implicating his approval of the persecution of homosexuals in the complex legal system there (a two part system involving separate courts and legislation for Islamic and non-Islamic citizens).[25] In protest, a United States national LGBT advocacy organization, the Gill Action Fund, canceled its reservation to hold a conference of major donors at the Beverly Hills Hotel and demanded a refund of its deposit. The hotel management responded by issuing a statement asserting that it does not discriminate on the basis of sexual orientation.[26][27] Fashion designers Brian Atwood and Peter Som subsequently called for wider protests, urging the fashion industry to boycott all of the hotels owned by the Dorchester Collection.[28]

Meanwhile, the boycott had attracted support from Sir Richard Branson of Virgin Group, as well as numerous Hollywood executives and stars, including Jay Leno and Ellen DeGeneres.[4][29] In addition, a string of organizations joined the boycott, cancelling reservations to hold conferences and other high-profile events at the establishment; travel industry firms likewise signed on to a boycott of all Dorchester Collection hotels.[29][30] Others, including Russell Crowe and Kim Kardashian, have spoken out against the boycott. Crowe stated that despite his disapproval of the new laws in Brunei, it is unfair to punish the hardworking employees of the hotel.[31] Similarly, Kardashian published a blog post voicing her criticism of the boycott and expressing her sympathies for the hotel workers.[32] HR Magazine said that the protests are "misguided" and will not affect the government policy of Brunei when the Dorchester Collection's annual revenue is $300 million while the BIA has over $30 billion in assets from oil and gas.[33]

By May 2014, the Beverly Hills City Council passed a resolution urging the Sultan of Brunei to sell the Beverly Hills Hotel.[34][35][36] Lili Bosse, the mayor of Beverly Hills at the time, welcomed the resolution and added that she had made a "personal decision" not to return to the hotel until the situation had been solved.[34][37] The decision was lauded by Rabbi Laura Geller of Temple Emanuel, where Bosse is a congregant.[38] By then the Jewish Journal reported that "more than $2 million worth of events have been canceled at the Beverly Hills Hotel by dozens of groups."[39] Dorchester Collection Chief Executive Officer Christopher Cowdray then responded to the controversy by asking the public to consider the issue at hand in a broader perspective, citing the fact that many brands are backed by foreign investors.[21] Sharia law exists alongside other normative systems and has been adopted by many other Muslim countries,[40] including Saudi Arabia which has major investments in the American hospitality industry, including the Four Seasons and Fairmont hotel chains.[21][24] Adweek declared that "the bad press and protests have tarnished the glamorous image of the Beverly Hills Hotel, one of the most famous hotels in the world" and added that "such extreme brand damage will be difficult to repair".[29]

Judith Kirkwood of Orange Coast Magazine has stated that "The Beverly Hills Hotel is such an icon that my friend, Gretchen, and I wondered if it was a mirage when the taxi pulled up in the porte cochere and deposited us on a red carpet, but realized that it was "more like a peachy pink dream dusted with gold — and green and white striped accents".[17] The original main building of The Beverly Hills Hotel was designed by Pasadena architect Elmer Grey, in the Mediterranean Revival style. Built on a prominence above the main road below, it resembled a white colonial palatial mansion or mission, with verandas and arches fitted with wicker furniture,[12] and at the time was set in the countryside. High above the main entrance are three domes; two flanking the center which are smaller and lower in height, with flags hoisted on them. A trolley-stop pavilion was situated on the western side.[41] The iconic signage and the addition were designed by architect Paul Williams.

The extensive gardens, covering 12 acres (4.9Â ha), were designed by landscape architect Wilbur David Cook. They contain bougainvillea, banana plants, hibiscus and other tropical flora.[11] Svend Petersen, the Danish-American pool manager at the hotel for forty-two years, became a Hotel Ambassador in 2002.[42] He had notably opened up the pool after hours for The Beatles and taught Faye Dunaway to swim a 1940s freestyle crawl for her appearance in the film Mommie Dearest.[42]

The Sunroom of the hotel, containing Californian craftsman furniture, provides vistas of the Pacific Ocean. A room, known as the Crystal Room, was allocated for small private dinner parties.[43] The principal dining room could accommodate up to 500 people. The Children's dining room, which became the El Jardin Restaurant, is now the iconic Polo Lounge.[44] The Polo Lounge was seen as the premier power dining spot in all of Los Angeles. The lounge was renovated in 1974, and given a softer design with table lamps and flowers.[15] It is fashioned in peachy pink with dark green booths, each featuring a plug-in phone. The photograph behind the bar depicts Will Rogers and Darryl F. Zanuck, two lounge regulars, playing polo. The menu offers a classic Neil McCarthy salad, named after the polo-playing millionaire. The hotel has its own bakery and herb garden, makes its own vinegar and smokes meats. The chef in 2003 was Katsuo Sugiura, who cooked "oak-grilled food with an Asian flair".[17] In 2007, one large suite was converted into the Bar Nineteen12.[15] The fireplace in the hotel's lobby has a fire going every day of the year.[45]

A new wing was added to the east side of the main building in the late 1940s. The "Crescent Wing," as it became known, features mature plantings on the balconies.[15]

Each of the rooms has its own balcony and is designed in the Beverly Hills Hotel colors of peachy pinks and greens, apricots and yellows. Several of the more expensive rooms have private patios, Jacuzzis and their own kitchens.[46]

Five bungalows were originally added to the gardens in 1915 to provide for families who could return each year with their own staff. [47] As of 2015, the hotel has 23 bungalows set out across the gardens. Bungalows 14-21 are known as "Bachelor's Row", due to their association with film stars and their affairs, including Warren Beatty and Orson Welles.[11] In 1990, a private pool and Jacuzzi were added to Bungalow No. 5 to accommodate businessman Walter Annenberg.[15] No.5 had been a favorite of Elizabeth Taylor and Richard Burton who had "a standing room service order for two bottles of vodka at breakfast, and two more at lunch".[11] Taylor also liked No.3, where she stayed during her marriage to Eddie Fisher. Marilyn Monroe favored No. 1 and No. 7. No.1, the most secluded of the bungalows, features an interior described by CNN as "creamy, lush and traditional, decorated in the manner of one's wealthy grandparents". No. 7 has become known as "the "Norma Jean".[11] Dietrich ordered a 7 feet (2.1 m) by 8 feet (2.4 m) bed added to No. 10, the bungalow where John Lennon and Yoko Ono stayed in the 1970s.[11] In 2011 two Presidential Bungalows were established, replacing the tennis courts,[46] with each containing three bedrooms and a private swimming pool and shower.[15]

Howard Hughes permanently kept a bungalow at the hotel, however it was a secret whether he was on the premises or not. Often the only person who knew Hughes was at the Beverly Hills was the hotel's chef. Hughes would awaken him in the middle of the night to prepare food for him.[48] It has been alleged that several of the bungalows are haunted. Guests have reported hearing what is believed to be Harpo Marx playing the harp, and seeing an apparition of Sergei Rachmaninoff.[49]

Main floor plan

Upper floor plan

The hotel in 1913


the advocate general of a state in india is appointed by

In India, an advocate general is a legal advisor to a state government. The post is created by the Constitution of India and corresponds to that of Attorney General of India at the federal or central or union government level.
The Governor of each state shall appoint a person who is qualified to be appointed judges of highcourt.
Appointed to article -165

Advocate General

An advocate general is a senior officer of the law. In some common law and hybrid jurisdictions the officer performs the function of a legal advisor to the government, analogous to attorneys general in other common law and hybrid jurisdictions. By contrast, in the European Union and some continental European jurisdictions, the officer is a neutral legal advisor to the courts.

