who popularized the mini skirt in the 60s

The miniskirt is one of the garments most widely associated with Mary Quant.[28] Quant herself is ambivalent about the claim that she invented the miniskirt, stating that her customers should take credit, as she herself wore very short skirts, and they requested even shorter hemlines for themselves.[29] Regardless of whether or not Quant invented the miniskirt, it is widely agreed that she was one of its highest-profile champions.[25][27][30] Quant loved Mini Cooper cars and named the garment after them, saying that car and skirt were both "optimistic, exuberant, young, flirty," and complemented each other.[23]

Miniskirt

A miniskirt (sometimes hyphenated as mini-skirt or separated as mini skirt) is a skirt with a hemline well above the knees, generally at mid-thigh level, normally no longer than 10 cm (4 in) below the buttocks;[1] and a dress with such a hemline is called a minidress or a miniskirt dress. A micro-miniskirt or microskirt is a miniskirt with its hemline at the upper thigh.

Short skirts have existed for a long time, though they were generally not called "mini" or became a fashion trend until the 1960s. Instances of clothing resembling miniskirts have been identified by archaeologists and historians as far back as c. 1390–1370 BCE. In the early 20th century, the dancer Josephine Baker's banana skirt that she wore for her mid-1920s performances in the Folies Bergère was subsequently likened to a miniskirt. Extremely short skirts became a staple of 20th-century science fiction, particularly in 1940s pulp artwork such as that by Earle K. Bergey who depicted futuristic women in a "stereotyped combination" of metallic miniskirt, bra and boots.

Hemlines were just above the knee in 1961, and gradually climbed upward over the next few years. By 1966, some designs had the hem at the upper thigh. Stockings with suspenders were not considered practical with miniskirts and were replaced with coloured tights. The popular acceptance of miniskirts peaked in the "Swinging London" of the 1960s, and has continued to be commonplace, particularly among younger women and teenage girls. Before that time, short skirts were only seen in sport and dance clothing, such as skirts worn by female tennis players, figure skaters, cheerleaders, and dancers.

While very short skirts have existed for a long time, they were generally not called "mini" until the 1960s. Figurines produced by the Vinča culture (c. 5700–4500 BCE) have been interpreted by archaeologists as representing women in miniskirt-like garments.[2] One of the oldest surviving garments resembling a miniskirt is the short woollen skirt with bronze ornaments worn by the Egtved Girl for her burial in the Nordic Bronze Age (c. 1390–1370 BCE).[3][4]

One of the earliest known cultures where women regularly wore clothing resembling miniskirts was a subgroup of the Miao people of China, the Duan Qun Miao (Chinese: 短裙苗; pinyin: duǎn qún miáo, literally "short skirt Miao").[5] In albums produced during the Qing dynasty (1644–1912) from the early eighteenth century onwards to illustrate the various types of Miao, the Duan Qun Miao women were depicted wearing "mini skirts that barely cover the buttocks."[5] At least one of the "One Hundred Miao Pictures" albums contains a poem that specifically describes how the women's short skirts and navel-baring styles were an identifier for this particular group.[6][7]

In the early 20th century, the dancer Josephine Baker's banana skirt that she wore for her mid-1920s performances in the Folies Bergère was subsequently likened to a miniskirt.[8][9]

Extremely short skirts became a staple of 20th-century science fiction, particularly in 1940s pulp artwork such as that by Earle K. Bergey who depicted futuristic women in a "stereotyped combination" of metallic miniskirt, bra and boots.[10][11] The "sci-fi miniskirt" was seen in genre films and television programmes as well as on comic book covers.[10] The very short skirts worn by regular female characters Carol and Tonga (played by Virginia Hewitt and Nina Bara) in the 1950–55 television series Space Patrol have been suggested as probably the first'micro-minis' to have been seen on American television.[10] It was later seen as remarkable that only one formal complaint relating to the skirts could be recalled, and that by an ad agency in relation to an upwards shot of Carol climbing a ladder.[10] Hewitt pointed out that even though the complainant claimed they could see up her skirt, her matching tights rendered her effectively clothed from neck to ankle.[10] Otherwise, Space Patrol was applauded for being wholesome and family-friendly, even though the women's short skirts would have been unacceptable in other contexts.[10] Although the 30th-century women in Space Patrol were empowered, experts in their field, and largely treated as equals, "it was the skirts that fuelled indelible memories."[12] The Space Patrol skirts were not the shortest to be broadcast at the time – the German-made American 1954 series Flash Gordon showed Dale Arden (played by Irene Champlin) in an even shorter skirt.[13]

The manager of an unnamed shop in London's Oxford Street began experimenting in 1960 with skirt hemlines an inch above the knees of window mannequins, and noted how positively his customers responded.[14] Hemlines were just above the knee in 1961, and gradually climbed upward over the next few years. By 1966, some designs had the hem at the upper thigh. Stockings with suspenders (American English: "garters") were not considered practical with miniskirts and were replaced with coloured tights.[15] Towards the end of the 1960s, an even shorter version, called the microskirt or micro-mini, emerged.[16][17]

Extremely short skirts, some as much as eight inches above the knee, were observed in Britain in the summer of 1962.[18] The young women who wore these short skirts were called "Ya-Ya girls," a term derived from "yeah, yeah" which was a popular catcall at the time.[18] One retailer noted that the fashion for layered net crinoline petticoats raised the hems of short skirts even higher.[18] The designer Mary Quant was quoted as saying that "short short skirts" indicated youthfulness which was seen as desirable, fashion-wise.[18]

The earliest known reference to the miniskirt is in a humorous 1962 article datelined Mexico City and describing the "mini-skirt" or "Ya-Ya" as a controversial item of clothing that was the latest thing on the production line there. The article characterized the miniskirt as stopping eight inches above the knee. It referred to a writing by a psychiatrist, whose name it did not provide, who had argued that the miniskirt was a youthful protest of international threats to peace. Much of the article described the reactions of men, who were said to favor the fashion on young women to whom they were unrelated, but to oppose it on their own wives and fiancÃ©s.[19]

In the UK, by shortening the skirts to less than 24 inches (610Â mm) they were classed as children's garments rather than adult clothes. Children's clothing was not subject to purchase tax whereas adult clothing was.[20] The avoidance of tax meant that the price was correspondingly less.[21][22]

Several designers have been credited with the invention of the 1960s miniskirt, most significantly the London-based designer Mary Quant and the Parisian André Courrèges. Although Quant reportedly named the skirt after her favourite make of car, the Mini,[23][24] there is no consensus as to who designed it first. Valerie Steele has noted that the claim that Quant was first is more convincingly supported by evidence than the equivalent Courrèges claim.[25] However, the contemporary fashion journalist Marit Allen, who edited the influential "Young Ideas" pages for UK Vogue, firmly stated that the British designer John Bates was the first to offer fashionable miniskirts.[26] Other designers, including Pierre Cardin and Yves Saint Laurent, had also been raising hemlines at the same time.[27]

Quant had started experimenting with shorter skirts in the late 1950s, when she started making her own designs up to stock her boutique on the King's Road.[29] Among her inspirations was the memory of seeing a young tap-dancer wearing a "tiny skirt over thick black tights," influencing her designs for young, active women who did not wish to resemble their mothers.[23][29] In addition to the miniskirt, Quant is often credited with inventing the coloured and patterned tights that tended to accompany the garment, although their creation is also attributed to the Spanish couturier Cristóbal Balenciaga who offered harlequin-patterned tights in 1962[31][32] or to Bates.[33]

In 2009, a Mary Quant minidress was among the 10 British "design classics" featured on a series of Royal Mail stamps, alongside the Tube map, the Spitfire, and the red telephone box.[23]

Courrèges explicitly claimed that he invented the mini, and accused Quant of only "commercialising" it.[25] He presented short skirts measuring four inches above the knee in January 1965 for that year's Spring/Summer collection,[27] although some sources claim that Courrèges had been designing miniskirts as early as 1961, the year he launched his couture house.[25] The collection, which also included trouser suits and cut-out backs and midriffs, was designed for a new type of athletic, active young woman.[27] Courrèges had presented "above-the-knee" skirts in his August 1964 haute couture presentation which was proclaimed the "best show seen so far" for that season by The New York Times.[34] The Courrèges look, featuring a knit bodystocking with a gabardine miniskirt slung around the hips, was widely copied and plagiarised, much to the designer's chagrin, and it would be 1967 before he again held a press showing for his work.[27] Steele has described Courrèges's work as a "brilliant couture version of youth fashion" whose sophistication far outshone Quant's work, although she champions the Quant claim.[25] Others, such as Jess Cartner-Morley of The Guardian explicitly credit him, rather than Quant, as the miniskirt's creator.[31]

John Bates and others

The idea that John Bates, rather than Quant or CourrÃ¨ges, innovated the miniskirt had an influential champion in Marit Allen, who as editor of the influential "Young Ideas" pages for UK Vogue, kept track of up-and-coming young designers.[26] In 1966 she chose Bates to design her mini-length wedding outfit in white gabardine and silver PVC.[26] In January 1965 Bates's "skimp dress" with its "short-short skirt" was featured in Vogue, and would later be chosen as the Dress of the Year.[36][37][38] Bates was also famous for having designed mini-coats and dresses and other outfits for Emma Peel (played by Diana Rigg) in the TV series The Avengers, although the manufacturers blocked his request for patterned tights to enable Emma Peel to fight in skirts if necessary.[26][33]

An alternative origin story for the miniskirt came from Barbara Hulanicki of the London boutique Biba, who recalled that in 1966 she received a delivery of stretchy jersey skirts that had shrunk drastically in transit. Much to her surprise, the ten-inch long garments rapidly sold out.[39]

In 1967 Rudi Gernreich was among the first American designers to offer miniskirts, in the face of strongly worded censure and criticism from American couturiers James Galanos and Norman Norell.[40] Criticism of the miniskirt also came from the Paris couturier Coco Chanel,who declared the style "disgusting" despite being herself famed for supporting shorter skirts in the 1920s.[25]

