petrobas is the major oil company of what south american country

Petróleo Brasileiro S.A. — Petrobras, more commonly known as simply Petrobras (Portuguese pronunciation: [ˌpɛtɾoˈbɾas]), is a semi-public Brazilian multinational corporation in the petroleum industry headquartered in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. The company's name translates to Brazilian Petroleum Corporation — Petrobras.

Petrobras

The company was ranked #58 in the most recent Fortune Global 500 list.[6]

The company operates in six business areas, listed in order of revenue:[1]

Petrobras controls significant oil and energy assets in 16 countries in Africa, North America, South America, Europe, and Asia.[1]

However, Brazil represented 92% of Petrobras' worldwide production in 2014 and accounted for 97% of Petrobras' worldwide reserves on 31 December 2014,[1] when the company had 8,112.8 million barrels of oil equivalent (4.9633×1010 GJ) of proved developed reserves and 4,599.7 million barrels of oil equivalent (2.8140×1010 GJ) of proved undeveloped reserves in Brazil.[1] Of these, 62.7% were located in the offshore Campos Basin.[1] The largest growth prospect for the company is the Lula oil field in the Santos Basin.[1]

In 2015, the company produced 2.284 million barrels of oil equivalent (13,970,000 GJ) per day, of which 89% was petroleum and 11% was natural gas.[1]

Reserves held outside of Brazil accounted for 8.4% of production in 2014.[1] The majority of these reserves are in South America; the company has assets in Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Venezuela, Paraguay, and Uruguay.[1]

Petrobras owns refineries in Texas (100,000 barrels per day of throughput), Okinawa, Japan (100,000 barrels per day of throughput), and Bahía Blanca, Argentina (30,000 barrels per day of throughput).[1]

The company also owns exploration blocks in the Gulf of Mexico and through joint ventures has production in Nigeria, Benin, Gabon, and Namibia.[1]

The Brazilian government directly owns 54% of Petrobras' common shares with voting rights, while the Brazilian Development Bank and Brazil's Sovereign Wealth Fund (Fundo Soberano) each control 5%, bringing the State's direct and indirect ownership to 64%.[7] The privately held shares are traded on BM&F Bovespa, where they are part of the

Petrobras is a major supporter of the arts in Brazil.[8]

Petrobras was created in 1953 under the government of Brazilian president Getúlio Vargas with the slogan "The Oil is Ours" (Portuguese: "O petróleo é nosso") and was given a legal monopoly in Brazil.[9] In 1953, Brazil only produced 2,700 barrels of oil per day.[10] In 1961, the company's REDUC refinery began operations near Rio de Janeiro,[11] and in 1963, its Cenpes research center opened in Rio de Janeiro; it remains one of the world's largest centers dedicated to energy research.[12] In 1967, the company established Petrobras Quimica S.A ("Petroquisa"), a subsidiary focused on petrochemicals and the conversion of naphtha into ethene.[13]

Petrobras had begun began processing oil shale in 1953, developing the Petrosix technology for extracting oil from oil shale but began using an industrial-size retort to process shale in the 1990s.[14] In 2006, Petrobras said that the industrial retort had the capacity to process 260 tonnes/hour of oil shale.[15]

In 1994, Petrobras put into service the Petrobras 36, the world's largest oil platform. It sank after an explosion in 2001 and was a complete loss.[16] In 1997, the government approved Law N.9.478, which broke Petrobras's monopoly and allowed competitors to develop Brazil's oilfields, and also created the National Petroleum Agency (Agência Nacional do Petróleo, ANP), responsible for the regulation and supervision of activities in the petroleum industry, and the National Council of Energy Policies, a public agency responsible for developing public energy policy.[17] In 1999, the National Petroleum Agency signed agreements with other companies, making the final end of the company's monopoly.[18]

In 2000, Petrobras set a world record for oil exploration in deep waters, reaching a depth of 1,877 metres (6,158 ft) below sea level.[19] In 2002, Petrobras acquired the Argentine company Perez Companc Energía (PECOM Energía S.A.) from the Perez Companc Family Group (es) and its family foundation for $1.18 billion. This acquisition included assets in Argentina, Brazil, Venezuela, Bolivia, Peru, and Ecuador, 1.1 billion barrels of crude oil reserves and production of 181 thousand barrels of oil equivalent (1,110,000 GJ) per day.[20]

In 2005, Petrobras announced a joint venture with Nippon Alcohol Hanbai to sell ethanol from Brazil to Japan, called Brazil-Japan Ethanol.[21] On 21 April 2006, the company started production on the P-50 oil platform in the Albacora East field at Campos Basin, which made Brazil self-sufficienct in oil production.[10] By November 2015, the company had accumulated $128 billion in debt, 84% of it denominated in foreign currencies.[22]

In 1961, Petrobras geologist Walter K. Link published Link's memorandum, which implied that the company was better off exploring offshore instead of onshore.[23] In 1963, Petrobras discovered the Recôncavo baiano (pt) and Carmópolis oil fields.[17]

The company's growth was halted by the 1973 oil crisis. The entire country was affected, and the "Brazilian miracle", a period when annual GDP growth exceeding 10%, ended. Petrobras nearly went bankrupt.[24] In 1974, the company discovered an oil field in the Campos Basin. This discovery boosted its finances and helped it restructure nationwide.[25] In 1975, the Brazilian Government temporarily allowed foreign operators into Brazil, and Petrobras signed contracts with foreign companies to explore for more oilfields in Brazil.[26]

The company was also affected by the 1979 energy crisis, although not nearly as badly as in 1973.

In 1997, Petrobras reached the production milestone of 1 million barrels (160,000Â m3) per day. The company also executed agreements with other Latin American governments and began operations outside Brazil.[27]

In 2003, on its 50-year anniversary, Petrobras surpassed 2 million barrels of oil equivalent (12,000,000 GJ) of daily production.[27] On 1 May 2006, after the Bolivian gas conflict, Bolivia's president Evo Morales announced the nationalization of all gas and oil fields in the country and ordered the occupation of all fields by the Bolivian Army.[28] On 4 May 2006, Petrobras cancelled a major future investment plan in Bolivia as a result.[29] The Bolivian government demanded an increase in royalty payments from foreign petroleum companies to 82%, but eventually settled for a 50% royalty interest.[30]

In 2007, Petrobras inaugurated the Petrobras 52 Oil Platform. The 52 is the biggest Brazilian oil platform and the third-biggest in the world.[31]

In 2007 and 2008, Petrobras made several major oil discoveries including the Lula oil field (formerly known as the Tupi field), the Jupiter field, and the Sugar Loaf field, all in the Santos Basin, 300Â km off the coast of Rio de Janeiro. The oil fields were discovered by partnerships that include Petrobras, Royal Dutch Shell, and Galp Energia. However, estimates of reserves in these new fields varied widely.[32]

The P-51 Platform, the first semisubmersible platform built entirely in Brazil, capable of producing up to 180,000 barrels of oil per day, started production in the Campos Basin in January 2009,[33] and in February 2009, China agreed to loan Petrobras US$10 billion in exchange for a supply of 60,000-100,000 barrels of oil per day to a subsidiary of Sinopec and 40,000-60,000 barrels of oil per day to PetroChina.[34] In August 2009, Petrobras acquired ExxonMobil's Esso assets in Chile for US$400 million.[35]

In September 2010, Petrobras completed a US$70 billion share offering, the largest share offering in history, to be used to develop newly discovered oil fields.[36]

In 2012, Petrobras handed back permits that it had to explore offshore in New Zealand.[37][why?]