List of Advocates General

In Pakistan an advocate general of the Province of the Punjab is a constitutional post and is an authority duly appointed under Article 140 of the Constitution of Islamic Republic of Pakistan. A person who is qualified to be appointed as a Judge of the High Court is appointed as the Advocate General for the province. He is the principal law officer of the Province.

The Advocate General and his office defends and protects the interest of the provincial government and gives invaluable legal guidance to the provincial government in formulation of its policy and execution of its decision.Advocate-General of the Punjab is also Ex Officio Chairman of Punjab Bar Council.

The office of the Advocate General is directly connected with the High Court of the province. Pre-independence (1947) the High Court of judicature for the premises of Punjab and Delhi was established at Lahore and was called the High Court of Judicature at Lahore. After independence of Pakistan, the High Court at Lahore ceased to have jurisdiction over Delhi and the then East Punjab. On 14 August 1947 the High Court (Lahore) Order, 1947, preserved the continuance of the High Court at Lahore with all rights, powers and privileges as hitherto enjoyed and possessed by it before the appointed day. The Governor-General of the Dominion of Pakistan became the substitute of the Crown in matters of appointment etc. of Judges of the Lahore High Court.

The concept of "advocate general" fits less comfortably into a common law system than a civil law system; and England, the archetypal common law jurisdiction, has no such officer, nor is there any equivalent person to address and advise any court.

However, England does have an Attorney General, who serves one of the Law Officers of the Crown and whose duty is to advise the Crown and Cabinet on the law.  His deputy is the  Solicitor General, who serves the same function.

Historically, the United Kingdom Government was advised on matters of Scots Law by the Lord Advocate but following the Scotland Act 1998 and the establishment of the Scottish Parliament the Lord Advocate became a member of the Scottish Executive.

It was necessary to create a post to advise the British Government in Westminster.  Thus, the new post of Advocate General for Scotland was created.  The Advocate General's role differs from that formerly held by the Lord Advocate in that they are only charged with advising the UK Government on matters pertaining to Scots law, the Lord Advocate having retained his responsibility as the chief public prosecutor in Scotland and head of the Crown Office and Procurator Fiscal Service on his transfer to the Scottish Executive.

The position of Advocate General for Northern Ireland was created following the devolution of policing and justice powers to the Northern Ireland Assembly on 12 April 2010. The Attorney General for Northern Ireland reports to the Northern Ireland Executive, and, accordingly, the Advocate General advises the UK Government on matters of Northern Ireland law.  The post is held by the Attorney General for England and Wales by virtue of office.[1]

The position of Advocate General is well established in the French, Dutch, and some other continental European legal systems, where higher courts are assisted by these legal officers. They are not advocates representing clients in courts. They are not judges either, although they are full members of the courts. They mainly offer legal advice to judges on the cases being tried. They may also have a prosecution role, depending on countries and on the nature of cases (criminal or civil).

The position of Advocate General (avocat général) already existed in the French legal system before the French Revolution, when they were found in the then higher courts (parlements, cours des aides, etc.) and proposed legal solutions to the judges in cases involving the State, the Church, the general public, communities, or minors. Since the French Revolution, they are found in the Supreme Court, the Court of Audit, the Courts of Appeal, and the Assize Courts. They have more of a prosecution role than before the French Revolution, especially in the Assize Courts, in which people accused of felonies are tried.

The Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) has one judge from each Member State, assisted by eleven Advocates General whose role is to consider the written and oral submissions to the Court in every case that raises a new point of law, and deliver an impartial opinion to the Court on the legal solution. Although Advocates General are full members of the court, they do not take part in the court's deliberations, and the Advocate Generalâ€™s opinion is not binding on the Court. Although the Court reaches the same solution as the Advocate General more often than not, it cannot usually be stated that the Advocate General's opinion has been 'followed' in any given case, because the Court may have reached the same conclusion via different legal reasoning. The role of Advocate General is created by Article 19(2) of the Treaty on European Union and Articles 253 and 254 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union.

When the Benelux Court of Justice answers requests for a preliminary ruling, it also first considers the advice of an Advocate General. The court has three, one from each participating country (Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg) and taken from the procureurs-general of the country.


what animals are on the michigan state flag

As supporters, the elk and moose are derived from the Hudson's Bay Company coat of arms, and depict great animals of Michigan. The bald eagle represents the United States which formed the state of Michigan from the Northwest Territory.[4]

Flag of Michigan

The flag of the state of Michigan depicts the state's coat of arms on a dark blue field, as set forth by Michigan state law.[1] (The Governor has a variant of the flag with a white instead of blue field.[1]) The state has an official flag month from June 14 through July 14.[2]

The state coat of arms depicts a light blue shield, upon which the sun rises over a lake and peninsula, and a man with a raised hand representing peace and holding a long gun representing the fight for state and nation as a frontier state.[3]

The design features three Latin mottos. From top-to-bottom they are:

The present flag, adopted in 1911, is the third state flag. The first flag featured a portrait of Michigan's first governor, Stevens T. Mason, on one side and the state coat of arms and "a soldier and a lady" on the other side. The first flag is completely lost, and no images of it exist, as far as anyone knows. The second flag, adopted in 1865, displayed the state coat of arms on one side and the United States coat of arms on the other.[4]

In November 2016, a bill was introduced in the Michigan state legislature by Michigan State Senator Steven Bieda that would change the current state flag. If the bill is passed, the current state flag will be discontinued in January 2019 and replaced with a new design.[5][6]

Michigan's pledge of allegiance to the state flag was written by Harold G. Coburn and was officially adopted in 1972.[2]

The North American Vexillological Association (NAVA), in its 2001 survey of U.S. state, U.S. territorial and Canadian provincial flags rated the current Michigan flag 59th out of 72 flags evaluated; it was given an average score of just 3.46 out of a possible 10 points.[7]


what is the meaning of the song goodbye horses

According to its writer, "the song is about transcendence over those who see the world as only earthly and finite. The horses represent the five senses discussed in the Bhagavad Gita and the ability to lift oneâ€™s perception above these physical limitations and to see beyond this limited Earthly perspective."[1]

Goodbye Horses

"Goodbye Horses" is a 1988 song sung by Q Lazzarus. It was written and produced by William Garvey. There are three versions of the song, of lengths 3:12, 4:20, and the extended version at 6:28.