Owing to Quant's position in the heart of fashionable "Swinging London", the miniskirt was able to spread beyond a simple street fashion into a major international trend. The style came into prominence when Jean Shrimpton wore a short white shift dress, made by Colin Rolfe, on 30 October 1965 at Derby Day, first day of the annual Melbourne Cup Carnival in Australia, where it caused a sensation. According to Shrimpton, who claimed that the brevity of the skirt was due mainly to Rolfe's having insufficient material, the ensuing controversy was as much as anything to do with her having dispensed with a hat and gloves, seen as essential accessories in such a conservative society.[41][42]

Upper garments, such as rugby shirts, were sometimes adapted as mini-dresses. With the rise in hemlines, the wearing of tights or pantyhose, in place of stockings, became more common. Some European countries banned mini-skirts from being worn in public, claiming they were an invitation to rapists. In response, Quant retorted that there was clearly no understanding of the tights worn underneath.[43]

The response to the miniskirt was particularly harsh in Africa, where many state governments saw them as an un-African garment and part of the corrupting influence of the West.[44] Young city-dwelling African women who wore Western clothing such as the miniskirt were particularly at risk of attack based on their clothing, although Robert Ross notes that gender roles and politics were also a key factor.[44] The urban woman earning her own living and independence was seen as a threat to masculine authority, particularly if she wore clothing seen as un-African.[44] Short skirts were seen as indicating that their wearer was a prostitute, and by conflation, a witch who drained male-dominated society of its vitality and energy.[44] In addition to prostitute and witch, miniskirts also became associated with secretaries, schoolgirls and undergraduates, and young women with "sugar daddies" as lovers or boyfriends.[45] Andrew M. Ivaska has noted that these various tropes boiled down to a basic fear of female power, fear that a woman would use her education or sexual power to control men and/or achieve her own independence, and that the miniskirt therefore became a tangible object of these fears.[45]

In 1968 the Youth League of Tanzania's ruling TANU party launched Operation Vijana.[44] Organised and run by young men, Vijana was a morality campaign targeting indecent clothing, which led to attacks on women with at least one stoning reportedly triggered by the victim's miniskirt.[44] Gangs of youths patrolled bus stations and streets looking for women dressed "inappropriately," and dealing out physical attacks and beatings.[45] In Ethiopia, an attack on women wearing miniskirts triggered a riot in which a hundred cars were set on fire and fifty people injured.[44]

Kamuzu Banda, president of Malawi, described miniskirts as a "diabolic fashion which must disappear from the country once and for all."[44] It is also reported that Kenneth Kaunda, president of Zambia, cited apartheid and the miniskirt as his two primary hates.[44] By the mid-1970s the Zanzibar revolutionary party had forbidden both women and men from wearing a long list of garments, hairstyles and cosmetics, including miniskirts.[44]

From 1969 onwards, the fashion industry largely returned to longer skirts such as the midi and the maxi. Journalist Christopher Booker gave two reasons for this reaction: firstly, that "there was almost nowhere else to go... the mini-skirts could go no higher"; and secondly, in his view, "dressed up in mini-skirts and shiny PVC macs, given such impersonal names as 'dolly birds', girls had been transformed into throwaway plastic objects".[46] Certainly this lengthening of hemlines coincided with the growth of the feminist movement. However, in the 1960s the mini had been regarded as a symbol of liberation, and it was worn by some, such as Germaine Greer and, in the following decade, Gloria Steinem,.[47] Greer herself wrote in 1969 that:

The women kept on dancing while their long skirts crept up, and their girdles dissolved, and their nipples burst through like hyacinth tips and their clothes withered away to the mere wisps and ghosts of draperies to adorn and glorify...[48]

Indeed, miniskirts never entirely went away and, for example, were often worn by Deborah Harry, of the group Blondie, during the "new wave" of the late 70s. The song "(I Don't Want to Go to) Chelsea" (1978), by new wave artist Elvis Costello, contained the line: "There's no place here for the mini-skirt waddle".[citation needed]

In spring of 1982, (see June Time Magazine) short skirts began to re-emerge, notably in the form of "rah-rahs", which were modeled on those worn by female cheerleaders at sporting and other events. In 1985, the British designer Vivienne Westwood offered her first "mini-crini," an abbreviated version of the Victorian crinoline.[49] Its mini-length, bouffant silhouette inspired the puffball skirts widely presented by more established designers such as Christian Lacroix.[50][51] In 1989, Westwood's mini-crini was described as having combined two conflicting ideals â€“ the crinoline, representing a "mythology of restriction and encumbrance in woman's dress", and the "equally dubious mythology of liberation" associated with the miniskirt.[52]

From the 1980s, many women began to incorporate the miniskirt into their business attire, a trend which grew during the remainder of the century. The titular character of the 1990s television program Ally McBeal, a lawyer portrayed by Calista Flockhart, has been credited with popularising micro-skirts.[53]

The very short skirt is an element of Japanese school uniform, which since the 1990s has been exploited by young women who are part of the kogal (or gyaru) subculture as part of their look.[54] Gyaru deliberately wear their skirts short enough to reveal panties (actually a second pair worn over actual knickers) as a form of exhibitionism known as panchira.[55]

In the early 21st century micro-minis were once again revived.[16][56] In 2003 Tom Ford, at that time described as one of the few designers able to effortlessly dictate changes in fashion, stated that micro-skirts would be the height of fashion for Spring/Summer 2003.[57] For fashionable wear, early 21st century microskirts were often worn with leggings or tights in order to avoid revealing too much.[53][56] At this time, an even briefer version of the micro-mini emerged, creating a garment sometimes described as a "belt-skirt."[56]

A BBC article in 2014 wrote that miniskirts remained as contemporary a garment as ever, retaining their associations with youth.[23] In an early 2010s study the department store Debenhams found that women continued buying miniskirts up to the age of 40, whilst 1983 studies showed that 33 years old was when the average woman had stopped buying them.[23] Debenham's report concluded that by the 2020s, miniskirts would be seen as a wardrobe staple for British women in their 40s and early 50s.[23]

Despite this, in the early 21st century, miniskirts are still seen as controversial, and remain subject to bans and regulation.[23] Valerie Steele told the BBC in 2014 that even though miniskirts no longer had the power to shock in most Western cultures, she would hesitate to wear one in most parts of the world.[23] She described the garment as symbolic of looking forward to future freedom and backwards to a "much more restricted past." and noted that international rises in extreme conservatism and religious fundamentalism had led to an anti-women backlash, some of which was shown through censure and criticism of women wearing "immodest" clothing.[23] In 2010 the mayor of Castellammare di Stabia in Italy ordered that police fine women for wearing "very short" miniskirts.[23][58] In the 2000s, a ban on miniskirts at a teacher's college in Kemerovo was claimed by lawyers to be against the terms of equality and human rights as laid out by the Russian constitution, whilst in Chile, the women's minister, Carolina Schmidt, described a regional governor's ban on public employees wearing minis and strapless tops as "absolute nonsense" and challenged their right to regulate other people's clothing.[58] In July 2010, Southampton city council also tried to regulate their female employees's wardrobes, telling them to avoid miniskirts and dress "appropriately."[58]

Miniskirts regularly appear in Africa as part of controversies, something that has continued since the 1960s.[59] In the early 21st century alone, instances have included a proposed ban on miniskirts in Uganda justified by claiming that they were a dangerous distraction to drivers and would cause road accidents, and in 2004, a leaflet campaign in Mombasa instructed women to dress modestly and "shun miniskirts", leading to the Kenyan government denying that they wanted a ban.[58] Since the 1990s, women perceived to be "indecently dressed" might be stripped in public often by gangs of men, but sometimes by other women.[59] These acts took place in Kenya, Zambia and elsewhere, including incidents in Johannesburg in 2008 and 2011 which led to similar attacks in various states including Sudan, Malawi, Zimbabwe and elsewhere.[59] The President of Malawi, Bingu wa Mutharika, was forced to make a statement in 2012 after male gangs forcibly stripped women in Lilongwe and Mzuzu.[59] By this point, "miniskirt protests" regularly followed these acts of violence, with the protesters defiantly wearing miniskirts.[59] In late February 2010, a group of about 200 Ugandan women demonstrated against a so-called "miniskirt law," an anti-pornography legislation which specifically forbade women to dress "in a manner designed to sexually excite," or from wearing clothing that revealed their thighs and/or other body parts.[58] Uganda revisited their proposed ban in 2013, with Simon Lokodo, Minister of Ethics and Integrity, proposing another anti-pornography bill which would outlaw revealing "intimate parts," defined as "anything above the knee," and vowing that women who wore miniskirts would be arrested.[60] While most of these proposed bans come from male politicians, in 2009 Joice Mujuru, Zimbabwe's Vice President, had to deal with rumours that she intended to ban miniskirts and trousers for women.[59] In Africa, one of the main issues with the miniskirt since the 1960s is that it is seen as representative of protest against predominantly male authority, an accusation also applied to trousers for women which are perceived as blurring the gender divide.[44][45][59]


san diego trolley how late does it run

The San Diego Trolley's three main lines operate regular service between 5am and midnight, seven days a week. Limited service on particular segments is provided before 5am and after midnight, however; but there is no rail service between 2am and 3:30am.[12] During these hours when there is no passenger service, freight trains of the San Diego and Imperial Valley Railroad operate on the trolley's right of way.

San Diego Trolley

128 LRVs in Total[4]
52 Siemens SD-100s[4] (1993)
11 Full Length Siemens S70s[4] (2004)
65 Streetcar Length Siemens S70s[4]
(2012â€“13)

September 2012 Trolley service map
(Silver Line is not shown, but it runs along the "diamond" shaped route downtown).