In July 2013, a worker strike action shut down production at several of the company's oil platforms.[38] In September 2013, Petrobras sold eleven onshore exploration and production blocks in Colombia to Perenco for US$380 million.[39] In September 2013 Organizações Globo reported on national televisionthat the US government had been spying on Petrobras. This information was reportedly provided by US journalist Glenn Greenwald.[40] Petrobras announced that it was investing R$21 billion over five years to improve its data security.[41]

In 2014, the company sold its assets in Peru to PetroChina for US$2.6 billion.[42] Also in 2014, Petrobras set a new company record for average daily production of 2.863 million barrels of oil equivalent (17,520,000 GJ).[43]

In 2014, the largest corruption scandal in the history of Brazil, centered around Petrobras, was uncovered. Initially the investigation was not focused on Petrobras executives but rather small time doleiros, or black market money dealers. These money launderers tended to use small business to carry out their business but the investigation discovered links to an executive at Petrobras, Paulo Roberto Costa, the director of refining and supply.[44] President Dilma Rousseff made one critical change in policy, the introduction of plea bargains, that made it possible to offer deals in exchange for information leading to further arrests.[44] It was a defining moment as to the future of the investigation. Costa later confessed that he and his colleagues had been knowingly overpaying contracts, funneling funds to their own personal accounts. Paulo Costa receive kickbacks of 3% of all contacts.[45] According to the investigation, a small number of top Petrobras officials colluded with an organized cartel of 16 companies to overcharge Petrobras for construction and service work in return for bribes and kickbacks. Petrobras officials pegged the total of all bribes at nearly $3 billion. As of August 2015, 117 indictments had been issued, five politicians arrested, and criminal cases brought against 13 companies. Brazilian president Dilma Rousseff, who had promised to reduce corruption in her election campaign, and former Brazilian president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva both served on the board of directors of Petrobras during the scandals and were both blamed, as well as the president of the lower house, Eduardo Cunha. Cunha was sentenced in March 2017 to 15 years in prison.[46] Protests broke out through the country calling for the resignation or impeachment of President Rousseff. There were 3.5 million protestors throughout the country and the protests popped up in about 326 cities. Calculations show that 100,000 citizens in Brasilia and 70,000 citizen in Curitiba come out to voice their disapproval. Protests were in areas previously though of as Workers Party strongholds, of which Rousseff is the leader.[47] Rousseff was impeached and Lula was implicated in multiple corruption investigations.[48] The scandal sparked protests in Brazil.[49]

The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation sued Petrobras and its auditors, PriceWaterhouseCoopers as a result of the corruption scandal.[50]

Petrobras has noted on its website several initiatives that it has taken to preserve the environment. These include sponsoring efforts to support both ocean and forest ecosystems.[51] Most notably, Petrobras has sponsored population studies and conservation efforts of humpback whales in the northeast. The company's efforts have helped to rebuild Brazil's humpback whale populations from 2,000 in the mid-nineties to over 9,000 in 2008.[52]

Petrobras subscribes to the United Nations Global Compact, a voluntary agreement which encompasses a set of principles regarding human rights, working conditions, corruption, and the environment.[53]

In 2008, the Spanish consultancy firm Management and Excellence acknowledged Petrobras as the world's most sustainable oil company.[54]


where does lost in the barrens take place

Lost in the Barrens is an adventure story that takes place in northern Manitoba and southwestern North West Territories in 1935. It tells a coming of age tale of two boys in their late teens, one a white boy who has recently lost his parents, the other a Cree boy from a tribe living nearby. The boys embark on a mission to relieve the starvation of a neighbouring village, occupied by the Chipewyans, but due to a series of unfortunate events become trapped above the tree line in Canada's northern Barren Lands during winter. The characters emerge again in Mowat's The Curse of the Viking Grave.

Lost in the Barrens

Lost in the Barrens is a children's novel by Farley Mowat, first published in 1956. Some editions used the title Two Against the North.

It won a Governor General's Award in 1956 and the Canada Library Association Book of the Year for Children Award in 1958.[1][2]

The parents of Jamie die in a car accident in Toronto in the year 1931, and four years later he is under the care of his trapper uncle, Angus Macnair, who lives in Manitoba. Angus has supported Jamie's boarding-school fees for a long time, until the fur trade begins to decline. Angus no longer supports Jamie's school, which is called Saint George's. Thus, Jamie leaves the boarding school to live with his uncle. Jamie makes friends with the Cree Tribe's Chief's son, Awasin. The Chief thinks a trader is cheating him, so he asks Angus and Jamie to go with him. It is eventually decided that Jamie has to stay in camp with Awasin because Angus' canoe could not hold three people and gear. Soon after, a group of Chipewyans come to the Crees for help. The Chipewyans had been starving for days because they hadn't been able to shoot enough deer the summer before. Awasin's mother is suspicious that the Chipewyans may just be looking for a free handout, and so the boys agree to go with them back to the Chipewyan's camp to prove they need the supplies. Jamie wants to go, too, so the two and the Chipewyans who came (including Denikazi, their leader) canoe back to the Chipewyan camp. There, Denikazi has a misunderstanding that Jamie and Awasin are going with them on the hunt for the deer. This is how Jamie and Awasin start their journey for the deer hunt out in the barrens. Soon, they go up to the North farther, but they do not find any 'deer' (in the book, deer means barrenland caribou), so Denikazi orders Jamie and Awasin to stay with two young Chipewyans at a certain point until they come back. He includes that they should run, and forget about the camp if they encounter Eskimos.

In this book, the Chipewyans and the Crees are deathly afraid of the Eskimos, who live in what some people have called "nothing but a God-forsaken place, the worst place on earth". Denikazi describes it this way: His people went and hunted as far north as they wanted to for deer, for they had guns and the Eskimos did not. Then, the Eskimos got guns and fought back. (Nowadays Eskimos are called 'Inuit' or 'Thule', but this was not the case when Mowat wrote his novel, or for decades afterward). Anyway, while staying with the two young Chipewyan hunters, Jamie decides he wants to take the chance and explore. He convinces Awasin to do it, and later Awasin gives in. They go up to see the'stone house' that one of the two Chipewyans had told them about. They try to find it but unexpectedly meet a whirlpool and barely survive. Gathering what they can salvage from the river and their broken canoe, they have minimal belongings. Since they cannot use the canoe anymore, they are stranded in the barrens. When the two young Chipewyans found out that Awasin and Jamie were gone, they went on searching for them. Their search is abruptly stopped when they catch a glance of an Eskimo kayak. As for Jamie and Awasin, they decide to go the way that Denikazi and the other hunters went, so they can join with them on the journey back. A problem occurs, for one of Denikazi's men sees what he believes is an Eskimo and they all flee quietly back. They unknowingly pass by Jamie and Awasin's camp during the night.

Jamie and Awasin are then forced to overcome a series of obstacles including finding shelter and food and to wait until the summer when they can make the trek back to their home camp with the best chance of survival. They engage in a massive caribou hunt, and are able to build a log cabin and make a comfortable home for themselves. On their attempted return trip, they both become afflicted by snow blindness and are forced to build an igloo to survive. They are discovered by an Eskimo boy named Peetyuk who offers to help and takes them to his camp, where they learn that the Eskimo do not hate the Cree, and are only hostile because they are as afraid of the Cree as the Cree are of them. The boys are able to return home with the help of their new friends, and they make plans to return to their cabin the next summer with Jamie's uncle Angus.

Man vs. Nature: The true antagonist of this novel is Nature itself. The boys struggle to survive in a very harsh, difficult environment. The boys demonstrate true courage in hunting and even surviving an encounter with a grizzly bear. They also show great ingenuity in doing so. Awasin already has skill in hunting and fishing and also learns how to make warm clothes. He is very clever as proven by how he is able to make a fire in chapter 9. Meanwhile, Jamie is a very creative person. He is the one who designs and builds first their stone igloo and later their wood cabin. He is a 'think-outside-of-the-box' problem solver. Working together they are successful. This brings us to the next big theme:

Intercultural Friendships: How do you overcome fear, ignorance and distrust between people from different cultures and backgrounds? You work together and learn to trust one another. That's how it is for Jamie and Awasin and then later between the two boys and Peetyuk. Jamie is a white English speaking city boy from Toronto. Awasin is from the Cree camp in the wilderness. He learns English while at boarding school. The two very different boys become excellent friends. Jamie helps Awasin to trust Peetyuk, even though the Cree have always been suspicious, fearful of them.