In 1996, Psyche's cover version of "Goodbye Horses" was released as the B-side to their single "You Ran Away". This recording became popular enough that the band decided to make an extended version and include it on their album Strange Romance at the end of the same year. When the trailer for Clerks 2 appeared promoting the movie, Psyche entered the Top Ten downloads on iTunes Electronic chart. The song is featured on two best of compilations, Misguided Angels (2000) and Legacy (2004), as well as a recent limited Australian tour CD collection entitled Club Salvation, and remains a staple in the band's live repertoire to this day.

Over the last decade, the song has been covered by other performers including Gil Mantera's Party Dream.  In 2009, The Airborne Toxic Event began performing a cover of the song in their live performances. The Whitest Boy Alive covered the song during Lowlands '09. In October 2009, Brad Sucks released a cover of "Goodbye Horses" on his website. At their NYE 2010/2011 show, Snowden debuted a cover featuring Corinne on lead vocals. However, aside from the original, only Psyche's interpretation has maintained its popularity.

Electronic band Fan Death and garage-revival band Harlem have also covered the song, and it is currently being performed at live shows by Liverpudlian band Lovecraft, recently signed to the Probe Plus label.

In 2009, a compilation on Metropolis Records entitled "Until The Shadows" contains Psyche's re-recording entitled "Goodbye Horses (21st Century Version)" which corrects the previously misinterpreted verse "lying over you" to "flying over you".[2]

In 2010, indie band Venus Infers released two different mixes of their version of the song on their album You'll Understand When You're Older. Also, Island Def Jam artists The Airborne Toxic Event released a live CD/DVD, entitled "All I've Ever Wanted", containing a performance of this song

In 2011, Kele Okereke, lead singer and rhythm guitarist of indie rock band Bloc Party, released a cover of "Goodbye Horses" on his EP The Hunter. This cover of the song is 4 minutes and 12 seconds long. It was produced by Daniel Lindegren, with additional production by Fred Falke. A fan made video for the song was uploaded to YouTube on March 25, 2011,[3] many months before the release of the EP. Kele posted the video on his blog.[4]

On March 5, 2012 Psyche released an updated extended mix of their 2009 re-recording of "Goodbye Horses" (previously released on the Metropolis Records compilation Until the Shadows),[2] now retitled "21st Century Immortality Mix". This version is featured on the A-side of "All Things Pass Into the Night" on the Optimo music label, and distributed by Kompakt.[5]
There is also an official video for the "Immortality Mix" on YouTube.[6]

In 2013, Wild Beasts frontman Hayden Thorpe and Jon Hopkins recorded a sparse piano-driven cover of the track which accompanied the re-release of Lazzarus's original.


who sings the theme song for the drew carey show

The Drew Carey Show premiered in 1995 and soon become known for its elaborate song and dance numbers, which were developed in a bid to increase ratings.[1] On April 27, 1998, a reporter for MTV.com announced that an album featuring several of the songs used in the show would be released the following month.[2] The album consists of 24 tracks by artists such as Joe Walsh, Little Richard and Iggy Pop, as well as songs sung by Drew Carey.[3] Songs incorporated into the episodes "New York and Queens" and "The Dog and Pony Show" are present on the album,[4] while two versions of "Cleveland Rocks" are included, one by the original artist, Ian Hunter, and the other by The Presidents of the United States of America, which was used as the show's theme tune from 1997 to 2004.[2] The other two theme tunes "Moon Over Parma" and "Five O'Clock World" are also on the album.[5]

Cleveland Rocks! Music from The Drew Carey Show is a soundtrack for the ABC television series The Drew Carey Show, released on May 19, 1998, by Rhino Records. The album has 24 tracks of songs that have appeared in the show and performances by the cast. An original composition titled "Bite Me, Doughboy!" was created for the album by the show's music composer W. G. Snuffy Walden. Cleveland Rocks! Music from The Drew Carey Show received mostly positive reviews from music critics, who thought the album was perfect for fans of the show. The album won Best New Material Record Release at the 12th TV Theme Music Awards.

"Bite Me, Doughboy!" was an original composition for the album by the show's music composer W. G. Snuffy Walden. The track uses snippets of music used in the show between scenes. As the snippets were only ten seconds long, Walden decided to incorporate them into a new piece with the help of the cast. "Bite Me, Doughboy!" was recorded at the Taylor Made Studio in Woodland Hills.[6] Cleveland Rocks! Music from The Drew Carey Show was released by Rhino Records on May 19, 1998.[7]

Cleveland Rocks! Music from The Drew Carey Show won the Best New Material Record Release accolade at the 12th TV Theme Music Awards in 1998.[8]

Lori Sears from The Baltimore Sun gave the album three stars and commented that "fans of the show will get a kick out of this one".[5] Sears thought the tracks performed by the cast were "priceless" and called Carey's version of "High Hopes" a "meek rendition".[5] AllMusic's Stephen Thomas Erlewine also gave the album three stars and said, "In short, it's almost everything a Drew Carey fan could want (even though a version of "A Taste of Honey" would have been nice), and it certainly evokes the nutty charm of the show."[9] Dan Goldwasser of Soundtrack.net wrote that fans of the show would enjoy the album and that it was "worth picking up".[10]

Daniel Buckley of The Tucson Citizen graded the album a B. He liked the tracks used for the show's song and dance numbers, but disliked the clips from the show itself with the cast, such as "High Hopes" and "Tomorrow".[11] Buckley dubbed the album "a dream come true" for fans of the show, but added that general music lovers would also enjoy it.[11] Nicole E. Rogers, writing for The Wisconsin State Journal, thought the album was better than some of the other TV soundtracks released around the same time, as the music was actually relevant to the show.[4] While commenting on The Drew Carey Show, Theresa Carpine Ferris from The Spokesman-Review quipped, "All of the music on this show was so great, an album was made. It's not the same, however, without seeing the antics that accompanied the music on the TV series."[12]


what were the goals of the tennessee valley authority

The Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) is a federally owned corporation in the United States created by congressional charter on May 18, 1933, to provide navigation, flood control, electricity generation, fertilizer manufacturing, and economic development to the Tennessee Valley, a region particularly affected by the Great Depression. The enterprise was a result of the efforts of Senator George W. Norris of Nebraska. TVA was envisioned not only as a provider, but also as a regional economic development agency that would use federal experts and electricity to more quickly modernize the region's economy and society.