The San Diego Trolley (reporting mark SDTI) is a light rail system operating in the metropolitan area of San Diego. It is known colloquially as The Trolley. The Trolley's operator, San Diego Trolley, Inc. (SDTI),[1] is a subsidiary of the San Diego Metropolitan Transit System (MTS). The Trolley began service on July 26, 1981,[1] making it the oldest of the "second generation" light rail systems in the United States. The entire Trolley network serves 53 stations, and comprises 53.5 miles (86.1Â km) of route, and three primary lines named the Blue Line, the Orange Line, and the Green Line,[1] as well as a supplementary heritage streetcar downtown circulator known as the Silver Line that operates on select weekdays, weekends and holidays. In Q4 2014, the Trolley was the 4th most-ridden light rail system in the United States, with an average of 119,800 riders per weekday.[3]

The San Diego Trolley is operated by MTS, which is one of the oldest transit systems in Southern California dating back to the 1880s. Although its operating names have changed over the years, the two modes of transportation, buses and trolleys, have remained consistent over most of the past 125 years.

San Diego Trolley initially used the same German-built Siemens–Duewag U2 vehicles as the Edmonton Light Rail Transit system in Edmonton and the C-Train in Calgary, Alberta, Canada, and the Frankfurt U-Bahn in Frankfurt, Germany. The fleet has since been expanded to include Siemens SD-100 vehicles, and most recently Siemens S70 vehicles.[1]

Although electric rail service in San Diego traces its roots back to 1891 when John D. Spreckels incorporated the San Diego Electric Railway,[8] today's operating company, San Diego Trolley Incorporated (SDTI), was not founded until 1980[8] when the Metropolitan Transit Development Board (now operating as MTS) began planning a light-rail service along the Main Line of the San Diego and Arizona Eastern Railway (SD&AE Railway), which had been purchased by MTDB from Southern Pacific Railroad in 1979.[8] Service began on July 19, 1981, with revenue collection beginning on July 26, 1981.[8] 14 trains operated on a single line between Centre City or Downtown San Diego and San Ysidro, with stops in the cities of San Diego, National City, and Chula Vista.[9]

On March 23, 1986, SDTI opened an extension east from Centre City San Diego to Euclid Avenue, along the La Mesa Branch of the SD&AE Railway â€“ this new second line of the Trolley was then called the East Line.[8][9] Service was extended along the same line to Spring Street on May 12, 1989[8] serving Lemon Grove, and then to La Mesa and on to El Cajon on June 23, 1989.[8] Service from El Cajon to Santee, which does not operate along the old SD&AE right-of-way, began on August 26, 1995.[8][9]

The "Bayside" extension of the Trolley in Centre City San Diego opened on June 30, 1990.[10] The first phase of the Old Town extension, from C Street to Little Italy in Centre City San Diego, opened on July 2, 1992.[10] The second phase of that extension, running from Little Italy to Old Town, opened on June 16, 1996.[9][10]

The "Mission Valley West" SDTI extension from Old Town to Mission San Diego commenced service on November 23, 1997[9][10] – it was at this time that the former South Line and East Line of the system were renamed the Blue Line and the Orange Line, respectively.[8][10] The "Mission Valley East" extension from Mission San Diego to La Mesa began operating on July 10, 2005,[10] with the inauguration of the third line of the San Diego Trolley system, the Green Line.

The planning for the San Diego Trolley began in 1966 under the auspices of the Comprehensive Planning Organization (CPO), an intergovernmental agency of 13 cities and San Diego County.[9] San Diego's streetcar system had been replaced with buses in 1949. In 1966 the local bus company, San Diego Transit, was facing a financial crisis and public takeover. The CPO developed a mass-transit plan to address the long-range transportation issues of the metropolitan area.

Little progress was made in the decade 1966â€“1975. CPO continued to research options for addressing the region's transportation needs. Several prominent stakeholders submitted their own mass-transit master plans for the region. The alternatives studied in the decade included:

The debate between rail rapid transit and light rail was conducted without reference to any specific right-of-way or railroad tracks. The CPO's 1975 Regional Comprehensive Plan described a $1.5 billion rail-rapid transit system in San Diego featuring a system of 58 miles (93Â km) and 11 lines. However, by this time, it was widely acknowledged by public officials that the BART-like system would be much more expensive than light rail. Rail rapid plans were stalled due to high costs. Proponents of the rail rapid system were concerned about the low speed of at-grade streetcar systems. Operating deficits were also a concern. A 1974 CPO study concluded that a streetcar system would incur operating deficits of $1.9 million annually. It was also understood that any BART-like system would incur substantial deficits.

The creation of the Metropolitan Transit Development Board (MTDB) in 1976 with a clearly stated mission initially did not resolve differences between the many stakeholders. However, MTDB did analyze previous transit studies, and determined that the guideway system should satisfy the following principles:

A feasibility study completed in 1975 identified the unit costs of guideway options, including the estimation of ‘typical section’ per-linear-foot costs for six guideway types: (1) cut-and-cover subway; (2) tunnel bore; (3) ‘aerial line’; (4) open-cut line with retaining walls; (5) sidehill berm cut line; (6) at-grade line. In addition, the MTDB's enabling legislation explicitly required the guideway system to satisfy the following criteria, consistent with the principles adopted by the Board: priority consideration shall be given to technologies available and in use; guideway system shall be capable of being brought into operation incrementally; transportation rights-of-way of public entities shall be utilized to minimize construction costs. The adoption of the principles effectively required either a ‘light rail vehicle’ capable of street running (to avoid grade separation), or a commuter-rail like design terminating at the Santa Fe Depot.

The MTDB's enabling legislation also provided a dedicated funding source for guideway construction that would expire in 1981. Urgency was created since the dedicated funding would revert to the State highway fund if not expended on mass-transit guideway construction. In 1976â€“77, considerable planning efforts were completed. MTDB's 1977 "Guideway Planning Project: Phase I Report" identified many alignment options: Interstate highways I-5, I-8, and I-805; State Routes 94 and 163; railroad rights-of-way owned by Santa Fe (AT&SF) and by Southern Pacific/San Diego & Arizona Eastern (SD&AE); local arterials El Cajon Boulevard, 4th/6th/Genesee Avenues, and Highland/National/3rd/5th Avenues.

This report dismissed the use of local arterials for line-haul purposes, due to the cost of aerial or tunnel guideways. "A guideway extending from El Cajon easterly (parallel to I-8) to the vicinity of I-5/Santa Fe Railroad, then southerly through Centre City to San Ysidro parallel to I-5 and SD&AE" was recommended as the first increment. As planning intensified, Phase II of the "Guideway Planning Project" was under way, with efforts initially focusing on the El Cajon Line with the higher ridership potential. However, nature intervened.

On September 10, 1976, Tropical Storm Kathleen destroyed parts of SD&AE's Desert Line, at the time a part of the Southern Pacific (SP) system.[9] The hurricane caused $1.3 million worth of damage, primarily in the eastern part of the state. Through freight service to Arizona was suspended and San Diego became an isolated portion of the SP system. SP petitioned for abandonment of the SD&AE on August 9, 1977, of all tracks west of Plaster City, while the MTDB guideway planning project was ongoing. Due to the apparently immediate availability of a right-of-way in the South Bay Corridor, the transit planning refocused on the SD&AE (SP) Tijuana line, making it the effective ‘minimum operable segment’.

At the same time, the San Diego County Board of Supervisors became concerned about the freight service on the SD&AE. Direct freight service to the East was seen as vital to the county's economic interests and the continued viability of San Diego as a deep-water port. With an eye towards preserving freight service and future transit right-of-way, San Diego County commissioned its own internal study effort, "Feasibility of Using Existing SD&AE ROW for Commuter Service", to examine using a portion of the SD&AE tracks for light rail or diesel passenger service sharing track with freight services. Part of the motivation for considering the SD&AE was to "operate the freight service at a profit through changes to work rules, relief from property taxes, and sharing of costs with the transit operation".

By late 1977, two major transit investment studies were under way focusing on the same corridor: the MTDB-sponsored "Guideway Planning Project", and San Diego County's "SD&AE ROW Feasibility Study".

1. The Base Case: MTDB described the base case as a modified bus network that retained the same number of total vehicles as the present San Diego Transit system.

2. MTDB's All-Bus Improvement Alternative: This "low capital cost" system would have introduced high-occupancy vehicle lanes on freeways and invested in higher capacity buses and express routes.

3. MTDB's Rail Improvement Alternative, San Diego County's "Light Rail Electric": This "medium capital cost" has electric light-rail transit replacing buses in the South Line corridor and would re-deploy the buses on feeder services.

4. MTDB's Fully Separated Rail Freight Service Alternative: MTDB examined the possibility of an exclusive double-track South Line on the SD&AE right-of-way. Under this freight rationalization proposal, freight trains would operate over the parallel Coronado Spur south to Imperial Beach, and via 2 miles (3.2 km) of new right-of-way and 5 miles (8 km) of "shared corridor" parallel operations on dedicated tracks to reach Tijuana.

5. San Diego County's "Leased Diesel" Option: The county saw the leased diesel (equivalent to present day commuter rail) as the lowest initial cost option with the least time required to begin service. Facilities would be designed to be convertible to light rail when more funds became available.

6. San Diego County's "Light Rail Diesel" Option: The county was interested in the self-powered diesel rail cars for its lower capital costs, however, noted that the vehicles were not then approved by the California Public Utilities Commission for one-person operation.

In 1978, the MTDB successfully negotiated with SP to purchase the SD&AE for $18.1 million, including the $1.3 million required to restore the hurricane-damaged freight line. This was a dual-intent decision, to preserve both rail freight services to the Imperial Valley, and to preserve available right-of-way for future transit use. In light of cheaper light-rail options identified in the MTDB and San Diego County studies, more expensive options such as a proposed $325 million rail-rapid transit line on a new right-of-way to the border seemed less competitive. There was universal agreement that using the SD&AE right-of-way and light rail technology was more economical and practical than a new rail-rapid transit line.