Coming of age: The novel is also a 'Coming of Age' story. The two boys journey in the barrenlands is also their journey from boyhood towards manhood. They are becoming men through their adventures and experiences, they are growing up. For example, risk-taker Jamie learns some lessons about survival in the north through it all. Also, Peetyuk, a secondary character, has reached an age where it is time to learn about his father's people after being raised by his mother and grandparents.

There is a 1990 television movie version of this novel. It was made for a family/general audience so the hunting scenes are tame. There are also quite a few differences between the movie and the novel. Some plot differences between the novel and the movie are:

Some other changes include:

It was shot in Winnipeg, Manitoba.


series of unfortunate events what is the sugar bowl

Klaus concludes that Carmelita Spats requested the harpoon gun to shoot down a bird carrying the sugar bowl, as Sunny mentioned that Hal and a manager were discussing the sugar bowl (an object both volunteers and villains are seeking for unknown reasons) and the Medusoid Mycelium (a deadly fungus parasite they encounter in the previous book) - the flypaper would retrieve the bird's body, and the sugar bowl would fall into the laundry room, in which the room's door was converted into a Vernacularly Fastened Door.

The Penultimate Peril

The Penultimate Peril is the twelfth novel in the children's novel series A Series of Unfortunate Events by Lemony Snicket.

The Baudelaire orphans, Violet, Klaus and Sunny are travelling with pregnant V.F.D member Kit Snicket to Hotel Denouement, the last safe place for volunteers to gather. She tells them that, prior to V.F.D's gathering in two days, they will be disguised as concierges to observe the mysterious 'J.S', in order to identify him or her as a volunteer or a villain of V.F.D. The hotel's managers are identical twins Frank and Ernest - Frank is a volunteer, while Ernest is on the opposing side as a villain.

During their first day of disguised employment, the Baudelaires split up to assist the hotel's guests - Violet assists EsmÃ© Squalor and Carmelita Spats by bringing them a harpoon gun, Klaus assists Charles and Sir (the owners of the Lucky Smells Lumbermill) by escorting them to the sauna while also hanging flypaper outside a window for one of the managers, and Sunny assists Hal (an employee at Heimlich Hospital), Vice-Principal Nero, Ms. Bass and Mr. Remora (teachers at Prufrock Preparatory School) while locking a V.F.D device onto a door of the laundry room, converting it into a Vernacularly Fastened Door - all the guests discuss the mysterious J.S.

Shortly after his proposal, a man encounters them and reveals himself as Dewey Denouement, the third of the secretly three brothers. He also tells them that a pool reflection of the hotel is the actual safe place, as the hotel's words and structure were designed backwards to reflect the actual words onto the pool - beneath the pool is an underwater catalog containing crucial information concerning V.F.D. They are then encountered by Jerome Squalor and Justice Strauss, who have joined V.F.D after believing messages being sent to J.S was being addressed to them.

While the four re-enter the hotel, Count Olaf intercepts them, and threatens Dewey with a harpoon gun for the code needed to access the Vernacularly Fastened Door - while the children attempt to prevent the killing, Mr. Poe suddenly enters, causing Olaf to shove the weapon into the Baudelaires' hands - surprised, they drop the gun, initializing its trigger to pull and kill Dewey. As a crowd arrives, the Baudelaires and Olaf are sent to court - however, everyone except for the judges must be blindfolded for it to be legal. The other two judges are later revealed to be The Man with a Beard But No Hair and The Woman With Hair But No Beard. During the hearing, however, the Baudelaires realize that it was a trick for Olaf to kidnap Justice Strauss, pursue the sugar bowl, and burn the hotel and its inhabitants. Klaus, realizing that the sugar bowl was actually underneath the pool, reveals the door code to Olaf. Violet gains access to a boat for all of them to escape the authorities, while Sunny assists in burning the hotel as a signal to V.F.D that the gathering has been canceled due to the invasion of enemies. The Baudelaires, along with Justice Strauss, attempt to alert everyone about the fire - it is unknown whether anyone escapes.

Shortly after the authorities arrive, the orphans, along with Olaf, are about to disembark via the sea - however, Justice attempts to intervene. Sunny apologetically bites her hand, and the four sail away from the area.

The book will be adapted into the fifth and sixth episodes of the third season of the television series adaptation produced by Netflix.[1]


what does the season pass for fallout 4 include

There are six pieces of downloadable content (DLC) for Bethesda Game Studios' action role-playing video game Fallout 4. Released once a month from April to August 2016, each expansion pack adds a variety of different content, with Far Harbor being the largest in terms of additional gameplay and Nuka-World being the largest in terms of file size. The season pass contains all six expansion packs, and due to the size of Far Harbor, the price was increased after its release.

Fallout 4 downloadable content

All of the expansion packs were released for Microsoft Windows, PlayStation 4 and Xbox One. In order of release, the expansions packs are Automatron, Wasteland Workshop, Far Harbor, Contraptions Workshop, Vault-Tec Workshop and Nuka-World.

Automatron was announced, along with Wasteland Workshop, Far Harbor and teases of other expansion packs, on the Bethesda Game Studios' blog on February 16, 2016.[1] It is the first expansion pack and was released on March 22, 2016.[2] It consists of a series of quests, which will unlock the ability to build and customize robots at the player's settlements.

The Sole Survivor intercepts a distress call from a trading caravan outside Cambridge, but arrives too late to save them from a horde of robots. After repelling the attack, the Sole Survivor meets Ada, a customized robot who had been travelling with the caravan. Lamenting her inability to save her owners, Ada agrees to join the Sole Survivor in the hopes of getting revenge and thwarting the wider threat posed by the Mechanist, the person assembling robots which have been attacking settlers and caravans across the Commonwealth.

In order to locate the Mechanist, the Sole Survivor needs to triangulate the signal being sent to RoboBrains—a model of robot with a human brain as a central processing unit—the units controlling each individual cell of robots. After recovering the receiver devices from two RoboBrains overseeing scavenging operations, the Sole Survivor confronts the Rust Devils, a gang of raiders notorious for stripping robots for parts, in order to recover the third transponder. The Sole Survivor meets Jezebel, a RoboBrain unit held captive by the Rust Devils, and she agrees to help in exchange for building her a new body when they escape.

Jezebel provides the Sole Survivor with the final transponder needed to locate the Mechanist, and a device that will allow Ada to open locked doors within the Mechanist's hideout. Before the Sole Survivor departs, Jezebel reveals that her mission was to save the people of the Commonwealth. Calculating that their odds of survival decreased without her presence, she decided that killing people was more humane as she could not always be present to save them.

The Sole Survivor follows the Mechanist's signal to a robotics retailer and service center that was the cover for a secret military installation prior to the Great War. The facility was used to create RoboBrains, conditioning condemned prisoners and asylum inmates to have their brains removed, preserved and installed in robotic bodies; the trauma of the process accounts for the RoboBrains' difficult personalities.

After fighting off waves of robots, the Sole Survivor confronts the Mechanist, who claims to be saving the Commonwealth. However, the Sole Survivor convinces her that the RoboBrains misinterpreted their orders and started killing innocent people. Horrified, the Mechanist reveals herself to be Isabel Cruz, a young woman with an affinity for making robots and trouble relating to people who was inspired to create the Mechanist persona after finding a child's drawings of a robot-themed superhero in the remains of a caravan that had been attacked by raiders. Devastated that her good intentions led to the deaths of innocents, Isabel retires from being the Mechanist and offers to help the Sole Survivor track down and destroy the rogue robots terrorizing the Commonwealth.

Automatron received "mixed or average" reviews from critics, according to review aggregator Metacritic.[3][4][5]

Kat Bailey from USgamer believed Automatron was one of the two essential expansion packs for Fallout 4.[6]

Wasteland Workshop is the second expansion pack and was released worldwide on April 12, 2016.[7] The release date for the PlayStation 4 and Xbox versions was also April 12 everywhere except Asia, where those versions were released on April 19.[8] This pack does not contain any quests, but consists of a large number of new objects which can be constructed in settlement building mode. This includes new concrete structures, cages designed to capture creatures ranging from cats to deathclaws (including Raiders; human enemies) and various pieces useful for setting up gladiatorial combat arenas.