Tennessee Valley Authority

TVA's service area covers most of Tennessee, portions of Alabama, Mississippi, and Kentucky, and small slices of Georgia, North Carolina, and Virginia. It was the first large regional planning agency of the federal government and remains the largest.  Under the leadership of David Lilienthal ("Mr. TVA"), the TVA became a model for America's efforts to help modernize agrarian societies in the developing world.[1]

President Franklin Delano Roosevelt signed the Tennessee Valley Authority Act (ch. 32, Pub.L. 73–17, 48 Stat. 58, enacted May 18, 1933, codified as amended at 16 U.S.C. § 831, et seq.), creating the TVA.

During the 1920s and the Great Depression years, Americans began to support the idea of public ownership of utilities, particularly hydroelectric power facilities. The concept of government-owned generation facilities selling to publicly owned distribution utilities was controversial and remains so today.[2]  Many believed privately owned power companies were charging too much for power, did not employ fair operating practices, and were subject to abuse by their owners (utility holding companies), at the expense of consumers. During his presidential campaign, Roosevelt claimed that private utilities had "selfish purposes" and said, "Never shall the federal government part with its sovereignty or with its control of its power resources while I'm president of the United States." By forming utility holding companies, the private sector controlled 94 percent of generation by 1921, essentially unregulated.  (This gave rise to the Public Utility Holding Company Act of 1935 (P.U.H.C.A.)). Many private companies in the Tennessee Valley were bought by the federal government. Others shut down, unable to compete with the T.V.A. Government regulations were also passed to prevent competition with T.V.A.

T.V.A. was one of the first federal hydropower agencies, and today most of the nation's major hydropower systems are federally managed. Other attempts to create T.V.A.-like regional agencies have failed, such as a proposed Columbia Valley Authority for the Columbia River in the Pacific Northwest.

Regional power consumers may benefit from lower-cost electricity supplied from T.V.A.'s network of 29 power-producing hydropower facilities. Supporters of TVA, though, note that the agency's management of the Tennessee River system without appropriated federal funding saves federal taxpayers millions of dollars annually. Opponents, such as Dean Russell in The TVA Idea, in addition to condemning the project as being socialist, argued that TVA created a "hidden loss" by preventing the creation of "factories and jobs that would have come into existence if the government had allowed the taxpayers to spend their money as they wished." Defenders note that TVA is overwhelmingly popular in Tennessee among conservatives and liberals alike, as Barry Goldwater discovered in 1964, when he proposed selling the agency.[3]

The Supreme Court of the United States ruled TVA to be constitutional in Ashwander v. Tennessee Valley Authority, 297 U.S. 288 (1936).[4] The Court noted that regulating commerce among the states includes regulation of streams and that controlling floods is required for keeping streams navigable; it also upheld the constitutionality of the TVA under the War Powers Clause, seeing its activities as a means of assuring the electric supply for the manufacture of munitions in the event of war.[5] The argument before the court was that electricity generation was a by-product of navigation and flood control and therefore could be considered constitutional.

In the 1920s, a major battle erupted over building an electric power system in the Tennessee Valley, based on the World War I  federal dam at Muscle Shoals, Alabama.  It would generate electricity and produce fertilizer.[2]  Senator George Norris of Nebraska blocked a proposal from Henry Ford in 1920 to use the dam to modernize the valley. Norris deeply distrusted privately owned utility companies. He did get Congress to pass the Muscle Shoals Bill, but it was vetoed as socialistic by President Herbert Hoover in 1931. The idea behind the Muscle Shoals Bill in 1933 became a core part of the New Deal's  TVA.[6]

Even by Depression standards, the Tennessee Valley was economically dismal in 1933. Thirty percent of the population was affected by malaria, and the average income was only $639 per year, with some families surviving on as little as $100 per year.  Much of the land had been farmed too hard for too long, eroding and depleting the soil. Crop yields had fallen along with farm incomes. The best timber had been cut, with another 10% of forests being burnt each year.[2]

TVA was designed to modernize the region, using experts and electricity to combat human and economic problems.[7] TVA developed fertilizers, taught farmers ways to improve crop yields and helped replant forests, control forest fires, and improve habitat for fish and wildlife. The most dramatic change in Valley life came from TVA-generated electricity.  Electric lights and modern home appliances made life easier and farms more productive.  Electricity also drew industries into the region, providing desperately needed jobs.

The development of the dams displaced more than 15,000 families. This created anti-TVA sentiment in some rural communities.[citation needed]  Many local landowners were suspicious of government agencies, but TVA successfully introduced new agricultural methods into traditional farming communities by blending in and finding local champions.

Tennessee farmers would often reject advice from TVA officials, so the officials had to find leaders in the communities and convince them that crop rotation and the judicious application of fertilizers could restore soil fertility.  Once they had convinced the leaders, the rest followed.[citation needed]

At its inception, TVA was based in Muscle Shoals, Alabama, but later moved its headquarters to Knoxville, Tennessee, where they remain today. At one point, TVA's headquarters were housed in the Old Federal Customs House at the corner of Clinch Avenue and Market Street. The building is now a museum.[8]

The Authority hired many area unemployed to conduct conservation, economic development, and social programs, such as a library service that operated for the surrounding area. The professional staff headquarters was composed of experts from outside the region. The workers were categorized by the usual racial and gender lines of the day. TVA hired a few African Americans for janitorial or other low-level positions. TVA recognized labor unions; its skilled and semi-skilled blue collar employees were unionized, a breakthrough in an area known for corporations hostile to miners' and textile workers' unions. Women were excluded from construction work. TVA's cheap electricity attracted textile mills to the area, and they hired mostly women as workers.[9]

During World War II, the U.S. needed greater aluminum supplies to build airplanes. Aluminum plants required huge amounts of electricity. To provide the power, TVA engaged in one of the largest hydropower construction programs ever undertaken in the U.S. By early in 1942, when the effort reached its peak, 12 hydroelectric plants and one steam plant were under construction at the same time, and design and construction employment reached a total of 28,000. The largest project of this period was the Fontana Dam. After negotiations led by Vice-President Harry Truman ("I want aluminum. I don't care if I get it from Alcoa or Al Capone"[citation needed]), TVA purchased the land from Nantahala Power and Light, a wholly owned subsidiary of Alcoa, and built Fontana Dam.

The government originally intended the electricity generated from Fontana to be used by Alcoa factories.[citation needed] By the time the dam generated power in early 1945, the electricity was directed to another purpose in addition to aluminum manufacturing, as TVA also provided much of the electricity needed for uranium enrichment at Oak Ridge, Tennessee, as required for the Manhattan Project and the making of the atomic bomb.