Construction of the San Diego Trolley proceeded incrementally. The initial construction of new track focused mainly in downtown San Diego. The work on the SD&AE railroad track is best described as ‘rehabilitation’. The MTDB replaced 40% of all ties, cropped and welded the jointed rail, constructed electric catenaries, and installed an absolute block signal system. To control costs, the San Diego Trolley ordered only 14 cars, and did not install ‘mimic’ boards or the on-train location equipment until after the East Line was completed in 1989. No new sidings were initially installed on the SD&AE segment, which had three passing sidings between San Diego and San Ysidro. Service started at 15-minute headways using the rehabilitated single-track line.

San Diego Trolley opened in 1981 with 13.5 miles (21.7Â km) of operations on the South Line. Additional vehicles were purchased in 1983, and the South Line was mostly double-tracked by 1984, largely on the strength of demand for more frequent headways. The business plan's incremental building and funding approach was vindicated. The East Line opened to Euclid Avenue in 1986, and was extended to El Cajon in 1989 and Santee in 1995. Service was extended northward to Old Town in 1996 and then eastward in Mission Valley in both 1997 and 2005.[10]

The transit center at 12th & Imperial, in the southeastern portion of downtown San Diego, has historically been used as the transfer point between the various lines, and is located adjacent to the Trolley's maintenance facilities. It is a recognizable landmark in the neighborhood, as it includes a grey clocktower with red clock. It is located two blocks east of the main entrance to Petco Park and is the station serving that facility.

Trolley service operates on three daily lines: the Blue, Green, and Orange Lines, and travels through 53 stations and 53.5 total miles of double-track rail.[1] A fourth line, the heritage streetcar Silver Line, operates more limited weekday and weekend service, in a clockwise 'circle-loop' around downtown San Diego only.[2]

The San Diego Trolley system has 53 stations serving its four Trolley lines.[11]

Fourteen of the Trolley system's stations operate as transfer stations, which allow passengers to transfer between lines. There are two "universal" transfer points (i.e., allowing transfers among all four lines) in the system in downtown San Diego: the 12th & Imperial Transit Center station, and the America Plaza/Santa Fe Depot stations. Six Trolley stations are end-of-line stations. Of the 53 San Diego Trolley stations, 37 stations are within the city limits of San Diego, serving various neighborhoods in San Diego; the other 16 stations are located in the cities of Chula Vista, El Cajon, La Mesa, Lemon Grove, National City, and Santee.

Most of the stations in the San Diego Trolley system are 'at-grade' stations. There are 8 aerial stations, mostly on the newer Green Line. There is just one Trolley station in the system that is underground – the SDSU Transit Center station – also on the Green Line.

About half of San Diego Trolley stations offer free parking (i.e. Park & Ride). Most Trolley stations offer connections to MTS bus lines.

Service on the Blue Line operates every 15 minutes, seven days a week, with service every 7.5 minutes during weekday rush-hours; late-night service on this line runs every 30 minutes.[12] The Green and Orange Lines operate service every 15 minutes on Monday-Saturday mid-days, but every 30 minutes on weekend mornings, on Sundays, and during evenings.[12]

The fare for a standard one-way Trolley ticket is $2.50, and one-way tickets are good for two hours from the time of purchase.[13] Transfers between trolley lines are free, provided it is to complete the one-way trip;[13] but round-trips are not allowed on a one-way ticket.[13] Transfers to MTS/NCTD buses, the Coaster and the Sprinter are also not free with a standard one-way Trolley ticket. However, a Day Pass (good for one calendar day) is unlimited use, and allows unlimited travel on the San Diego Trolley system for that day, as well as most MTS & NCTD bus systems, and the north country Sprinter light rail service.[13] A RegionPlus Day Pass allows unlimited service on all of the above named systems, as well as MTS Premium buses and the Coaster commuter rail, for one calendar day.[13]

The following table shows San Diego MTS fares,[13] effective September 1, 2008[14] (in US dollars):

Fare collection is based on a proof-of-payment system. The San Diego Trolley is a barrier-free (no turnstiles), self-service system. Patrons must have proof of fare (ticket or pass) before boarding. Self-serve ticket vending machines are located at each station. Compass Card (see below) users must "tap" at a Compass Card validator (located at various points around each Trolley station, and on MTS buses) or on the Compass Card target on a ticket vending machine before boarding a trolley. Random fare inspections are performed by roving transit enforcement personnel. Based on frequent security inspections, nearly 98% of the 37 million patrons have proper fares.[1]

The Compass Card is a form of electronic ticketing used on public transport services within San Diego County, California. It is administered by the San Diego Association of Governments (SANDAG)[15] and is valid for travel on a number of different transit systems within San Diego County including MTS buses, the San Diego Trolley, North County Buses, the Coaster commuter rail line and the SPRINTER (a light rail line in north San Diego County). The card and fare collection systems are manufactured by Cubic Transportation Systems, and SANDAG administers the Compass Call Center (CCC), a central call center for all agencies.[16]

The Compass Card is an orange or yellow, credit-card-sized contactless smartcard which can hold a transit pass, such as a Day Pass, a 14-Day Pass, etc. The Compass Card card must tapped on an electronic Compass Card validator when entering and transferring within the system in order to validate the fare. Compass Card readers are integrated in bus fareboxes, and standalone readers are located just outside the paid-area of Trolley and rail stations.

As of the Fourth Quarter (Q4) of 2013, the average weekday ridership on the San Diego Trolley system was 119,800,[3] making it the fourth busiest Light rail system in the United States. Taking overall track length into consideration, the San Diego Trolley transported 2,239 daily passengers per route mile in Q4 2014, making it the twelfth busiest Light rail system on a per mile basis over this time period. Weekday ridership on the Trolley has been relatively high since Q3 2013 (see table at right).

In all of 2014, the San Diego Trolley provided 39,731,900 unlinked passenger transits according to the American Public Transportation Association (APTA).[3] MTS reported that there were 39,694,197 trips on the Trolley in Fiscal Year 2014 (FY 2014), a 34% increase over Fiscal Year 2013.[18] Of the Trolley's three lines, the Blue Line has the system's highest ridership with 15,094,878 riders during FY 2014, followed by the Green Line with 13,673,926 FY 2014 riders, and the Orange Line with 10,896,289 FY 2014 riders.[18] The Silver Line, operating only mid-days just four days a week (and with some service interruptions during the year), carried 29,104 passengers around the downtown loop in FY2014.

The following ridership data for the San Diego Trolley was obtained from the American Public Transportation Association's (APTA) Ridership Report Archives:[19]

According to figures from APTA, previous to 2014, the San Diego Trolley achieved the highest level of ridership in 2007, when there were 36,386,100 unlinked passenger transits on the system over that entire year.[20] The Trolley system's highest average weekday ridership of 124,300 was achieved in Q3 2007[21] â€“ this corresponded to 2,323 passengers per route mile daily.

On September 24, 2009, MTS approved the purchase of 57 new model Siemens S70 cars, at a total cost of $205 million.[22][23] The cars began arriving in late September 2011 and are custom made model S70s. In 2012, the order was increased from 57 to 65 of these'streetcar length' S70s.[24][25] The new vehicles are nine feet (2.74Â m) shorter than the existing S70 vehicles on the system, making them the equivalent size of the older SD100 "Boxed Shaped" cars, allowing for three car operation in the downtown area. In order to run these trolleys on the older Orange and Blue Lines a platform and tracks renovation project was begun in 2010,[26][27] starting with Blue Line stations south of Old Town, working its way southbound.

The project entailed raising the station from a track level (0-inch or 0-millimeter) or 4-inch (102 mm) raised platform to a 6-inch (152 mm) raised platform and placing a special "safety tile" with a smooth surface in the center, on the curb to allow for the wheelchair ramps to deploy without being damaged, as the existing "safety tile" contains rivets all the way throughout it. Some stations, primarily south of 12th and Imperial on the Blue Line, continued to board at track level through early 2015, and major re-construction was needed before low-floor trolleys could operate at these stations. Such improvements included brand new station platforms, station structures, rails, switches, signals, and overhead wires.[22]

In addition to new LRVs, San Diego Trolley also slowly retrofitted the SD-100s LRVs with new paint, door sensors & switches, wheelchair lifts, route display signs, and interior & exterior lighting. The oldest model U2 trolleys had very little that can be done to improve their functionality or operation as they lacked the overhead equipment compartments found in the SD-100s and S70s, and were planned to be entirely phased out and retired by 2015. Eleven of the U2 cars were sold to the upstart Metrotranvía Mendoza in Mendoza, Argentina;[28] another 29 had been retired by early 2013,[1] and the rest of the U2 trolleys were retired from service in January 2015.[29] Four U2 cars have been preserved: car 1019 at the Rockhill Trolley Museum, car 1008 at the Orange Empire Railway Museum, as well as cars 1017 and 1018 at the Western Railway Museum.

The project cost around $660 million.[25][30] The new LRVs began arriving in late September 2011 and began running on the Green Line on October 3, 2011.[31] Additional new LRVs began operation on the Orange line in January 2013.[32] The final phase of the project began July 25, 2013 with a groundbreaking ceremony to kick off the construction to modernize the remaining unrenovated stations on the portion of the Blue Line south of downtown San Diego.[33] The low-floor Siemens S70 trolleys began operation on the Blue Line on January 27, 2015,[34] which coincided with the retirement of the last of the original U2 trolleys.[29] The project, including remaining station and track renovations, was completed in late 2015.[30]

On September 2, 2012,[35][36] MTS realigned trolley operations to allow for "more efficient travel" and to solve several issues with the previous operating layout. The Green Line was extended from its former western terminus in Old Town south to 12th & Imperial Transit Center's Bayside Terminal, eliminating the need for the Special Event Service Line, which previously ran on a similar route. The Orange Line's western terminus was extended to Santa Fe Depot while its eastern terminus was shortened to El Cajon Transit Center due to the line's low ridership to and from the Gillespie Field station. The Blue Line's northern terminus was temporarily shortened to America Plaza until the completion of the Mid-Coast Trolley extension project.[37][38] Not only does this plan ensure every line will stop or pass through downtown, but it also creates two "universal" transfer points, one at the 12th & Imperial Transit Center (at the east side of downtown) and the other at the America Plaza/Santa Fe Depot (on the west side of downtown).