IGN's Jared Petty gave a negative review of the PC version which they described as offering "piecemeal additions", with some aspects being "briefly enjoyable" but not "fully fleshed out". It was given a score of 5.5/10.[9]

Far Harbor is the third expansion pack and was released on May 19, 2016.[10]

Valentine's Detective Agency receives a request for help from the Nakano family, who live in a remote corner of the Commonwealth. Their daughter, Kasumi, has vanished without a trace or explanation, and the Sole Survivor is enlisted to investigate. They discover that Kasumi had been in contact with Acadia, a colony of escaped synths living on an island in Maine.

With the aid of a local hunter named Old Longfellow, the Sole Survivor finds Kasumi living in Acadia. At Kasumi's behest, the player switches focus to investigating the synth DiMA, leader of Acadia, and learns that he has stored some of his memories outside his body. He has hidden them inside a computer simulation in the Children of Atom's base of Operations, the Nucleus, but has grown concerned that if the Children access the memories, they will have the means to destroy Far Harbor.

The Sole Survivor travels to a former submarine base to recover DiMA's memories and learns that he put in place a series of fail-safes to protect Acadia and to preserve the balance of power between Far Harbor and a cult of the Children of Atom who have occupied the base. These are the access codes to a nuclear warhead, stored within the Nucleus, and the means to sabotage the fog condensers protecting Far Harbor. The Sole Survivor also discovers that DiMA murdered Captain Avery and replaced her with a synth to maintain peace between Far Harbor and Acadia. At this point, the player is faced with a choice: to destroy Far Harbor, to destroy the Children of Atom, inform the people of Far Harbor of DiMA's crime and start a war with Acadia, or, depending on the story's progress back at the Commonwealth, inform any of the three main Factions there and let them decide their fate themselves. Alternatively, the player may establish a more permanent peace between all parties by assassinating or chasing away High Confessor Tektus, and allowing DiMA to replace him with a synth who will adopt a more moderate stance towards Far Harbor.

In the aftermath, the Sole Survivor returns to the Nakano family back at the Commonwealth, with or without Kasumi.

Fallout 4: Far Harbor received "generally favorable" reviews from critics, according to review aggregator Metacritic.[11][12][13]

Kat Bailey from USgamer believed Far Harbor was one of the two essential expansion packs for Fallout 4.[6]

Contraptions Workshop is the fourth expansion pack and was released on June 21, 2016.[14] Like the Wasteland Workshop, the Contraptions Workshop adds objects to the game's build mode—rather than story content—including prefabricated building models, manufactories that can produce equipment and items for the player, and items that the player can use to create elaborate Rube Goldberg-style machines.

Vault-Tec Workshop is the fifth expansion pack and was released on July 26, 2016.[15]

The Sole Survivor picks up a radio beacon from Vault 88, an unfinished fallout shelter located outside Quincy. Raider activity in the area has triggered the Vault's distress beacon, forcing the Sole Survivor to fight them off to gain entry. Once inside, the Sole Survivor meets Barstow, a ghoul who was originally intended to be the Vault 88 Overseer, but was sealed inside the unfinished Vault when the Great War started.

Undeterred, Barstow intends to see Vault 88 complete its planned social experiment, and enlists the Sole Survivor in achieving her vision. After restoring power and broadcasting a signal, Vault 88 begins to receive settlers. Barstow and the Sole Survivor search for potential human guinea pigs in the population and find one in Clem, a naïve and enthusiastic—but nevertheless well-meaning—young man. Through Clem, Barstow and the Sole Survivor plan to conduct a series of experiments on the population.

Barstow reveals that Vault 88's original purpose was to test a series of devices designed to minimize "social waste", or turn unproductive residents into contributing members of society. These include an exercise bike that provides power; a drinks station that can be spiked with a variety of drugs; and a device for examining eyes that can be used to read a person's thoughts. Each experiment has an additional set of parameters that can be chosen by the Sole Survivor.

Upon the successful conclusion of the final experiment, Barstow confides to the Sole Survivor her ambitions of contributing to the Vault program with her own invention, a slot machine that can be used to identify deviant behavior in the population. After realizing this dream, she appoints the Sole Survivor as Overseer, intending to visit other Vaults with the results of their experiments. The Sole Survivor is skeptical, pointing out that many Vaults did not survive and that Vault-Tec no longer exists. However, Barstow counters that Vault-Tec should not be underestimated, implying that some part of the company survived and that the original Vault program was much larger than originally believed.

Brian Albert of IGN said the additional quests did not stand up on their own but the package was "settlement builderâ€™s dream, through and through."  They rated the title 8.2/10.[16]

Nuka-World is the sixth and last expansion pack and was released on August 30, 2016.[17]

Nuka-World begins with the Sole Survivor picking up a radio broadcast and heading to the Nuka World Transit Station, in which they find a still functional monorail to Nuka World, a pre-war amusement park. Taking the train to the park, the Sole Survivor finds themselves trapped in a test called The Gauntlet, a series of traps and dangers intended to stop all but the strongest from entering Nuka World. After reaching the end of the Gauntlet, Gage, a raider occupying the park, contacts the Sole Survivor and proposes a deal to defeat current Overboss, Colter. Colter is highly unpopular amongst the raider gangs who occupy Nuka World - The Operators, The Disciples and The Pack. Facing off against each other in the Arena, Colter is killed and the Sole Survivor becomes the new Overboss. Now in command of the area, the Sole Survivor must decide on either siding with the raiders and retaking the other park areas and spreading their influence into the Commonwealth, or instead turning against the raiders and restoring Nuka World by themselves.

Dan Stapleton of IGN said the DLC had "a great setting that's densely packed with spectacle" but had a lack of meaningful decisions in comparison to Far Harbor. It was rated 7.9/10.[18]


what is the equivalent of the alt key on a mac

On a Macintosh, the Alt key is called the Option key. It is not used to enter numeric character codes. Instead, keyboard letters and numbers are used. The diagram below shows the special characters a US Mac keyboard will produce when the Option key is pressed.[1]

Alt key

The Alt key (pronounced /ˈɔːlt/ or /ˈʌlt/) on a computer keyboard is used to change (alternate) the function of other pressed keys. Thus, the Alt key is a modifier key, used in a similar fashion to the Shift key. For example, simply pressing "A" will type the letter a, but if you hold down either Alt key while pressing A, the computer will perform an Alt+A function, which varies from program to program. The international standard ISO/IEC 9995-2 calls it Alternate key. The key is located on either side of the Space bar, but in non-US PC keyboard layouts, rather than a second Alt key, there is an 'Alt Gr' key to the right of the space bar. Both placements are in accordance with ISO/IEC 9995-2.

The standardized keyboard symbol for the Alt key, ⎇ (which may be used when the usual Latin lettering “Alt” is not preferred for labelling the key) is given in ISO/IEC 9995-7 as symbol 25, and in ISO 7000 “Graphical symbols for use on equipment” as symbol ISO-7000-2105. This symbol is encoded in Unicode as U+2387 alternative key symbol (⎇). Macintosh keyboards equate the Alt key with the ⌥ Option key, which has its own, related, symbol.

The Alt key should not be confused with the Altmode key (sometimes also labelled Alt) on some Teletype and ASCII terminals, which is a synonym for the ASCII escape character.

The Alt key has come to replace the Meta key of the old MIT keyboards. In their original function, both Alt and Meta would set the high bit of the signal generated by the key to 1 (for example, A generates 01000001 while Alt+A generates 11000001). However, in modern software, due to the requirement of the high bit for internationalization, Alt no longer works in such a way.

Since the 1990s Alt has been printed on the Option key (âŒ¥ Opt) on most Mac keyboards. Alt is used in non-Mac software, such as non-macOS Unix and Windows programs, but in macOS it is always referred as the Option key. The Option key's behaviour in macOS differs slightly from that of the Windows Alt key (it is used as a modifier rather than to access pull-down menus, for example).