By the end of the war, TVA had completed a 650-mile (1050-kilometer) navigation channel the length of the Tennessee River and had become the nation's largest electricity supplier.
Even so, the demand for electricity was outstripping TVA's capacity to produce power from hydroelectric dams.  Political interference kept TVA from securing additional federal appropriations to build coal-fired plants, so it sought the authority to issue bonds.[citation needed]  Congress passed legislation in 1959 to make the TVA power system self-financing, and from that point on it would pay its own way.

The 1960s were years of unprecedented economic growth in the Tennessee Valley. Electric rates were among the nation's lowest and stayed low as TVA brought larger, more efficient generating units into service. Expecting the Valley's electric power needs to continue to grow, TVA began building nuclear reactors as a new source of cheap power. During this decade (and the 1970s), TVA was engaged in what was up to that time its most controversial project â€“ the Tellico Dam Project.[citation needed] The project was initially conceived in the 1940s but not completed until 1979.

Significant changes occurred in the economy of the Tennessee Valley and the nation, prompted by an international oil embargo in 1973 and accelerating fuel costs later in the decade.
The average cost of electricity in the Tennessee Valley increased fivefold from the early 1970s to the early 1980s. TVA canceled the construction of 12 nuclear power plants in the 1980s.[10]

The 1970s saw the last and most controversial of the TVA's large dam-reservoir projects, Tellico Dam. The Tellico Dam project was initially delayed because of concern over the snail darter. A lawsuit was filed under the Endangered Species Act and the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in favor of protecting the snail darter in Tennessee Valley Authority v. Hill.

Marvin T. Runyon became chairman of the Tennessee Valley Authority in January 1988. He claimed to reduce management layers, cut overhead costs by more than 30%, and achieved cumulative savings and efficiency improvements of $1.8 billion. He said he revitalized the nuclear program and instituted a rate freeze that continued for ten years.[citation needed]

As the electric-utility industry moved toward restructuring and deregulation, TVA began preparing for competition.
It cut operating costs by nearly $950 million a year, reduced its workforce by more than half, increased the generating capacity of its plants, stopped building nuclear plants, and developed a plan to meet the energy needs of the Tennessee Valley through the year 2020.[citation needed]

In 2002, TVA began work to restart a previously mothballed nuclear reactor at Browns Ferry Unit 1, which was completed in May 2007.  In 2005, the TVA announced its intention to construct an Advanced Pressurized Water Reactor at its Bellefonte site in Alabama (filing the necessary applications in November 2007), and in 2007 announced plans to complete the unfinished Unit 2 at Watts Bar.  (TVA is the owner and operator of the Browns Ferry, Sequoyah, and Watts Bar nuclear power plants.)

In 2004, TVA implemented recommendations from the Reservoir Operations Study (ROS) in how it operates the Tennessee River system (the nation's fifth largest).

On December 22, 2008, an earthen dike at TVA's Kingston Fossil Plant broke, spreading one billion gallons of wet coal ash across 300 acres (1.2Â km2) of land and into the tributaries of the Tennessee River.[11]  While TVA's culture at its fossil fuel plants was not the cause of the Kingston Spill, the culture contributed to the spill, as was noted in the TVA Office of the Inspector General's report, Inspection 2008-12283-02, Review of the Kingston Fossil Plant Ash Spill Cause Study and Observations About Ash Management.[12]

In 2009, TVA signed 20-year power purchase agreements with Maryland-based CVP Renewable Energy Co. and Chicago-based Invenergy Wind LLC for electricity generated by wind farms.[13]

As of 2013, TVA carries $25 billion in debt, near the $30 billion debt limit imposed by Congress.[14][15] TVA must retire at least 18 of its 59 coal-fired units by 2017, and install scrubbers in several others or convert them to make them cleaner at a cost of $25 billion over the next 10-years according to the Obama Administration's proposed 2013â€“2014 budget. The budget also says that "reducing or eliminating the federal government's role in programs such as TVA, which have achieved their original objectives and no longer require federal participation, can help put the nation on a sustainable fiscal path" which could mean future privatization for TVA.[15]

TVA's power mix as of 2012 is 10 coal-powered plants, 29 hydroelectric dams, three nuclear power plants (with seven operating reactors), nine simple cycle natural gas combustion turbine plants, and five combined cycle gas plants.
TVA is the largest public power utility in the United States and one of the largest producers of electricity in the country.[citation needed] It acts as a regional grid reliability coordinator. In 2012 coal generation was about 32% of total, nuclear 34%, hydro 9%, and (owned) gas 11%. TVA currently purchases from external power producers about 15% of the power it sells. Purchased power is from natural gas combined cycles, coal, wind, and other renewables. The cost of Purchased Power is part of the "Fuel Cost Adjustment" (FCA) charge that is separate from the TVA Rate. Watts Bar reactor produces tritium as a byproduct for the U.S. National Nuclear Security Administration, which requires tritium for nuclear weapons (for "boosted" fission primaries and for fusion secondaries).

Coal-fired power plants

Natural gas and dual-fuel combustion turbine (CT) and combined cycle (CC) plants

Lagoon Creek Combined Cycle Plant (commercial operation September 2010) was the first combined cycle generating plant in Tennessee.[citation needed]

In the 1980s, TVA set out to build 17 nuclear reactors but finished only five.[10]  On August 6, 1981 the Tennessee Valley Authority Board voted to defer the Phipps Bend plant, as well as to slow down construction on all other projects.[16]  Only seven reactors have been built to date, but together these nuclear power plants produce about 30 percent of the TVA's energy.[17]

TVA also assists ALCOA's Tapoco/APGI in regulating several facilities, including the Calderwood, Cheoah, Chilhowee, and Santeetlah dams.

TVA operates several small-scale facilities that generate electricity from renewable sources other than hydropower. These include:[19][20][21][22][23]

Solar electric generation

At Buffalo Mountain in Oliver Springs, Tennessee, TVA operates three wind turbines with a combined generation capacity of 2 MW and purchases the output of 15 additional wind turbines owned by Invenergy that have a combined capacity of 27 MW. As of 2013, the agency had purchased agreements from power generated from wind farms outside its service area:

A 2010 agreement with Iberdrola Renewables provides a potential 300MW future supply from Streator-Cayuga Ridge Wind Farm, Livingston County, Illinois[24]

Waste-derived methane

Biogas from the Maxson wastewater treatment plant in Memphis is burned in Allen Fossil Plant, accounting for a generating capacity of 4 MW.[citation needed]

TVA is one of the largest operators of electric transmission in the US with an approximately 16,000-mile (26,000 km) corridor of transmission (13,000 miles (21,000 km) of which is greater than 161kv).[25]

TVA's headquarters are located in downtown Knoxville, with large administrative offices in Chattanooga (training/development; supplier relations; power generation and distribution) Nashville, Tennessee (economic development), and Muscle Shoals, Alabama.