SANDAG is planning an extension of the Blue Line[39] from the Old Town Transit Center 11 miles (17.7Â km) to the University City community, which will serve major activity and employment centers such as the University of California, San Diego (UCSD) campus and University Towne Centre (UTC) shopping center.[40][41] This is part of the "Mid-Coast Corridor Transit Project".[42] Construction is scheduled to begin in the second half of 2015, and the Mid-Coast extension is slated to be completed and in operation by 2021.[40]

After the Mid-Coast Trolley extension project is completed, the Blue Line will be extended north from its current northern terminus at America Plaza to run through 5 existing stations (up to and including the Old Town Transit Center), 8 new stations (Tecolote Road, Clairemont Drive, Balboa Avenue, Nobel Drive, VA Medical Center, UCSD West/Pepper Canyon, UCSD East/Voigt Drive, and Executive Drive), and then terminate at University Towne Center in the University City/UCSD area.[40]

MTS began work in March 2011 on a study to evaluate the feasibility of reconnecting Balboa Park, the San Diego Zoo and Downtown San Diego through a fixed-guideway, electrified streetcar line â€“ the final study on the subject was published in October 2012.[43] The project study corridor runs between the City College Trolley Station area, and Balboa Park in the vicinity of the San Diego Zoo.[44] An alignment similar to the proposed one was last served by a streetcar system in 1949 on lines 7 (Park Boulevard-University Avenue to East San Diego) & 11 (Park Boulevard-Adams Avenue to Kensington).[45] The Committee evaluated what types of streetcars to use for this proposed line, the possible options including the recently ordered 57 Ultra Short 2011 S70s in the "Modern Streetcar" category, and the restored PCC Streetcars from the Downtown Silver Line in the "Vintage Streetcar" category.[46][47] The major construction issue was how to cross I-5 without having to reconstruct the entire bridge. The estimated cost for construction of this line was $68.2 million, with each trolley car estimated to cost between $850,000 (for a restored PPC trolley car) to $3.6 million (for a modern trolley car). Four cars are anticipated for service on this line. No funding sources were identified. No further action on this proposal has taken place since the October 2012 release of the study.

Since 2009, SANDAG has proposed a plan that would bring trolley service to Lindbergh Field. On January 19, 2013, mayor Bob Filner endorsed the idea, which spawned a renewed city interest in the project. In January 2013, SANDAG took steps to bring about a proposed extension to the Airport; MTS also had this idea in consideration for many years. One scenario of the plan would be an extension of the existing Orange Line from downtown to the southern portion of Lindbergh Field along Harbor Drive that would connect the Airport's terminals to trolley service. Another proposed scenario would bring service to the northern portion of the Airport and connect with the Blue and Green Lines at Washington Street and/or Old Town in the near or distant future. The California High-Speed Rail line is also planned to terminate on the north side of the airport (in Phase 2, which has no timetable yet). There is no projected completion date for this proposed airport extension.

A dedicated local bus line (Route 992) currently provides a connection between the airport terminals and downtown. There is also the Trolley â†’ Terminal Shuttle service, which takes passengers from the terminals to within 1 block of the Middletown station on the Green Line.

The San Diego Association of Governments (SANDAG) released a draft of its 2050 Regional Transportation Plan in April 2011, which was approved by the SANDAG Board of Directors on October 28, 2011.[48][49] Significant expansion of 156 new miles of Trolley service is proposed in the 2050 RTP,[48] as well as the creation of three new streetcar lines serving Downtown San Diego.

The following Trolley and streetcar projects were included in the 2050 Regional Transportation Plan. The Plan's projected date of completion of each project is shown, but these dates are highly speculative since no specific commitments are being made in this plan, with the exception of the Blue Line Mid-Coast Extension which is currently under development.[50]

A related project to these is the plan to build an Airport Intermodal Transit Center on the northeast side of Lindbergh Field by 2035,[53] which would include direct Trolley service access (from the Green Line, and from the Blue Line as well after the completion of the Mid-Coast Transit project) to San Diego International Airport. (Note: This is unrelated to the separate proposal to extend the Orange Line along Harbor Drive to the terminals on the south side of Lindbergh Field.)

Other Trolley projects in the 2050 Regional Transportation Plan involve more grade separations (from street crossings) for the Blue and Orange Lines, and the creation of more Express Lines on existing track.[50]

Below are the technical specifications of the system's four different models of light rail vehicles, as shown on the website of the MTS.[4][24]

In addition, one heritage (1946) Presidents Conference Committee (PCC) streetcar, Car 529, has been operating on the Silver Line since its opening in 2011;[5] a second restored (1946) PCC streetcar, Car 530, entered service on the Silver Line in March 2015.[6]

Below are the floor plans of the system's three different models of light rail vehicle, as shown on the website of the MTS.[4][24]

71 units (originally; now: no longer in operation)

Car nos.:
1001 â€“ 1071

First purchase:
1981

Car nos.:
2001 â€“ 2052

First purchase:
1993

Car nos.:
3001 â€“ 3011

First purchase:
2004

Car nos.: 4001â€“4065

First purchase:
2009/2012


where does the name the habs come from

The club's official name is le Club de hockey Canadien.[4] The team is frequently referred to in English and French as the Habs. French nicknames for the team include Les Canadiens (or Le Canadien), Le Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, La Sainte-Flanelle, Le Tricolore, Les Glorieux (or Nos Glorieux), Le CH, Le Grand Club and Les Habitants (from which "Habs" is derived).

Montreal Canadiens

Red, white, blue[1][2]

The Montreal Canadiens[note 3] (French: Les Canadiens de MontrÃ©al) are a professional ice hockey team based in Montreal, Quebec. They are members of the Atlantic Division of the Eastern Conference of the National Hockey League (NHL).

Founded in 1909, the Canadiens are the longest continuously operating professional ice hockey team worldwide, and the only existing NHL club to predate the founding of the NHL. One of the oldest North American professional sports franchises, the Canadiens' history predates that of every other Canadian franchise outside of football as well as every American franchise outside of baseball and the National Football League's Arizona Cardinals. The franchise is one of the "Original Six" teams, a description used for the teams that made up the NHL from 1942 until the 1967 expansion. The team's championship season in 1992–93 was the last time a Canadian team won the Stanley Cup.[5]

The Canadiens have won the Stanley Cup more times than any other franchise. They have won 24 Stanley Cups, 23 of them since the founding of the NHL and 22 of them since 1927, when NHL teams became the only ones to compete for the Stanley Cup.[6] On a percentage basis, as of 2014, the franchise has won 25.3% of all Stanley Cup championships contested after the Challenge Cup era, making it the second most successful professional sports team of the traditional four major sports of Canada and the United States, behind only the Boston Celtics.[note 4][7][8]

Since 1996, the Canadiens have played their home games at Bell Centre, originally known as Molson Centre.[9] The team previously played at the Montreal Forum which housed the team for seven decades and all but their first two Stanley Cup championships.[note 5]

The Canadiens were founded by J. Ambrose O'Brien on December 4, 1909, as a charter member of the National Hockey Association,[10][11] the forerunner to the National Hockey League. It was to be the team of the francophone community in Montreal, composed of francophone players, and under francophone ownership as soon as possible.[12] The team's first season was not a success, as they placed last. After the first year, ownership was transferred to George Kennedy of Montreal and the team's fortunes improved over the next seasons.[13] The team won its first Stanley Cup championship in the 1915–16 season.[14] In 1917, with four other NHA teams, the Canadiens formed the NHL,[15] and they won their first NHL Stanley Cup during the 1923–24 season, led by Howie Morenz.[16] The team moved from the Mount Royal Arena to the Montreal Forum for the 1926–27 season.[17]

The club began the 1930s decade successfully, with Stanley Cup wins in 1930 and 1931. The Canadiens and its then-Montreal rival, the Montreal Maroons, declined both on the ice and economically during the Great Depression. Losses grew to the point where the team owners considering selling the team to interests in Cleveland, Ohio, though local investors were ultimately found to finance the Canadiens.[18] The Maroons still suspended operations, and several of their players moved to the Canadiens.[19]

Led by the "Punch Line" of Maurice "Rocket" Richard, Toe Blake and Elmer Lach in the 1940s, the Canadiens enjoyed success again atop the NHL. From 1953 to 1960, the franchise won six Stanley Cups, including a record five straight from 1956 to 1960, with a new set of stars coming to prominence: Jean Beliveau, Dickie Moore, Doug Harvey, Bernie "Boom Boom" Geoffrion, Jacques Plante and Richard's younger brother, Henri.[20]

The Canadiens added ten more championships in 15 seasons from 1965 to 1979, with another dynastic run of four-straight Cups from 1976 to 1979.[21] In the 1976–77 season, the Canadiens set two still-standing team records – for most points, with 132, and fewest losses, by only losing eight games in an 80-game season.[22] The next season, 1977–78, the team had a 28-game unbeaten streak, the second-longest in NHL history.[23] The next generation of stars included Guy Lafleur, Yvan Cournoyer, Ken Dryden, Pete Mahovlich, Jacques Lemaire, Pierre Larouche, Steve Shutt, Bob Gainey, Serge Savard, Guy Lapointe and Larry Robinson. Scotty Bowman, who would later set a record for most NHL victories by a coach, was the team's head coach for its last five Stanley Cup victories in the 1970s.[24]

The Canadiens won Stanley Cups in 1986, led by rookie star goaltender Patrick Roy,[25] and in 1993, continuing their streak of winning at least one championship in every decade from the 1910s to the 1990s (this streak came to an end in the 2000s).[26] In 1996, the Habs moved from the Montreal Forum, their home during 70 seasons and 22 Stanley Cups, to Molson Centre (now called Bell Centre).[27]