The Alt key is well known as part of the key combinations:

In Microsoft Windows, holding down the Alt key while typing in numbers (often referred to as Alt codes) on the numeric keypad allows the user to type special characters not normally available on the keyboard. For example, holding down Alt while typing 0225 (Alt+0225) on the numeric keypad will result in รก, the character at 225 in the codepage. These extended keyboard characters are useful for persons using foreign languages, mathematics, currency symbols, business use, etc. Some computers work the same if the Num Lock key is on.

The highlighted orange keys show the accents available from the combination of the Alt key and the keyboard characters e i u (on the top letters row) and ` n (on the bottom letters row). The accent then can be applied to associated letters both lower and uppercase. The additional characters a Mac will produce are a combination of both the ⌥ Option key and the ⇧ Shift key pressed down together. With this combination pressed the keyboard will now produce a different set or an uppercase version of the previous set in some cases.

When a user presses the Alt key by itself on Microsoft Windows, that moves keyboard focus to the menubar of the application having keyboard focus, and the key is not delivered to the application. In that state, another press of the Alt key will be delivered to the application.

On other platforms, for example Ubuntu, the Alt key pressed by itself may invoke another application and not be delivered to the application having keyboard focus. In Ubuntu 16.04, pressing the key opens the HUD, which is an input field that lets you do menu commands such as opening a file, or creating a new file.[2]


who sings baby you bring me up when i'm down

"Lady (You Bring Me Up)" is a 1981 Top 10 hit single by The Commodores. It reached #8 on the U.S. Billboard Hot 100 chart and also reached the Top 10 of the Billboard R&B Chart, peaking at #5. It was also a hit in the United Kingdom reaching # 56 on the UK Chart.

Lady (You Bring Me Up)

It was written by Commodores member William King,  his wife, Shirley, and Harold Hudson, a member of the Commodores' backing group, The Mean Machine. Lionel Richie sang the lead vocal, and it was one of the group's last big hits before he left the group for a solo career.

7" single


what was the gulf of tonkin incident in 1964

The Gulf of Tonkin incident (Vietnamese: Sự kiện Vịnh Bắc Bộ), also known as the USS Maddox incident, was an international confrontation that led to the United States engaging more directly in the Vietnam War. It involved either one or two separate confrontations involving North Vietnam and the United States in the waters of the Gulf of Tonkin. The original American report blamed North Vietnam for both incidents, but eventually became very controversial with widespread claims that either one or both incidents were false, and possibly deliberately so. On August 2, 1964, the destroyer USS Maddox, while performing a signals intelligence patrol as part of DESOTO operations, was pursued by three North Vietnamese Navy torpedo boats of the 135th Torpedo Squadron.[1][5] Maddox fired three warning shots and the North Vietnamese boats then attacked with torpedoes and machine gun fire.[5] Maddox expended over 280 3-inch and 5-inch shells in a sea battle. One U.S. aircraft was damaged, three North Vietnamese torpedo boats were damaged, and four North Vietnamese sailors were killed, with six more wounded. There were no U.S. casualties.[6] Maddox "was unscathed except for a single bullet hole from a Vietnamese machine gun round".[5]

Gulf of Tonkin incident

Drawdown 1969â€“71

Post-Paris Peace Accords (1973â€“1974)

Spring '75

It was originally claimed by the National Security Agency that a Second Gulf of Tonkin incident occurred on August 4, 1964, as another sea battle, but instead evidence was found of "Tonkin ghosts"[7] (false radar images) and not actual North Vietnamese torpedo boats. In the 2003 documentary The Fog of War, the former United States Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara admitted that the August 2 USS Maddox attack happened with no Defense Department response, but the August 4 Gulf of Tonkin attack never happened.[8] In 1995, McNamara met with former Vietnam People's Army General Võ Nguyên Giáp to ask what happened on August 4, 1964 in the second Gulf of Tonkin Incident. "Absolutely nothing", Giáp replied.[9] Giáp claimed that the attack had been imaginary.[10]

The outcome of these two incidents was the passage by Congress of the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, which granted President Lyndon B. Johnson the authority to assist any Southeast Asian country whose government was considered to be jeopardized by "communist aggression". The resolution served as Johnson's legal justification for deploying U.S. conventional forces and the commencement of open warfare against North Vietnam.

In 2005, an internal National Security Agency historical study was declassified; it concluded that Maddox had engaged the North Vietnamese Navy on August 2, but that there were no North Vietnamese naval vessels present during the incident of August 4. The report stated, regarding the first incident on August 2, that "at 1500G,[note 1] Captain Herrick ordered Ogier's gun crews to open fire if the boats approached within ten thousand yards. At about 1505G, Maddox fired three rounds to warn off the communist boats. This initial action was never reported by the Johnson administration, which insisted that the Vietnamese boats fired first."[5]

Although the United States attended the Geneva Conference (1954), which was intended to end hostilities between France and the Vietnamese at the end of the First Indochina War, it refused to sign the Geneva Accords (1954). The accords mandated, among other measures, a temporary ceasefire line, intended to separate Vietnamese and French forces, and elections to determine the future political fate of the Vietnamese within two years. It also forbade the political interference of other countries in the area, the creation of new governments without the stipulated elections, and foreign military presence. By 1961, President Ngo Dinh Diem faced significant discontent among some quarters of the southern population, including some Buddhists who were opposed to the rule of Diem's Catholic supporters. After suppressing Vietminh political cadres who were legally campaigning between 1955 and 1959 for the promised elections, Diem faced a growing communist-led uprising that intensified by 1961, headed by the National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam (NLF, or Viet Cong).[11]

The Gulf of Tonkin Incident occurred during the first year of the Johnson administration. While Kennedy had originally supported the policy of sending military advisers to Diem, he had begun to alter his thinking due to what he perceived to be the ineptitude of the Saigon government and its inability and unwillingness to make needed reforms (which led to a U.S.-supported coup which resulted in the death of Diem). Shortly before his assassination, in November 1963, Kennedy had begun a limited recall of U.S. forces. Johnson's views were likewise complex, but he had supported military escalation as a means of challenging what was perceived to be the Soviet Union's expansionist policies. The Cold War policy of containment was to be applied to prevent the fall of Southeast Asia to communism under the precepts of the domino theory. After Kennedy's assassination, Johnson ordered in more U.S. forces to support the Saigon government, beginning a protracted United States presence in Southeast Asia.[citation needed]

A highly classified program of covert actions against North Vietnam known as Operation Plan 34-Alpha, in conjunction with the DESOTO operations, had begun under the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in 1961. In 1964 the program was transferred to the Defense Department and conducted by the Military Assistance Command, Vietnam Studies and Observations Group (MACV-SOG).[12]

For the maritime portion of the covert operation, a set of fast patrol boats had been purchased quietly from Norway and sent to South Vietnam. In 1963 three young Norwegian skippers traveled on a mission in South Vietnam. They were recruited for the job by the Norwegian intelligence officer Alf Martens Meyer. Martens Meyer, who was head of department at the military intelligence staff, operated on behalf of U.S. intelligence. The three skippers did not know who Meyer really was when they agreed to a job that involved them in sabotage missions against North Vietnam.[13] Although the boats were crewed by South Vietnamese naval personnel, approval for each mission conducted under the plan came directly from Admiral U.S. Grant Sharp, Jr., CINCPAC in Honolulu, who received his orders from the White House.[14] After the coastal attacks began, Hanoi lodged a complaint with the International Control Commission (ICC), which had been established in 1954 to oversee the terms of the Geneva Accords, but the U.S. denied any involvement. Four years later, Secretary McNamara admitted to Congress that the U.S. ships had in fact been cooperating in the South Vietnamese attacks against North Vietnam. Maddox, although aware of the operations, was not directly involved.