TVA has conveyed approximately 485,420 acres (1,964.4Â km2) of property for recreation and preservation purposes including public parks; public access areas and roadside parks; wildlife refuges; national parks and forests; and other camps and recreation areas, which comprises approximately 759 different sites.[26]

To qualify for a TVA Megasite certificate the qualifications are at least 1,000 acres, with interstate access, the potential for rail service, environmental impact study,  and utility service capable of serving a major manufacturing facility.  Seven TVA Megasites have been developed so far with capital investments of over $5 Billion.[27]

TVA was heralded by New Dealers and the New Deal Coalition not only as a successful economic development program for a depressed area but also as a democratic nation-building effort overseas because of its alleged grassroots inclusiveness as articulated by director David Lilienthal. The TVA was controversial in the 1930s. Historian Thomas McCraw concludes that Roosevelt "rescued the [power] industry from its own abuses" but "he might have done this much with a great deal less agitation and ill will".[30] New Dealers hoped to build numerous other TVAs around the country but were defeated by Wendell Willkie and the Conservative coalition in Congress. The valley authority model did not replace the limited-purpose water programs of the Bureau of Reclamation and the Army Corps of Engineers. State-centered theorists hold that reformers are most likely to succeed during periods such as the New Deal era, when they are supported by a democratized polity and when they dominate Congress and the administration.[citation needed]

However, it has been shown that in river policy, the strength of opposing interest groups also mattered.[31] The TVA bill was passed in 1933 because reformers like Norris skillfully coordinated action at potential choke points and weakened the already disorganized opponents among the electric power industry lobbyists.[2] In 1936, however, after regrouping, opposing river lobbyists and conservative coalition congressmen took advantage of the New Dealers' spending mood by expanding the Army Corps' flood control program. They also helped defeat further valley authorities, the most promising of the New Deal water policy reforms.[citation needed]

When Democrats after 1945 proclaimed the Tennessee Valley Authority as a model for countries in the developing world to follow, conservative critics charged it was a top-heavy, centralized, technocratic venture that displaced locals and did so in insensitive ways. Thus, when the program was used as the basis for modernization programs in various parts of the third world during the Cold War, such as in the Mekong Delta in Vietnam, its failure brought a backlash of cynicism toward modernization programs that has persisted.[1]

Then-movie star Ronald Reagan had moved to television as the host and a frequent performer for General Electric Theater during 1954. Reagan was later fired by General Electric in 1962 in response to his publicly referring to the TVA (TVA being a major customer for GE turbines) as one of the problems of "big government".[32] Some claim that Reagan was instead fired due to a criminal antitrust investigation involving him and the Screen Actors Guild.[33]  However, Reagan was only interviewed; nobody was actually charged with anything in the investigation.[34][35]

In 1963, U.S. Senator and Republican presidential candidate Barry Goldwater was quoted in a Saturday Evening Post article by Stewart Alsop as saying, "You know, I think we ought to sell TVA." He had called for the sale to private companies of particular parts of the Authority, including its fertilizer production and steam-generation facilities, because "it would be better operated and would be of more benefit for more people if it were part of private industry."[36] Goldwater's Saturday Evening Post quotation was used against him in a TV ad by Doyle Dane Bernbach for President Lyndon Johnson's 1964 campaign, which depicted an auction taking place atop a dam. It was voiced over as follows: "In a Saturday Evening Post article dated August 31, 1963, Barry Goldwater said, 'You know, I think we ought to sell TVA.' This is a promise: President Johnson will not sell TVA. Vote for him on November 3. The stakes are too high for you to stay home."[37]

In 1981 the TVA Board of Directors broke with previous tradition and took a hard line against white-collar unions during contract negotiations. As a result, a class action suit was filed in 1984 in U.S. court charging the agency with sex discrimination under TitleÂ VII of the Civil Rights Act based on the large number of women in one of the pay grades negatively impacted by the new contract. An out-of-court settlement of the lawsuit was reached in 1987, in which TVA agreed to contract modifications and paid the group $5 million but admitted no wrongdoing.[citation needed]


from which language family did the russian language descend

The Slavic languages (also called Slavonic languages) are the Indo-European languages native to the Slavic peoples, originally from Eastern Europe. They are thought to descend from a proto-language called Proto-Slavic spoken during the Early Middle Ages, which in turn is thought to have descended from the earlier Proto-Balto-Slavic language, linking the Slavic languages to the Baltic languages in a Balto-Slavic group within the Indo-European family.

Slavic languages

The Slavic languages are divided intro three subgroups: East, West, and South, which together constitute more than twenty languages. Of these, ten have at least one million speakers and official status as the national languages of the countries in which they are predominantly spoken: Russian, Belarusian and Ukrainian (of the East group), Polish, Czech and Slovak (of the West group) and Slovene, Serbo-Croatian, Macedonian and Bulgarian (of the South group).

The current geographic distribution of natively spoken Slavic languages covers Eastern Europe, the Balkans, the eastern parts of Central Europe and all of the territory of Russia, which includes northern and north-central Asia. Furthermore, the diasporas of many Slavic peoples have established isolated minorities of speakers of their languages all over the world. The number of speakers of all Slavic languages together is estimated to be 315 million.[2][3][unreliable source?]

Scholars traditionally divide Slavic languages on the basis of geographical and genealogical principle into three main branches, some of which feature subbranches:

Some linguists speculate that a North Slavic branch has existed as well. The Old Novgorod dialect may have reflected some idiosyncrasies of this group. On the other hand, the term "North Slavic" is also used sometimes to combine the West and East Slavic languages into one group, in opposition to the South Slavic languages, due to traits the West and East Slavic branches share with each other that they do not with the South Slavic languages. Mutual intelligibility also plays a role in determining the West, East, and South branches. Speakers of languages within the same branch will in most cases be able to understand each other at least partially, but they are generally unable to across branches (for which it would be comparable to a native English speaker trying to understand any other Germanic language).

The most obvious differences between the West and East Slavic branches are in the orthography of the standard languages: West Slavic languages are written in the Latin script, and have had more western European influence due to their speakers being historically Roman Catholic, whereas the East Slavic languages are written in Cyrillic and, with Eastern Orthodox or Uniate faithful, have had more Greek influence. East Slavic languages such as Russian have, however, during and after Peter the Great's Europeanization campaign, absorbed many words of Latin, French, German, and Italian origin, somewhat reducing this difference in influence. Although the South Slavic group has traits that distinguish it from the West or East Slavic branches, within itself it displays much the same variations: Bulgarian, for example, has some East Slavic traits (Cyrillic alphabet, Russian loanwords, and Greek influence) and Croatian many West Slavic ones (Latin alphabet, overall central European influence like Czech), despite both being South Slavic.