Following Roy's departure in 1995, the Canadiens fell into an extended stretch of mediocrity,[28] missing the playoffs in four of their next ten seasons and failing to advance past the second round of the playoffs until 2010.[29] By the late 1990s, with both an ailing team and monetary losses exacerbated by a record-low value of the Canadian dollar, Montreal fans feared their team would end up relocated to the United States. Team owner Molson Brewery sold control of the franchise and the Molson Centre to American businessman George N. Gillett Jr. in 2001, with the right of first refusal for any future sale by Gillett and a condition that the NHL Board of Governors must unanimously approve any attempt to move to a new city.[30] Led by president Pierre Boivin, the Canadiens returned to being a lucrative enterprise, earning additional revenues from broadcasting and arena events. In 2009, Gillett sold the franchise to a consortium led by the Molson family which included The Woodbridge Company, BCE/Bell, the Fonds de solidarité FTQ, Michael Andlauer, Luc Bertrand and the National Bank Financial Group for $575 million, more than double the $275 million he spent on the purchase eight years prior.[31][32]

During the 2008–09 season, the Canadiens celebrated their 100th anniversary with various events,[33] including hosting both the 2009 NHL All-Star Game,[34] and the 2009 NHL Entry Draft.[35] The Canadiens became the first team in NHL history to reach 3,000 victories with their 5–2 victory over the Florida Panthers on December 29, 2008.[36]

The Canadiens organization operates in both English and French. For many years, public address announcements and press releases have been given in both languages, and the team Web site and social media outlets are in both languages as well. At home games, the first stanza of O Canada is sung in French, and the chorus is sung in English.

One of sport's oldest and most recognizable logos, the classic 'C' and 'H' of the Montreal Canadiens was first used together in the 1917–18 season, when the club changed its name to "Club de hockey Canadien" from "Club athlétique Canadien",[37] before evolving to its current form in 1952–53. The "H" stands for "hockey", not "Habitants," a popular misconception.[38] According to NHL.com, the first man to refer to the team as "the Habs" was American Tex Rickard, owner of the Madison Square Garden, in 1924. Rickard apparently told a reporter that the "H" on the Canadiens' sweaters was for "Habitants".[39]

The team's colours since 1911 are blue, red, and white. The home sweater is predominantly red in colour. There are four blue and white stripes, one across each arm, one across the chest and the other across the waistline. The main road sweater is mainly white with a red and blue stripe across the waist, red at the end of both arm sleeves red shoulder yokes. The basic design has been in use since 1914 and took its current form in 1925, generally evolving as materials changed.[40] Because of the team's lengthy history and significance in Quebec, the sweater has been referred to as 'La Sainte-Flanelle' (the holy flannel sweater).

The Canadiens used multiple designs prior to adopting the aforementioned design in 1914. The original shirt of the 1909–10 season was blue with a white C. The second season had a red shirt featuring a green maple leaf with the C logo, and green pants. Lastly, the season before adopting the current look the Canadiens wore a "barber pole" design jersey with red, white and blue stripes, and the logo being a white maple leaf reading "CAC", "Club athlétique Canadien".[40] All three designs were worn during the 2009–10 season as part of the Canadiens centenary.[41]

The Canadiens' colours are a readily identifiable aspect of French Canadian culture. In the short story "The Hockey Sweater", Roch Carrier described the influence of the Canadiens and their jersey within rural Quebec communities during the 1940s.[42] The story was later made into an animated short, The Sweater, narrated by Carrier.[43] A passage from the short story appears on the 2002 issue of the Canadian five-dollar bill.[44][45]

Nos bras meurtris vous tendent le flambeau, Ã  vous toujours de le porter bien haut.

To you from failing hands we throw the torch. Be yours to hold it high.

The motto is from the poem "In Flanders Fields" by John McCrae, which was written in 1915, the year before the Canadiens won their first Stanley Cup championship. The motto appears on the wall of the Canadiens' dressing room as well as on the inside collar of the new Adidas 2017â€“18 jerseys.[46]

Beginning in the 2004–05 NHL season, the Canadiens adopted Youppi! as their official mascot, the first costumed mascot in their long history. Youppi was the longtime mascot for the Montreal Expos baseball team, but was dropped from the franchise when they moved to Washington, D.C. in 2004 and became the Washington Nationals. With the switch, Youppi became the first mascot in professional sports to switch leagues.[47]

The Canadiens have developed strong rivalries with two fellow Original Six franchises, with whom they frequently shared divisions and competed in post-season play. The oldest is with the Toronto Maple Leafs, who first faced the Canadiens as the Toronto Arenas in 1917. The teams met 15 times in the playoffs, including five Stanley Cup finals. Featuring the two largest cities in Canada and two of the largest fanbases in the league, the rivalry is sometimes dramatized as being emblematic of Canada's English and French linguistic divide.[48][49] From 1938 to 1970, they were the only two Canadian teams in the league.

The team's other Original Six rival are the Boston Bruins, who since their NHL debut in 1924 have played the Canadiens more than any other team in both regular season play and the playoffs combined. The teams have played 34 playoff series, seven of which were in the finals.[50][51]

The Canadiens also had an intraprovincial rivalry with the Quebec Nordiques during its existence from 1979 to 1995, nicknamed the "Battle of Quebec."

Montreal Canadiens games are broadcast locally in both the French and English languages. CHMP 98.5 is the Canadiens' French-language radio flagship.[52] As of the 2017–18 season, the team's regional television in both languages, and its English-language radio rights, are held by Bell Media.[53] CKGM, TSN Radio 690, is the English-language radio flagship; it acquired the rights under a seven-year deal which began in the 2011–12 season.[54] In June 2017, Bell Media reached a five-year extension.[53]

Regional television rights in French are held by Réseau des sports (RDS) under a 12-year deal that began in the 2014–15 NHL season.[55] A sister to the English-language network TSN, RDS was the only French-language sports channel in Canada until the 2011 launch of TVA Sports,[56] and was also the previous national French rightsholder of the NHL; as a result, the Canadiens forewent a separate regional contract, and allowed all of its games to be televised nationally in French as part of RDS's overall NHL rights.[57]

With TVA Sports becoming the national French rightsholder in the 2014–15 season through a sub-licensing agreement with Sportsnet,[57] RDS subsequently announced a 12-year deal to maintain regional rights to Canadiens games not shown on TVA Sports. As a result, games on RDS are blacked out outside the Canadiens' home market of Quebec, Atlantic Canada and parts of Eastern Ontario shared with the Ottawa Senators.[55] At least 22 Canadiens games per season (primarily through its Saturday night La super soirée LNH), including all playoff games, are televised nationally by TVA Sports.[58][59]

TSN2 assumed the English-language regional television rights in the 2017â€“18 season, with John Bartlett on play-by-play, and Dave Poulin, Mike Johnson and Craig Button on colour commentary.[60][53] All other games, including all playoff games, are televised nationally by Sportsnet or CBC.[61]

English-language regional rights were previously held by Sportsnet East (with CJNT City Montreal as an overflow channel), under a 3-year deal that expired after the 2016â€“17 season; the games were called by Bartlett and Jason York. Prior to this deal, TSN held the rights from 2010 through 2014; the games were broadcast on a part-time channel with Dave Randorf on play-by-play.[62][52][63]

This is a list of the last five seasons completed by the Canadiens. For the full season-by-season history, see List of Montreal Canadiens seasons.

Note: GP = Games played, W = Wins, L = Losses, T = Ties, OTL = Overtime Losses, Pts = Points, GF = Goals for, GA = Goals against

Updated April 8, 2018[64][65]

The Canadiens have retired 15 numbers in honour of 18 players,[66] the most of any team in the NHL. All of the honourees were born in Canada. Howie Morenz was the first honouree, on November 2, 1937.[67] The NHL retired Wayne Gretzky's No. 99 for all its member teams at the 2000 NHL All-Star Game.[68]

The Montreal Canadiens have an affiliation with a number of inductees to the Hockey Hall of Fame. Sixty-four inductees from the players category are affiliated with the Canadiens. Thirty-six of these players are from three separate notable dynasties: 12 from 1955–60, 11 from 1964–69 and 13 from 1975–79. Howie Morenz and Georges Vezina were the first Canadiens given the honour in 1945, while Mark Recchi was the most recently inducted, in 2017. Along with players, a number of inductees from the builders category are affiliated with the club. The first inductee was Vice-President William Northey in 1945. The most recent inductee was head coach Pat Burns in 2014.[69]

In addition to players and builders, five broadcasters for the Montreal Canadiens were also awarded the Foster Hewitt Memorial Award from the Hockey Hall of Fame. The first two recipients of the award were Danny Gallivan and Rene Lecavalier in 1984. The other three award recipients include Doug Smith (1985), Dick Irvin (1988), and Gilles Tremblay (2002).[70]

Source: "Historical Website of the Montreal Canadiens". Montreal Canadiens. Retrieved December 12, 2008. [permanent dead link]

These are the top-ten-point-scorers in franchise history. Figures are updated after each completed NHL regular season.

Note: Pos = Position; GP = Games Played; G = Goals; A = Assists; Pts = Points; P/G = Points per game

Sources: "Statistics | Historical Website of the Montreal Canadiens". Montreal Canadiens. Retrieved June 27, 2009. , "Hockey-Reference.com". June 17, 2010.

* Indicates a league record.

Source: "Season records – Individual records – Skaters | Historical Website of the Montreal Canadiens". Montreal Canadiens. Retrieved December 12, 2008.

* Indicates a league record.