What was generally not considered by U.S. politicians at the time[according to whom?] were the other actions taken under Operations Plan 34-Alpha just prior to the incident. The night before the launching of the actions against North Vietnamese facilities on Hòn Mê and Hòn Ngư islands, the SOG had launched a covert long-term agent team into North Vietnam, which was promptly captured. That night (for the second evening in a row), two flights of CIA-sponsored Laotian fighter-bombers (piloted by Thai mercenaries) attacked border outposts well within southwestern North Vietnam. The Hanoi government (which, unlike the U.S. government, had to give permission at the highest levels for the conduct of such missions) probably assumed that they were all a coordinated effort to escalate military actions against North Vietnam.[15]

Daniel Ellsberg, who was on duty in the Pentagon the night of August 4, receiving messages from the ship, reported that the ship was on a secret electronic warfare support measures mission (codenamed "DESOTO") near Northern Vietnamese territorial waters.[16] On July 31, 1964, USS Maddox had begun her intelligence collection mission in the Gulf of Tonkin. Captain George Stephen Morrison was in command of local American forces from his flagship USS Bon Homme Richard. Maddox was under orders not to approach closer than eight miles (13 km) from the North's coast and four miles (6 km) from Hon Nieu island.[17] When the SOG commando raid was being carried out against Hon Nieu, the ship was 120 miles (190 km) away from the attacked area.[17]

In July 1964, "the situation along North Vietnam's territorial waters had reached a near boil," due to South Vietnamese commando raids and airborne operations that inserted intelligence teams into North Vietnam, as well as North Vietnam's military response to these operations.[5] On the night of July 30, 1964, South Vietnamese commandos attacked a North Vietnamese radar station on Hòn Mê island.[5] According to Hanyok, "it would be attacks on these islands, especially Hòn Mê, by South Vietnamese commandos, along with the proximity of the Maddox, that would set off the confrontation," although the Maddox did not participate in the commando attacks.[5] In this context, on July 31, Maddox began patrols of the North Vietnamese coast to collect intelligence, coming within a few miles of Hòn Mê island.[5] A U.S. aircraft carrier, the USS Ticonderoga, was also stationed nearby.[5] By August 1, North Vietnamese patrol boats were tracking Maddox, and several intercepted communications indicated that they were preparing to attack Maddox.[5] Maddox retreated, but the next day, August 2, Maddox, which had a top speed of 28 knots, resumed her routine patrol, and three North Vietnamese P-4 torpedo boats with a top speed of 50 knots began to follow Maddox.[5] Intercepted communications indicated that the vessels intended to attack Maddox.[5] As the ships approached from the southwest, Maddox changed course from northeasterly to southeasterly and increased speed to 25 knots.[5] On the afternoon of August 2, as the torpedo boats neared, Maddox fired three warning shots.[5] The North Vietnamese boats then attacked[5] and Maddox radioed she was under attack from the three boats, closing to within 10 nautical miles (19 km; 12 mi), while located 28 nautical miles (52 km; 32 mi) away from the North Vietnamese coast in international waters.[18] Maddox stated she had evaded a torpedo attack and opened fire with its five-inch (127 mm) guns, forcing the torpedo boats away. Two of the torpedo boats had come as close as 5 nautical miles (9.3 km; 5.8 mi) and released one torpedo each, but neither one was effective, coming no closer than about 100 yards (91 m) after Maddox evaded them.[18] Another P-4 received a direct hit from a five-inch shell from Maddox; its torpedo malfunctioned at launch.[18] Four USN F-8 Crusader jets launched from the aircraft carrier USS Ticonderoga and 15 minutes after Maddox had fired her initial warning shots, attacked the retiring P-4s,[5] claiming one was sunk and one heavily damaged. Maddox suffered only minor damage from a single 14.5 mm bullet from a P-4's KPV heavy machine gun into her superstructure. Retiring to South Vietnamese waters, Maddox was joined by the destroyer USS Turner Joy. The North Vietnamese claimed that Maddox was hit by one torpedo, and one of the American aircraft had been shot down.

The original account from the Pentagon Papers has been revised in light of a 2005 internal NSA historical study,[5] which stated on page 17:

At 1500G, Captain Herrick (commander of Maddox) ordered Ogier's gun crews to open fire if the boats approached within ten thousand yards. At about 1505G, Maddox fired three rounds to warn off the communist boats. This initial action was never reported by the Johnson administration, which insisted that the Vietnamese boats fired first.[5]

Maddox, when confronted, was approaching Hòn Mê Island, three to four nautical miles (nmi) (6 to 7 km) inside the 12 nautical miles (22 km; 14 mi) limit claimed by North Vietnam. This territorial limit was unrecognized by the United States. After the skirmish, President Johnson ordered Maddox and Turner Joy to stage daylight runs into North Vietnamese waters, testing the 12 nautical miles (22 km; 14 mi) limit and North Vietnamese resolve. These runs into North Vietnamese territorial waters coincided with South Vietnamese coastal raids and were interpreted as coordinated operations by the North, which officially acknowledged the engagements of August 2, 1964.[19]

Others, such as Admiral Sharp, maintained that U.S. actions did not provoke the August 2 incident. He claimed that the North Vietnamese had tracked Maddox along the coast by radar, and were thus aware that the destroyer had not actually attacked North Vietnam and that Hanoi (or the local commander) had ordered its craft to engage Maddox anyway. North Vietnamese general, Phùng Thế Tài, later claimed that Maddox had been tracked since July 31 and that she had attacked fishing boats on August 2 forcing the North Vietnamese Navy to "fight back".[20]

Sharp also noted that orders given to Maddox to stay 8 nautical miles (15 km; 9.2 mi) off the North Vietnamese coast put the ship in international waters, as North Vietnam claimed only a 5 nautical miles (9.3 km; 5.8 mi) limit as its territory (or off of its off-shore islands). In addition, many nations had previously carried out similar missions all over the world, and the destroyer USS John R. Craig had earlier conducted an intelligence-gathering mission in similar circumstances without incident.[21]

However Sharp's claims include some factually incorrect statements. North Vietnam never claimed an 8-kilometer (5 mi) limit for its territorial waters, instead it adhered to a 20-kilometer (12 mi) limit claimed by French Indochina in 1936.[22] Moreover it officially claimed a 12 nm limit, which is practically identical to the old 20 km French claim, after the incidents of August, in September 1964.[22][23] The North Vietnamese stance is that they always considered a 12 nautical mile limit, consistently with the positions regarding the law of the sea of both the Soviet Union and China, their main allies.[22]

On August 4, another DESOTO patrol off the North Vietnamese coast was launched by Maddox and Turner Joy, in order to "show the flag" after the first incident. This time their orders indicated that the ships were to close to no less than 11 miles (18Â km) from the coast of North Vietnam.[17] During an evening and early morning of rough weather and heavy seas, the destroyers received radar, sonar, and radio signals that they believed signaled another attack by the North Vietnamese navy. For some four hours the ships fired on radar targets and maneuvered vigorously amid electronic and visual reports of enemies. Despite the Navy's claim that two attacking torpedo boats had been sunk, there was no wreckage, bodies of dead North Vietnamese sailors, or other physical evidence present at the scene of the alleged engagement.[24]

Secretary McNamara at the White House told President Johnson that a U.S. Navy vessel had been attacked and urged retaliation. The President agreed.[25]

At 01:27, Washington time, Herrick sent a cable in which he acknowledged that the second attack may not have happened and that there may actually have been no Vietnamese craft in the area: "Review of action makes many reported contacts and torpedoes fired appear doubtful. Freak weather effects on radar and overeager sonarmen may have accounted for many reports. No actual visual sightings by Maddox. Suggest complete evaluation before any further action taken".[26]

One hour later, Herrick sent another cable, stating, "Entire action leaves many doubts except for apparent ambush at beginning. Suggest thorough reconnaissance in daylight by aircraft."[27] In response to requests for confirmation, at around 16:00 Washington time, Herrick cabled, "Details of action present a confusing picture although certain that the original ambush was bona fide."[27] Secretary McNamara decided against informing the president that a new report had been received casting grave doubt on the existence of the incident that was the premise of the president's decision earlier that day to retaliate, and McNamara continued making plans for U.S. military retaliation.[25]