The tripartite division of the Slavic languages does not take into account the spoken dialects of each language. Of these, certain so-called transitional dialects and hybrid dialects often bridge the gaps between different languages, showing similarities that do not stand out when comparing Slavic literary (i.e. standard) languages. For example, Slovak (West Slavic) and Ukrainian (East Slavic) are bridged by the Rusyn of Eastern Slovakia and western Ukraine.[4] Similarly, Polish shares transitional features with both western Ukrainian and Belarusian dialects. The Croatian Kajkavian dialect is more similar to Slovene than to the standard Croatian language.

Although the Slavic languages diverged from a common proto-language later than any other group of the Indo-European language family, enough differences exist between the various Slavic dialects and languages to make communication between speakers of different Slavic languages difficult. Within the individual Slavic languages, dialects may vary to a lesser degree, as those of Russian, or to a much greater degree, as those of Slovene.

Alternative and fringe

Chalcolithic (Copper Age)

East-Asia

Northern/Eastern Steppe

South-Asia

Indo-Aryans

East-Asia

Indo-Aryan

Slavic languages descend from Proto-Slavic, their immediate parent language, ultimately deriving from Proto-Indo-European, the ancestor language of all Indo-European languages, via a Proto-Balto-Slavic stage. During the Proto-Balto-Slavic period a number of exclusive isoglosses in phonology, morphology, lexis, and syntax developed, which makes Slavic and Baltic the closest related of all the Indo-European branches. The secession of the Balto-Slavic dialect ancestral to Proto-Slavic is estimated on archaeological and glottochronological criteria to have occurred sometime in the period 1500â€“1000 BCE.[5]

A minority of Baltists maintain the view that the Slavic group of languages differs so radically from the neighboring Baltic group (Lithuanian, Latvian, and the now-extinct Old Prussian), that they could not have shared a parent language after the breakup of the Proto-Indo-European continuum about five millennia ago. Substantial advances in Balto-Slavic accentology that occurred in the last three decades, however, make this view very hard to maintain nowadays, especially when one considers that there was most likely no "Proto-Baltic" language and that West Baltic and East Baltic differ from each other as much as each of them does from Proto-Slavic.[6]

The imposition of Church Slavonic on Orthodox Slavs was often at the expense of the vernacular. Says WB Lockwood, a prominent Indo-European linguist, "It (O.C.S) remained in use to modern times but was more and more influenced by the living, evolving languages, so that one distinguishes Bulgarian, Serbian, and Russian varieties. The use of such media hampered the development of the local languages for literary purposes, and when they do appear the first attempts are usually in an artificially mixed style." (148)

Lockwood also notes that these languages have "enriched" themselves by drawing on Church Slavonic for the vocabulary of abstract concepts. The situation in the Catholic countries, where Latin was more important, was different. The Polish Renaissance poet Jan Kochanowski and the Croatian Baroque writers of the 16th century all wrote in their respective vernaculars (though Polish itself had drawn amply on Latin in the same way Russian would eventually draw on Church Slavonic).

Although Church Slavonic hampered vernacular literatures, it fostered Slavonic literary activity and abetted linguistic independence from external influences. Only the Croatian vernacular literary tradition nearly matches Church Slavonic in age. It began with the Vinodol Codex and continued through the Renaissance until the codifications of Croatian in 1830, though much of the literature between 1300 and 1500 was written in much the same mixture of the vernacular and Church Slavonic as prevailed in Russia and elsewhere.

The most important early monument of Croatian literacy is the Baška tablet from the late 11th century. It is a large stone tablet found in the small Church of St. Lucy, Jurandvor on the Croatian island of Krk, containing text written mostly in Čakavian dialect in angular Croatian Glagolitic script. The independence of Dubrovnik facilitated the continuity of the tradition.

More recent foreign influences follow the same general pattern in Slavic languages as elsewhere and are governed by the political relationships of the Slavs. In the 17th century, bourgeois Russian (delovoi jazyk) absorbed German words through direct contacts between Russians and communities of German settlers in Russia. In the era of Peter the Great, close contacts with France invited countless loan words and calques from French, a significant fraction of which not only survived but also replaced older Slavonic loans. In the 19th century, Russian influenced most literary Slavic languages by one means or another.

The Proto-Slavic language existed until around AD 500. By the 7th century, it had broken apart into large dialectal zones.

There are no reliable hypotheses about the nature of the subsequent breakups of West and South Slavic. East Slavic is generally thought to converge to one Old Russian or Old East Slavonic language, which existed until at least the 12th century.

Linguistic differentiation was accelerated by the dispersion of the Slavic peoples over a large territory, which in Central Europe exceeded the current extent of Slavic-speaking majorities. Written documents of the 9th, 10th, and 11th centuries already display some local linguistic features. For example, the Freising manuscripts show a language that contains some phonetic and lexical elements peculiar to Slovene dialects (e.g. rhotacism, the word krilatec). The Freising manuscripts are the first Latin-script continuous text in a Slavic language.

The migration of Slavic speakers into the Balkans in the declining centuries of the Byzantine Empire expanded the area of Slavic speech, but the pre-existing writing (notably Greek) survived in this area. The arrival of the Hungarians in Pannonia in the 9th century interposed non-Slavic speakers between South and West Slavs. Frankish conquests completed the geographical separation between these two groups, also severing the connection between Slavs in Moravia and Lower Austria (Moravians) and those in present-day Styria, Carinthia, East Tyrol in Austria, and in the provinces of modern Slovenia, where the ancestors of the Slovenes settled during first colonisation.

The following is a summary of the main changes from Proto-Indo-European (PIE) leading up to the Common Slavic (CS) period immediately following the Proto-Slavic language (PS).

The Slavic languages are a relatively homogeneous family, compared with other families of Indo-European languages (e.g. Germanic, Romance, and Indo-Iranian). As late as the 10th century AD, the entire Slavic-speaking area still functioned as a single, dialectally differentiated language, termed Common Slavic. Compared with most other Indo-European languages, the Slavic languages are quite conservative, particularly in terms of morphology (the means of inflecting nouns and verbs to indicate grammatical differences). Most Slavic languages have a rich, fusional morphology that conserves much of the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European.[7]

The following table shows the inventory of consonants of Late Common Slavic:[8]

1The sound /sʲ/ did not occur in West Slavic, where it had developed to /ʃ/.

This inventory of sounds is quite similar to what is found in most modern Slavic languages. The extensive series of palatal consonants, along with the affricates *ts and *dz, developed through a series of palatalizations that happened during the Proto-Slavic period, from earlier sequences either of velar consonants followed by front vowels (e.g. *ke, *ki, *ge, *gi, *xe, and *xi), or of various consonants followed by *j (e.g. *tj, *dj, *sj, *zj, *rj, *lj, *kj, and *gj, where *j is the palatal approximant ([j], the sound of the English letter "y" in "yes" or "you").