Source: "Season records – Individual records – goaltenders | Historical Website of the Montreal Canadiens". Montreal Canadiens. Retrieved December 12, 2008.


where does the souris river start and end

The Souris River (French: rivière Souris) or Mouse River (as it is alternatively known in the U.S., a direct translation from its French name) is a river in central North America. It is about 700 km (435 mi) in length and drains about 23,600 square miles (61,100 km2). It rises in the Yellow Grass Marshes north of Weyburn, Saskatchewan. It wanders south through North Dakota beyond Minot to its most southern point at the city of Velva, and then back north into Manitoba. The river passes through the communities of Melita, Hartney, Souris and Wawanesa and on to its confluence with the Assiniboine River at Treesbank, about 25 miles (40 km) south east of Brandon. The main tributaries which flow into the Souris in Manitoba are the Antler River, the Gainsborough and Plum Creeks. Much of its drainage basin is fertile silt and clay deposited by former glacial Lake Souris.

Souris River

The channel capacity of the river in Manitoba varies from about 150 cubic feet per second (4.2 m3/s) near the border, to about 1,400 cubic feet per second (40 m3/s) through Melita, to about 1,100 cubic feet per second (31 m3/s) near Lauder and 1,700 cubic feet per second (48 m3/s) near Hartney. North of Hartney the capacity increases to more than 3,000 cubic feet per second (85 m3/s). The drop between the border and Hartney is only about 6 inches per mile (9.5 cm/km).

During the period from 1930 to 1941 severe drought conditions prevailed and PFRA constructed four stock watering dams. In 1937 the Snyder and Ross Dams were built near Melita. In 1938 the Napinka Dam was built and the Hartney Dam was built in 1941. These were all stop log dams with a total capacity of 2,400 acre feet (3,000,000 m3). The Souris Dam was originally built in 1911 and was rebuilt in 1935. The Wawanesa Dam was completed in 1951 storing about 320 acre feet (390,000 m3) of water.

Most of the annual flow of the Souris River comes from snow melt and spring rains. The annual flow volume varies dramatically from 3,400 acre feet (4,200,000 m3) in 1937 to 2,100,000 acre feet (2.59 km3) in 1976. It is expected that the total runoff for 2011 at Wawanesa will exceed 3,800,000 acre feet (4.69 km3) about a one in 500 year event. The average annual runoff is equivalent to 3 mm over the entire Souris River watershed.[3]

Two large dams in Saskatchewan, Rafferty Dam and Alameda Dam were built, in part, to reduce flood peaks on the Souris River.

In summer 2011, a historic flood affected much of the Souris River basin, overtopping levees and causing the evacuation of about 11,000 residents in Minot as well as significant damage to farmland and other property along the length of the river.

Fish species include walleye, yellow perch, northern pike, white sucker, black bullhead, goldeye, brown bullhead and burbot.


who plays general zod in man of steel

Shannon played a corrupt cop in the film Premium Rush (2012), written and directed by David Koepp.[20] In 2012, Shannon appeared on Broadway in Grace along with actors Paul Rudd and Ed Asner. In 2013, he starred as legendary mob hitman Richard Kuklinski in The Iceman, which was distributed in May 2013. His performance received much acclaim from critics. Also that year, Shannon portrayed General Zod, the main antagonist in Zack Snyder's film Man of Steel.[21] Shannon portrayed music icon Elvis Presley alongside Kevin Spacey as President Richard Nixon in Elvis & Nixon.[citation needed]

Michael Shannon

Michael Corbett Shannon (born August 7, 1974)[1][2] is an American actor and musician. He has been nominated twice for the Academy Award for Best Supporting Actor for his roles in Revolutionary Road (2008) and Nocturnal Animals (2016), further earning Screen Actors Guild Award and Golden Globe Award nominations for his role in 99 Homes (2014). He received a Tony Award nomination for Best Featured Actor in a Play for Long Day's Journey into Night (2016).

Shannon made his film debut opposite Bill Murray in Groundhog Day (1993) and received widespread attention for his performance in 8 Mile (2002). He is known for his on-screen versatility, performing in both comedies and dramas. Notable projects include Pearl Harbor (2001), Bad Boys II (2003), Bug (2006), Before the Devil Knows You're Dead (2007), The Iceman (2012), Man of Steel (2013) and Elvis & Nixon (2016). Shannon is a frequent collaborator of Jeff Nichols, appearing in all of his films: Shotgun Stories (2007), Take Shelter (2011), Mud (2012), Midnight Special and Loving (both 2016). He is also known for his role as Nelson Van Alden in the HBO period drama series Boardwalk Empire (2010â€“2014), for which he was nominated for three Screen Actors Guild Awards.

Shannon was born in Lexington, Kentucky, and is a grandson of entomologist Raymond Corbett Shannon.[3] His father, Donald Sutherlin Shannon, was an accounting professor at DePaul University, and his mother, Geraldine Hine, is a lawyer.[4][5][6] He was raised by his divorced parents in both Lexington, Kentucky, and Chicago, Illinois.[7][8]

Shannon's first film role was as the main character in the music video for the Every Mother's Nightmare song "House of Pain", in which he played a troubled teenager who was running away from his abusive lifestyle. He later became a stage actor in Chicago. He helped found A Red Orchid Theatre, where he still regularly performs.[3] He has since worked with the Steppenwolf Theatre Company, Northlight Theatre, and other acting companies.[9] Shannon originated the role of Peter Evans in Bug in 1996 and also starred in the 2006 film adaptation with Ashley Judd and Harry Connick Jr., directed by William Friedkin. His roles in Bug and Killer Joe were written by Steppenwolf ensemble member Tracy Letts.[8]

Shannon made his film debut with a small role in Groundhog Day in 1993 as a wedding groom.[10] Later, he had roles in Jesus' Son, Pearl Harbor, 8 Mile and Vanilla Sky. He played the villain in Kangaroo Jack. After a role in Bad Boys II, he had a major role in Grand Theft Parsons as the hippie, Larry Oster-Berg. In 2006, he played the leader of a prison white supremacist group, Lynard, in Let's Go to Prison. Shannon has appeared in several shows in the West End in London, including a production of Woyzeck directed by Sarah Kane.[11] In 2008, Shannon was featured in the off-Broadway production of Stephen Adly Guirgis's The Little Flower of East Orange, presented by LAByrinth Theater Company and The Public Theater, directed by Philip Seymour Hoffman and also featuring Ellen Burstyn.[12]

Shannon's role in Revolutionary Road, also starring Kate Winslet and Leonardo DiCaprio, earned him an Academy Award nomination for Best Supporting Actor.[13] He portrayed Doc Cross Williams in the film adaptation of Jonah Hex.[14] Shannon appeared in the 2011 film Take Shelter and received rave reviews for his performance,[15][16] as well as a Saturn Award for Best Actor.[17] In the 2010 HBO television show Boardwalk Empire, Shannon plays the role of Federal Prohibition agent Nelson Van Alden. In November 2010, he began starring in the one man play Mistakes Were Made at the Barrow Street Theatre in New York City, with performances having run through February 27, 2012.[18] Shannon had previously performed the show in 2009 at A Red Orchid Theatre in Chicago.[19]

In 2015, he was seen in the biographical drama film Freeheld, as well as the independent drama film 99 Homes as housing agent Rick Carver, a role that earned him widespread critical acclaim, and nominations for the Golden Globe Award for Best Supporting Actor – Motion Picture and the Screen Actors Guild Award for Outstanding Performance by a Male Actor in a Supporting Role.[22][23]

The following year, he starred in the psychological thriller film Nocturnal Animals, alongside Jake Gyllenhaal and Amy Adams. His performance as a dying detective investigating the violent incident garnered him critical acclaim,[24][25][26][27] and was nominated for his second Academy Award for Best Supporting Actor.[28]

He is set to appear in the romantic fantasy film The Shape of Water and as George Westinghouse in the biographical historical film The Current War.[29][30] Both films screened at the 2017 Toronto International Film Festival[31] and are set for release in late 2017.[32][33]

In 2002, Shannon formed the indie rock band Corporal, along with Ray Rizzo and Rob Beitzel. Shannon sings and writes lyrics for the band. In 2010, Corporal released their self-titled debut album.[34] Following the album's release two MP3 tracks have been released for download. The first track "Glory" was released in 2011 and the second song titled "Obama" was released in June 2012 as the band's way of endorsing President Obama's run for reelection.[35]

Shannon is in a relationship with actress Kate Arrington; they have two daughters, Sylvie and Marion. They live in the neighborhood of Red Hook located in the New York City borough of Brooklyn.[36]

In a November 2016 interview with newspaper, Metro New York, Shannon voiced his political disdain for both U.S. President-elect Donald Trump and those senior citizens who voted for him with the following statement:

"There's a lot of old people who need to realize they've had a nice life, and it's time for them to move on because they're the ones who go out and vote for these assholes. If you look at the young people, between 18 and 25, if it was up to them, Hillary [Clinton] would have been president. No offense to the seniors out there. My mom's a senior citizen. But if you're voting for Trump, it's time for the urn."[37][38]


the millikan oil drop experiment showed the existence of

The experiment entailed observing tiny electrically charged droplets of oil located between two parallel metal surfaces, forming the plates of a capacitor. The plates were oriented horizontally, with one plate above the other. A mist of atomized oil drops was introduced through a small hole in the top plate. First, with zero applied electric field, the velocity of a falling droplet was measured.  At terminal velocity, the drag force equals the gravitational force. As both forces depend on the radius in different ways, the radius of the droplet, and therefore the mass and gravitational force, could be determined (using the known density of the oil).  Next, a voltage inducing an electric field was applied between the plates and adjusted until the drops were suspended in mechanical equilibrium, indicating that the electrical force and the gravitational force were in balance.  Using the known electric field, Millikan and Fletcher could determine the charge on the oil droplet. By repeating the experiment for many droplets, they confirmed that the charges were all small integer multiples of a certain base value, which was found to be 6981159240000000000♠1.5924(17)×10−19 C, about 0.6% difference from the currently accepted value of 6981160217648699999♠1.602176487(40)×10−19 C.[1] They proposed that this was the magnitude of the negative charge of a single electron.