At 18:00 Washington time (05:00 in the Gulf of Tonkin), Herrick cabled yet again, this time stating, "the first boat to close the Maddox probably launched a torpedo at the Maddox which was heard but not seen. All subsequent Maddox torpedo reports are doubtful in that it is suspected that sonarman was hearing the ship's own propeller beat" [sic].[27]

Within thirty minutes of August 4 incident, President Johnson had decided on retaliatory attacks. That same day he used the "hot line" to Moscow, and assured the Soviets he had no intent in opening a broader war in Vietnam. Early on August 5, Johnson publicly ordered retaliatory measures stating, "The determination of all Americans to carry out our full commitment to the people and to the government of South Vietnam will be redoubled by this outrage." One hour and forty minutes after his speech, aircraft launched from U.S. carriers reached North Vietnamese targets. On August 5, at 10:40, these planes bombed four torpedo boat bases and an oil-storage facility in Vinh.[28]

Shortly before midnight, on August 4, President Johnson interrupted national television to make an announcement in which he described an attack by North Vietnamese vessels on two U.S. Navy warships, Maddox and Turner Joy and requested authority to undertake a military response.[29][30] Johnson's speech repeated the theme that "dramatized Hanoi/Ho Chi Minh as the aggressor and which put the United States into a more acceptable defensive posture."[29] Johnson also referred to the attacks as having taken place "on the high seas," suggesting that they had occurred in international waters.[31]

He emphasized commitment to both the American people, and the South Vietnamese government. He also reminded Americans that there was no desire for war. "A close scrutiny of Johnson's public statements...reveals no mention of preparations for overt warfare and no indication of the nature and extent of covert land and air measures that already were operational." Johnson's statements were short to "minimize the U.S. role in the conflict; a clear inconsistency existed between Johnson's actions and his public discourse."[32]

While President Johnson's final resolution was being drafted, Senator Wayne Morse attempted to hold a fundraiser to raise awareness about possible faulty records of the incident involving Maddox. Morse supposedly received a call from an informant who has remained anonymous urging Morse to investigate official logbooks of Maddox.[33] These logs were not available before President Johnson's resolution was presented to Congress.[33]

After urging Congress that they should be wary of President Johnson's coming attempt to convince Congress of his resolution, Morse failed to gain enough cooperation and support from his colleagues to mount any sort of movement to stop it.[33] Immediately after the resolution was read and presented to Congress, Morse began to fight it. He contended in speeches to Congress that the actions taken by the United States were actions outside the constitution and were "acts of war rather than acts of defense."[33]

Morse's efforts were not immediately met with support, largely because he revealed no sources and was working with very limited information.[33] It was not until after the United States became more involved in the war that his claim began to gain support throughout the United States government. Morse was defeated when he ran for re-election in 1968.[34]

Evidence was still being sought on the night of August 4 when Johnson gave his address to the American public on the incident. Messages recorded that day indicate that neither President Johnson nor Secretary McNamara was certain of an attack.[35]

Various news sources, including Time, Life and Newsweek, ran articles throughout August on the Tonkin Gulf incident.[36] Time reported: "Through the darkness, from the West and south...intruders boldly sped...at least six of them... they opened fire on the destroyers with automatic weapons, this time from as close as 2,000 yards."[37] Time stated that there was "no doubt in Sharp's mind that the US would now have to answer this attack", and that there was no debate or confusion within the administration regarding the incident.[37]

The use of the set of incidents as a pretext for escalation of U.S. involvement follows the issuance of public threats against North Vietnam, as well as calls from American politicians in favor of escalating the war.[38] On May 4, 1964, William Bundy called for the U.S. to "drive the communists out of South Vietnam", even if that meant attacking both North Vietnam and communist China.[38] Even so, the Johnson administration in the second half of 1964 focused on convincing the American public that there was no chance of war between the United States and North Vietnam.[38]

North Vietnam's General Giap suggested that the DESOTO patrol had been sent into the gulf to provoke North Vietnam into giving an excuse for escalation of the war.[38] Various government officials and men aboard Maddox have suggested similar theories.[38] American politicians and strategists had been planning provocative actions against North Vietnam for some time. George Ball told a British journalist after the war that "at that time...many people...were looking for any excuse to initiate bombing".[38]

According to Raymond McGovern, a retired CIA officer (CIA analyst from 1963 to 1990, and in the 1980s, chairman of the National Intelligence Estimates), the CIA, "not to mention President Lyndon Johnson, Defense Secretary Robert McNamara and National Security Adviser McGeorge Bundy all knew full well that the evidence of any armed attack on the evening of Aug. 4, 1964, the so-called "second" Tonkin Gulf incident, was highly dubious.... During the summer of 1964, President Johnson and the Joint Chiefs of Staff were eager to widen the war in Vietnam. They stepped up sabotage and hit-and-run attacks on the coast of North Vietnam." Maddox, carrying electronic spying gear, was to collect signals intelligence from the North Vietnamese coast, and the coastal attacks were seen as a helpful way to get the North Vietnamese to turn on their coastal radars. For this purpose, it was authorized to approach the coast as close as 13 kilometers (8 mi) and the offshore islands as close as four; the latter had already been subjected to shelling from the sea.[39]

In his book, Body of Secrets, James Bamford, who spent three years in the United States Navy as an intelligence analyst, writes, that the primary purpose of the Maddox "was to act as a seagoing provocateurâ€”to poke its sharp gray bow and the American flag as close to the belly of North Vietnam as possible, in effect shoving its five-inch cannons up the nose of the communist navy.... The Maddox' mission was made even more provocative by being timed to coincide with commando raids, creating the impression that the Maddox was directing those missions..." Thus, the North Vietnamese had every reason to believe that Maddox was involved in these actions.[40]

Provocative action against North Vietnam was considered after the August 1964 incidents. John McNaughton suggested in September 1964, that the U.S. prepare to take actions to provoke a North Vietnamese military reaction, including plans to use DESOTO patrols North. William Bundy's paper dated September 8, 1964, suggested more DESOTO patrols as well.[38]

Secretary McNamara failed to inform President Johnson that the U.S. Naval task group commander in the Tonkin Gulf, Captain John J. Herrick, had changed his mind about the alleged North Vietnamese torpedo attack on U.S. warships he had reported earlier that day.[25]

By early afternoon of August 4, Washington time, Herrick had reported to the Commander in Chief Pacific in Honolulu that "freak weather effects" on the ship's radar had made such an attack questionable. In fact, Herrick was now saying, in a message sent at 1:27 pm Washington time, that no North Vietnamese patrol boats had actually been sighted. Herrick now proposed a "complete evaluation before any further action taken."[26]

McNamara later testified that he had read the message after his return to the Pentagon that afternoon. But he did not immediately call Johnson to tell him that the whole premise of his decision at lunch to approve McNamara's recommendation for retaliatory air strikes against North Vietnam was now highly questionable. Had Johnson been accurately informed about the Herrick message, he might have demanded fuller information before proceeding with a broadening of the war. Johnson had fended off proposals from McNamara and other advisers for a policy of bombing the North on four separate occasions since becoming president.[41]

President Johnson, who was up for election that year, ordered retaliatory air strikes and went on national television on August 4. Although Maddox had been involved in providing intelligence support for South Vietnamese attacks at Hòn Mê and Hòn Ngư, Johnson denied, in his testimony before Congress, that the U.S. Navy had supported South Vietnamese military operations in the Gulf. He thus characterized the attack as "unprovoked" since the ship had been in international waters.[citation needed]

As a result of his testimony, on August 7, Congress passed a joint resolution (H.J. RES 1145), titled the Southeast Asia Resolution, which granted President Johnson the authority to conduct military operations in Southeast Asia without the benefit of a declaration of war. The resolution gave President Johnson approval "to take all necessary steps, including the use of armed force, to assist any member or protocol state of the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty requesting assistance in defense of its freedom."[42]