The biggest change in this inventory results from a further general palatalization occurring near the end of the Common Slavic period, where all consonants became palatalized before front vowels. This produced a large number of new palatalized (or "soft") sounds, which formed pairs with the corresponding non-palatalized (or "hard") consonants[7] and absorbed the existing palatalized sounds *lʲ *rʲ *nʲ *sʲ. These sounds were best preserved in Russian but were lost to varying degrees in other languages (particularly Czech and Slovak). The following table shows the inventory of modern Russian:

This general process of palatalization did not occur in Serbo-Croatian and Slovenian. As a result, the modern consonant inventory of these languages is nearly identical to the Late Common Slavic inventory.

Late Common Slavic tolerated relatively few consonant clusters. However, as a result of the loss of certain formerly present vowels (the weak yers), the modern Slavic languages allow quite complex clusters, as in the Russian word взблеск [vzblʲesk] ("flash"). Also present in many Slavic languages are clusters rarely found cross-linguistically, as in Russian ртуть [rtutʲ] ("mercury") or Polish mchu [mxu] ("moss", gen. sg.). The word for "mercury" with the initial rt- cluster, for example, is also found in the other East and West Slavic languages, although Slovak retains an epenthetic vowel (ortuť).

A typical vowel inventory is as follows:

The sound [É¨] occurs only in some languages (Russian, Belarusian, Polish), and even in these languages, it is unclear whether it is its own phoneme or an allophone of /i/. Nonetheless, it is a quite prominent and noticeable characteristic of the languages in which it is present.

Common Slavic also had two nasal vowels: *ę [ẽ] and *ǫ [õ]. However, these are preserved only in modern Polish (along with a few lesser-known dialects and microlanguages; see Yus for more details).

Other phonemic vowels are found in certain languages (e.g. the schwa /ǝ/ in Bulgarian and Slovenian, distinct high-mid and low-mid vowels in Slovenian, and the lax front vowel /ɪ/ in Ukrainian).

An area of great difference among Slavic languages is that of prosody (i.e. syllabic distinctions such as vowel length, accent, and tone). Common Slavic had a complex system of prosody, inherited with little change from Proto-Indo-European. This consisted of phonemic vowel length and a free, mobile pitch accent:

The modern languages vary greatly in the extent to which they preserve this system. On one extreme, Serbo-Croatian preserves the system nearly unchanged (even more so in the conservative Chakavian dialect); on the other, Macedonian has basically lost the system in its entirety. Between them are found numerous variations:

Similarly, Slavic languages have extensive morphophonemic alternations in their derivational and inflectional morphology,[7] including between velar and postalveolar consonants, front and back vowels, and between a vowel and no vowel.[9]

The following is a very brief selection of cognates in basic vocabulary across the Slavic language family, which may serve to give an idea of the sound changes involved. This is not a list of translations: cognates have a common origin, but their meaning may be shifted and loanwords may have replaced them.

Most languages of the former Soviet Union and of some neighbouring countries (for example, Mongolian) are significantly influenced by Russian, especially in vocabulary. In the south, the Romanian, Albanian, and Hungarian languages show the influence of the neighboring Slavic nations, especially in vocabulary pertaining to urban life, agriculture, and crafts and tradeâ€”the major cultural innovations at times of limited long-range cultural contact. In each one of these languages, Slavic lexical borrowings represent at least 20% of the total vocabulary. However, Romanian has much lower influence from Slavic than Albanian or Hungarian[citation needed]. This is because Slavic tribes crossed and partially settled the territories inhabited by ancient Illyrians and Vlachs on their way to the Balkans.

Although also spoken in neighbouring lands, the Germanic languages show less significant Slavic influence, partly because Slavic migrations were mostly headed south rather than west. Slavic tribes did push westwards into Germanic territory, but borrowing for the most part seems to have been from Germanic to Slavic rather than the other way: for instance, the now-extinct Polabian language was heavily influenced by German, far more than any living Slavic language today. The Slavic contributions to Germanic languages remains a moot question, though Max Vasmer, a specialist in Slavic etymology, has claimed that there were no Slavic loans into Proto-Germanic. The only Germanic languages that shows significant Slavic influence are Yiddish and the historical colonial dialects of German that were spoken East of the Oder–Neisse line, such as Silesian German (formerly spoken in Silesia and South of East Prussia) and the Eastern varieties of East Low German, with the exception of Low Prussian, which had a strong Baltic substratum. Modern Dutch slang, especially the Amsterdam dialect, borrowed much from Yiddish in turn. However, there are isolated Slavic loans (mostly recent) into other Germanic languages. For example, the word for "border" (in modern German Grenze, Dutch grens) was borrowed from the Common Slavic granica. There are, however, many cities and villages of Slavic origin in Eastern Germany, the largest of which are Berlin, Leipzig and Dresden. English derives quark (a kind of cheese, not the subatomic particle) from the German Quark, which in turn is derived from the Slavic tvarog, which means "curd". Many German surnames, particularly in Eastern Germany and Austria, are Slavic in origin. Swedish also has torg (market place) from Old Russian tъrgъ or Polish targ,[10] tolk (interpreter) from Old Slavic tlŭkŭ,[11] and pråm (barge) from West Slavonic pramŭ.[12]

The Czech word robot is now found in most languages worldwide, and the word pistol, probably also from Czech,[citation needed] is found in many Indo-European languages, including Greek (πιστόλι, pistóli).

A well-known Slavic word in almost all European languages is vodka, a borrowing from Russian водка (vodka) – which itself was borrowed from Polish wódka (lit. "little water"), from common Slavic voda ("water", cognate to the English word) with the diminutive ending "-ka".[13][14] Owing to the medieval fur trade with Northern Russia, Pan-European loans from Russian include such familiar words as sable.[15] The English word "vampire" was borrowed (perhaps via French vampire) from German Vampir, in turn derived from Serbian vampir, continuing Proto-Slavic *ǫpyrь,[16][17] although Polish scholar K. Stachowski has argued that the origin of the word is early Slavic *vąpěrь, going back to Turkic oobyr.[18] Several European languages, including English, have borrowed the word polje (meaning "large, flat plain") directly from the former Yugoslav languages (i.e. Slovene, Croatian, and Serbian). During the heyday of the USSR in the 20th century, many more Russian words became known worldwide: da, Soviet, sputnik, perestroika, glasnost, kolkhoz, etc. Also in the English language borrowed from Russian is samovar (lit. "self-boiling") to refer to the specific Russian tea urn.

The following tree for the Slavic languages derives from the Ethnologue report for Slavic languages.[19] It includes the ISO 639-1 and ISO 639-3 codes where available.

East Slavic languages:

West Slavic languages:

South Slavic languages:

Para- and supranational languages