Oil drop experiment

The oil drop experiment was performed by Robert A. Millikan and Harvey Fletcher in 1909 to measure the elementary electric charge (the charge of the electron).

Starting in 1908, while a professor at the University of Chicago, Millikan, with the significant input of Fletcher,[2] and after improving his setup, published his seminal study in 1913.[3]  This remains controversial since papers found after Fletcher's death describe events in which Millikan coerced Fletcher into relinquishing authorship as a condition for receiving his PhD.[4][5]  In return, Millikan used his influence in support of Fletcher's career at Bell Labs.

Millikan and Fletcher's experiment involved measuring the force on oil droplets in a glass chamber sandwiched between two electrodes, one above and one below.  With the electrical field calculated, he could measure the droplet's charge, the charge on a single electron being (6981159200000000000♠1.592×10−19 C).  At the time of Millikan and Fletcher's oil drop experiments, the existence of subatomic particles was not universally accepted. Experimenting with cathode rays in 1897, J. J. Thomson had discovered negatively charged "corpuscles", as he called them, with a mass about 1/1837 times smaller than that of a hydrogen atom. Similar results had been found by George FitzGerald and Walter Kaufmann. Most of what was then known about electricity and magnetism, however, could be explained on the basis that charge is a continuous variable; in much the same way that many of the properties of light can be explained by treating it as a continuous wave rather than as a stream of photons.

The elementary charge e is one of the fundamental physical constants and thus the accuracy of the value is of great importance. In 1923, Millikan won the Nobel Prize in physics, in part because of this experiment.

Aside from the measurement, the beauty of the oil drop experiment is that it is a simple, elegant hands-on demonstration that charge is actually quantized. Thomas Edison, who had previously thought of charge as a continuous variable, became convinced after working with Millikan and Fletcher's apparatus.[6] This experiment has since been repeated by generations of physics students, although it is rather expensive and difficult to conduct properly.

In the last two decades[clarification needed], several computer-automated experiments have been conducted to search for isolated fractionally charged particles. So far (2015), no evidence for fractional charge particles was found after measuring over 100 million drops.[7]

Millikanâ€™s  and Fletcher's apparatus incorporated a parallel pair of horizontal metal plates.  By applying a potential difference across the plates, a uniform electric field was created in the space between them. A ring of insulating material was used to hold the plates apart. Four holes were cut into the ring, three for illumination by a bright light, and another to allow viewing through a microscope.

A fine mist of oil droplets was sprayed into a chamber above the plates.  The oil was of a type usually used in vacuum apparatus and was chosen because it had an extremely low vapour pressure. Ordinary oil would evaporate under the heat of the light source causing the mass of the oil drop to change over the course of the experiment. Some oil drops became electrically charged through friction with the nozzle as they were sprayed. Alternatively, charging could be brought about by including an ionising radiation source (such as an X-ray tube). The droplets entered the space between the plates and, because they were charged, could be made to rise and fall by changing the voltage across the plates.

Initially the oil drops are allowed to fall between the plates with the electric field turned off. They very quickly reach a terminal velocity because of friction with the air in the chamber.  The field is then turned on and, if it is large enough, some of the drops (the charged ones) will start to rise. (This is because the upwards electric force FE is greater for them than the downwards gravitational force Fg, in the same way bits of paper can be picked by a charged rubber rod). A likely looking drop is selected and kept in the middle of the field of view by alternately switching off the voltage until all the other drops have fallen. The experiment is then continued with this one drop.

The drop is allowed to fall and its terminal velocity v1 in the absence of an electric field is calculated. The drag force acting on the drop can then be worked out using Stokes' law:

where v1 is the terminal velocity (i.e. velocity in the absence of an electric field) of the falling drop, Î· is the viscosity of the air, and r is the radius of the drop.

The weight w is the volume D multiplied by the density

At terminal velocity the oil drop is not accelerating. Therefore, the total force acting on it must be zero and the two forces F and w must cancel one another out (that is, F = w). This implies

Once r is calculated, w can easily be worked out.

Now the field is turned back on, and the electric force on the drop is

where q is the charge on the oil drop and E is the electric field between the plates. For parallel plates

where V is the potential difference and d is the distance between the plates.

One conceivable way to work out q would be to adjust V until the oil drop remained steady.  Then we could equate FE with w. Also, determining FE proves difficult because the mass of the oil drop is difficult to determine without reverting to the use of Stokes' Law.  A more practical approach is to turn V up slightly so that the oil drop rises with a new terminal velocity v2.  Then

Some controversy was raised by historian Gerald Holton (1978) who pointed out that Millikan recorded more measurements in his journal than he included in his final results. Holton suggested these  data points were omitted from the large set of oil drops measured in his experiments without apparent reason. This claim was disputed by Allan Franklin, a high energy physics experimentalist and philosopher of science at the University of Colorado.[8] Franklin contended that Millikan's exclusions of data did not substantively affect his final value of e, but did reduce the statistical error around this estimate e. This enabled Millikan to claim that he had calculated e to better than one half of one percent; in fact, if Millikan had included all of the data he had thrown out, the standard error of the mean would have been within 2%. While this would still have resulted in Millikan having measured e better than anyone else at the time, the slightly larger uncertainty might have allowed more disagreement with his results within the physics community. While Franklin left his support for Millikan's measurement with the conclusion that concedes that Millikan may have performed "cosmetic surgery" on the data, David Goodstein investigated the original detailed notebooks kept by Millikan, concluding that Millikan plainly states here and in the reports that he included only drops that had undergone a "complete series of observations" and excluded no drops from this group of complete measurements.[9] Reasons for a failure to generate a complete observation include annotations regarding the apparatus setup, oil drop production, and atmospheric effects which invalidated, in Millikan's opinion (borne out by the reduced error in this set), a given particular measurement.

In a commencement address given at the California Institute of Technology (Caltech) in 1974 (and reprinted in Surely You're Joking, Mr. Feynman! in 1985 as well as in The Pleasure of Finding Things Out in 1999), physicist Richard Feynman noted:

We have learned a lot from experience about how to handle some of the ways we fool ourselves. One example: Millikan measured the charge on an electron by an experiment with falling oil drops, and got an answer which we now know not to be quite right. It's a little bit off because he had the incorrect value for the viscosity of air. It's interesting to look at the history of measurements of the charge of an electron, after Millikan. If you plot them as a function of time, you find that one is a little bit bigger than Millikan's, and the next one's a little bit bigger than that, and the next one's a little bit bigger than that, until finally they settle down to a number which is higher.

Why didn't they discover the new number was higher right away? It's a thing that scientists are ashamed of—this history—because it's apparent that people did things like this: When they got a number that was too high above Millikan's, they thought something must be wrong—and they would look for and find a reason why something might be wrong. When they got a number close to Millikan's value they didn't look so hard. And so they eliminated the numbers that were too far off, and did other things like that... [10][11]

As of  2014[update], the accepted value for the elementary charge is 6981160217656499999♠1.602176565(35)×10−19 C,[12] where the (35) indicates the uncertainty of the last two decimal places. In his Nobel lecture, Millikan gave his measurement as 6990477400000000000♠4.774(5)×10−10 statC,[13] which equals 6981159240000000000♠1.5924(17)×10−19 C. The difference is less than one percent, but is six times greater than Millikan's standard error, so the disagreement is significant.


who made the song i want to be rich

"I Wanna Be Rich" is a song by American R&B duo Calloway. It was released in 1989 as the third and final single from their debut album All the Way. It is the band's only Top 10 hit on the Billboard Hot 100 singles chart, reaching #2 in May 1990 and also hitting #5 on the R&B chart.[1] The single was released in the United Kingdom on Epic records and included remixes by DJ Timmy Regisford.

I Wanna Be Rich


who works on the floor of the nyse

A floor trader is a member of a stock or commodities exchange who trades on the floor of that exchange for his or her own account. The floor trader must abide by trading rules similar to those of the exchange specialists who trade on behalf of others. The term should not be confused with floor broker. Floor traders are occasionally referred to as registered competitive traders, individual liquidity providers or locals.

Floor trader

These traders are subject to a screening process before he or she can trade on the exchange. The people who operate as floor traders are in an open outcry system that has slowly been replaced by automated trading systems and computers that work in the same fashion as humans without the interaction of people buying and selling stocks.

The process of becoming a floor trader, especially for those with insufficient capital, and lacking knowledge and experience, often begins by working as a clerk. The completion of a business degree at a university is not necessary, and very few floor traders used this to begin their careers. Those who have earned a higher degree rarely have an advantage over other floor traders, who have learned their craft by standing on the floor and actually trading.

As much experience must be gained about the stock exchange as possible as it is an extremely fast-paced and competitive work environment. This is crucial to becoming a successful floor trader. Some may decide to work for a brokerage to get an idea of how the system functions or, as mentioned, work as a clerk or trade-checker for another person. This is often necessary in order to save money for purchasing a membership which can be expensive, though memberships can be leased on a monthly basis rather than purchased.

Every floor trader (FT) is required to file a completed online Form 8-R and have a fingerprint card. They must also have proof from a contract market that they have been granted the trading privileges to work on the trading field. A non-refundable Floor Trader Application Fee that comes at the cost of $85.00 is also required to become certified as a floor trader.[1]

Every non-natural person floor trader (FTF) is required to file a completed online Form 7-R. To be granted trading privileges, they must abide by the same process as the floor trader. The application fee comes at a higher cost than an FT with it totalling $200.[1]

The first major electronic alternative was the Instinet, a machine that could bypass the trading floor and handle one another on a personal basis. It did not however begin taking off until the 1980s, but has been a vital player beside those of its likes such as Bloomberg and Archipelago. The use of electronic mediums to conduct tasks done by floor traders has increased throughout the years, however there are many exchanges in the United States such as the NYSE that prefer to use the open outcry method that involves verbal communication. The benefits of using this system are that traders can read people and results with surprisingly lower error rates in comparison to computers that cannot pick up verbal signals.[2]