In 1965, President Johnson commented privately: "For all I know, our navy was shooting at whales out there."[43]

In 1967, former naval officer, John White, wrote a letter to the editor of the New Haven (CT) Register. He asserted "I maintain that President Johnson, Secretary McNamara and the Joint Chiefs of Staff gave false information to Congress in their report about US destroyers being attacked in the Gulf of Tonkin." [48] White continued his whistleblowing activities in the 1968 documentary In the Year of the Pig. White soon arrived in Washington to meet with Senator Fulbright to discuss his concerns, particularly the faulty sonar reports.[citation needed]

In 1981, Captain Herrick and journalist Robert Scheer re-examined Herrick's ship's log and determined that the first torpedo report from August 4, which Herrick had maintained had occurred—the "apparent ambush"—was in fact unfounded.[27]

Although information obtained well after the fact supported Captain Herrick's statements about the inaccuracy of the later torpedo reports as well as the 1981 Herrick and Scheer conclusion about the inaccuracy of the first, indicating that there was no North Vietnamese attack that night, at the time U.S. authorities and all of the Maddox's crew stated that they were convinced that an attack had taken place. As a result, planes from the aircraft carriers Ticonderoga and Constellation were sent to hit North Vietnamese torpedo boat bases and fuel facilities during Operation Pierce Arrow.[citation needed]

Squadron Commander James Stockdale was one of the U.S. pilots flying overhead during the second alleged attack. Stockdale wrote in his 1984 book Love and War: "[I] had the best seat in the house to watch that event, and our destroyers were just shooting at phantom targetsâ€”there were no PT boats there... There was nothing there but black water and American fire power." Stockdale at one point recounts seeing Turner Joy pointing her guns at Maddox.[44] Stockdale said his superiors ordered him to keep quiet about this. After he was captured, this knowledge became a heavy burden. He later said he was concerned that his captors would eventually force him to reveal what he knew about the second incident.[44]

In 1995, retired Vietnamese Defense Minister, Võ Nguyên Giáp, meeting with former Secretary McNamara, denied that Vietnamese gunboats had attacked American destroyers on August 4, while admitting to the attack on August 2.[45][46] A taped conversation of a meeting several weeks after passage of the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution was released in 2001, revealing that McNamara expressed doubts to President Johnson that the attack had even occurred.[47]

In the fall of 1999, retired Senior CIA Engineering Executive S. Eugene Poteat wrote that he was asked in early August 1964 to determine if the radar operator's report showed a real torpedo boat attack or an imagined one. He asked for further details on time, weather and surface conditions. No further details were forthcoming. In the end he concluded that there were no torpedo boats on the night in question, and that the White House was interested only in confirmation of an attack, not that there was no such attack.[48]

In October 2012 retired Rear Admiral, Lloyd "Joe" Vasey, was interviewed by David Day on Asia Review and gave a detailed account of the August 4 incident. According to Admiral Vasey, who was aboard USSÂ Oklahoma City, a Galveston-class guided missile cruiser, in the Gulf of Tonkin and serving as chief of staff to Commander Seventh Fleet, Turner Joy intercepted an NVA radio transmission ordering a torpedo boat attack on Turner Joy and Maddox. Shortly thereafter, radar contact of "several high speed contacts closing in on them" was acquired by the USS Turner Joy, which locked on to one of the contacts, fired and struck the torpedo boat. There were 18 witnesses, both enlisted and officers, who reported various aspects of the attack; smoke from the stricken torpedo boat, torpedo wakes (reported by four separate individuals on each destroyer), sightings of the torpedo boats moving through the water and searchlights. All 18 of the witnesses testified at a hearing in Olongapo, Philippines, and their testimony is a matter of public record.[49]

In 2014, as the incident's 50th anniversary approached, John White wrote The Gulf of Tonkin Eventsâ€”Fifty Years Later: A Footnote to the History of the Vietnam War. In the foreword, he notes "Among the many books written on the Vietnamese war, half a dozen note a 1967 letter to the editor of a Connecticut newspaper which was instrumental in pressuring the Johnson administration to tell the truth about how the war started. The letter was mine."[50] The story discusses Lt. White reading Admiral Stockdale's In Love and War[44] in the mid-80s, then contacting Stockdale who connected White with Joseph Schaperjahn, chief sonarman on Turner Joy. Schaperjahn confirmed White's assertions that Maddox's sonar reports were faulty and the Johnson administration knew it prior to going to Congress to request support for the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution. White's book explains the difference between lies of commission and lies of omission. Johnson was guilty of willful lies of omission. White was featured in the August 2014 issue of Connecticut Magazine.[51]

In October 2005 The New York Times reported that Robert J. Hanyok, a historian for the U.S. National Security Agency, concluded that the NSA deliberately distorted intelligence reports passed to policy makers regarding the August 4, 1964 incident. The NSA historian concluded that the motive was not political, but rather to cover up honest, but errant, intelligence.[52]

Hanyok's conclusions were initially published in the Winter 2000/Spring 2001 Edition of Cryptologic Quarterly[53] about five years before the Times article. According to intelligence officials, the view of government historians that the report should become public was rebuffed by policy makers concerned that comparisons might be made to intelligence used to justify the Iraq War (Operation Iraqi Freedom) which commenced in 2003.[54] Reviewing the NSA's archives, Mr. Hanyok concluded that the NSA initially misinterpreted North Vietnamese intercepts, believing there was an attack on August 4. Mid-level NSA officials almost immediately discovered the error, he concluded, but covered it up by altering documents, to make it appear a second attack had occurred.[citation needed]

On November 30, 2005, the NSA released a first installment of previously classified information regarding the Gulf of Tonkin incident, including a moderately sanitized version of Mr. Hanyok's article.[5] The Hanyok article stated that intelligence information was presented to the Johnson administration "in such a manner as to preclude responsible decision makers in the Johnson administration from having the complete and objective narrative of events." Instead, "only information that supported the claim that the communists had attacked the two destroyers was given to Johnson administration officials."[55]

With regard to why this happened, Hanyok wrote:

As much as anything else, it was an awareness that President Johnson would brook no uncertainty that could undermine his position. Faced with this attitude, Ray Cline was quoted as saying "...Â we knew it was bum dope that we were getting from Seventh Fleet, but we were told only to give facts with no elaboration on the nature of the evidence. Everyone knew how volatile LBJ was. He did not like to deal with uncertainties."[56]

Hanyok included his study of Tonkin Gulf as one chapter in an overall history of NSA involvement and American signals intelligence (SIGINT), in the Indochina Wars. A moderately sanitized version of the overall history[57] was released in January 2008 by the National Security Agency and published by the Federation of American Scientists.[58]


what is the action center in windows 10

Action Center allows for four quick settings, and in Windows 10 users can expand the view to show all of the quick settings. Notifications are sorted into categories by app, and users can swipe right to clear notifications. Action Center also supports actionable notifications starting with Windows 10. In the mobile version, the user can swipe from the top to the bottom to invoke Action Center,[5] and further features introduced in Windows Phone 8.1 include the ability to change simple settings such as volume controls. The new notifications area's design allows the user to for example change wireless networks, turn Bluetooth and Airplane Mode on or off, and access "Driving Mode" from four customisable boxes at the top of the screen, while beneath these four horizontally placed boxes include recent text messages and social integration.[6][7][8] On the desktop version, the user can invoke Action Center by clicking on its icon on the taskbar (at the lower right corner of the screen), or by swiping from the right.

Action Center

Action Center is a notification center included with Windows Phone 8.1, Windows 10 and Windows 10 Mobile. It was first introduced with Windows Phone 8.1 in July 2014, and was introduced to the desktop with the launch of Windows 10 on July 29, 2015.[1]

The Action Center replaces the charms in Windows 10.[2][3][4]

Microsoft announced at Microsoft Build 2016 that Cortana would be able to mirror notifications between the Actions Centers of Windows 10 Mobile and Windows 10,[9][10] and Cortana would also be able to synchronize notifications from Android devices to the Windows 10 Action Center.[11][12]