longest hair

The official world record for the longest hair is held by Xie Qiuping of China, whose hair was measured in 2004 at 4.2 meters (14 ft) long. If Hay's hair was as long as it is claimed to be – or even as long as the 6.2 meters that was reported in 2006 – it would have taken the record by a considerable distance.

Worldâs Most Amazing Real Life Rapunzels

"World’s Most Amazing Real Life Rapunzels September 10, 2013 by Grace Murano Cateogory: Strange People360,341 views1 The Woman with the Longest Dreadlocks Asha Mandela has a lock on a world record that others might dread: The world's longest dreadlocks. The 50-year-old Atlanta resident has earned the name ""the Black Rapunzel"" because she holds the Guinness World Record for ""World's Longest Dreadlocks,"" which she has owned since 2008. Her dreads were officially measured at 19 feet, 6 inches long, but an unofficial measurement found that one of the strands measured a whopping 55 feet, 7 inches in length. Mandela first started growing her lovely locks 25 years ago, after she moved from Trinidad-Tobago to New York and decided to have a more ""natural"" hairstyle. She washes the dreads once a week, using up to six bottles of shampoo at a time. Then it takes two days for the locks to dry -- and they weigh 25 pounds when wet. She says that the extra weight of her hair makes her doctors very concerned. They seem to think that she has a curvature of her spine due to the length and weight of her hair. Source2 The Woman Who Holds the Official Record for the World's Longest Hair Dai Yue Qin, better known as Miss Dyq, is the Queen of long hair in China and the current holder of the Guinness World Record for longest hair. Born in April 1964 in Tong Xiang in the Zhejiang province, South China, she began to grow long hair when she was about 14 years o

ld. As her hair length of 3,30 meters (10 ft) attracted more and more attention, she joined several long hair competitions and won prizes. In 2001, she moved to the U. S. It takes her about one to two hours to comb her tresses, which are 420 cm in length now (almost 14 feet!).

Washing that shiny flood of hair requires five to six hours every two weeks. Source3 The 19th Century Band of Sisters that was Famous for Their Long Locks These days, the biggest stars— like Miley Cyrus and Beyoncé — know that the easiest way to get the world to gawk is to chop off your long locks for a “boy cut.” Then, perhaps, you perform some sexually provocative dance moves on TV. In the late 19th century, though, the most startling, erotic thing you could do as a stage performer was let down your Rapunzel-esque, floor-length hair. In fact, the first real celebrity models in the United States were known as the Seven Sutherland Sisters, who had 37 feet of hair between them. Sarah, Victoria, Isabella, Grace, Naomi, Dora, and Mary Sutherland sang and played instruments—but no one really cared about that. No, the crowd came to ogle their magical, mythical, uber-feminine hair. Because Victorian women coveted the sister's luscious locks, the cash came flooding in. The family grew rich beyond its wildest imagination, as the sisters knocked serious political issues off the newspapers' front pages with their outrageous celebrity antics. By the mid-1880s, none of the sisters could walk down the street, with their flowing tresses dragging behind them like dress trains, without being mobbed by starstruck fans. Source4 The Brazilian Teenager with Long Hair Who Sold It and Bought a House for Her Family What do you think would happen to your hair if you never cut it? For Brazilian 12-year-old Natasha Moraes De Andrade, it meant 5 feet 2 inches of a whole lot of brushing and washing. Natasha, who lives in a shanty town in Rio de Janeiro, had long locks, and an uneasy lifestyle because of them. At 5ft 3in tall, she was only one inch taller than her hair, and had to carry it around so it didn't snag. She had to spend up to an hour and a half each day brushing it. Also, the fans in her house couldn't be turned on in case it got caught; that can't be easy with the typical Brazilian heat and no ventilation. Despite living in poor economic conditions, her shampoo expenses were astronomical at over $600 a year. Recently, Natasha finally walked into a salon and cut her hair. It was the beginning of a new life. Natasha wept as her 5ft 2in locks were sheared for the first time ever. Now, she wears her hair as a simple bob of just 15in in length, and washing her hair only takes five minutes. The real life Rapunzel managed to sell her hair for $5000, which helped save her family from financial issues. They now plan to build the house they've always dreamed of, all thanks to a new haircut. Source5 The Mother and Three Daughters Who Grow Their Hair for Pony Tail Competitions Three girls have followed in the footsteps of their mother by letting their hair grow so long that it nearly touches the ground. Terelynn Russel, who lives in Morris, Illinois with her husband and children, has hair that is nearly six feet long. Now, her daughters are close to matching her achievement. Mrs. Russel regularly wins first place in Longest Pony Tail Competitions at annual carnivals and fairs, and her girls are following her example. Source6 The 11-year-old Who Has Never Had Her Hair Cut and Plans to Donate It to Charity Schoolgirl Aimee Chase, 11, has NEVER had her hair cut, so her pretty blonde tresses have grown to 3ft 6in in length. The barnet hairstyle is so long that it reaches all the way down to Aimee's knees. But not for much longer, because the Hampshire Junior School pupil is set to lop off a massive 2ft from her ""do"" for charity. Aimee has decided to donate the cuttings to the Little Princess Trust. The organization provides wigs and hair pieces for children who suffer hair loss during treatment for cancer. Source 1, Source 27 The Woman Who Hasn't Cut Her Hair Since 1990Meet yet another real-life Rapunzel, Jiang Aixiu. With an 11.8ft mane, Aixiu is proud of the fact that she hasn't cut her hair in 21 years, all thanks to the recommendation of a hairdresser in 1990. Her hair grows at an amazing rate of 7.8 inches per year, but Aixiu insists, ""I didn't eat anything special or use any special shampoos. ""Although Aixiu has previously turned down 10,000 Yuan for her hair, she is now planning to cut it, since doctors say that her long locks absorb too much nutrition from her head. That's weird. Source8 The Man with the Longest Hair Having extremely long hair is not exclusive to the ladies. Tran Van Hay, who died in 2010, is thought to have had hair up to 6.8 meters long (22 ft), although it had never been officially measured for a record attempt. It stretched in a thick, matted cord around his body, resembling a massive, furry boa constrictor.

79-year-old Hay, who lived in the Kien Giang province of southern Vietnam, worked as an herbalist and lived a simple life. However, his hair did cause him some difficulties, notably that he couldn't take a motorcycle taxi anywhere because he couldn't fit a helmet around his hair. He had been growing his hair for over fifty years because he often felt sick after a haircut, according to his wife Nguyen Thi Hoa. Source9 The Man with the World's Tallest Mohawk It took three cans of hairspray, one large bottle of gel -- and, of course, 15 years to grow it out -- but Kazuhiro Watanabe has made history. The Japanese designer has shattered the Guinness World Record by more than a foot with his 3-foot, 8.6-inch Mohawk. Without gel, his hair reaches to his knees. Source10 The Chinese Mother Who Hasn't Had a Haircut in 14 Years She might spend a fortune on shampoo, but this Chinese mother-of-two is proud of her 8ft long head of hair. Ni Linmei presented her endless mane at her home in Taiyuan, in China's Shanxi Province, and admitted that she hasn't had a haircut in 14 years. The 55-year-old was photographed laying her locks on a sofa as she attempted to comb the tresses. However, in order to measure the monstrosity Ni Linmei had to stand on a chair so the ends only just reached the floor. The jet black mane might suffer the odd split end, but for the length, her locks appeared in good condition. Source "


nafta purpose and function

. NAFTAThe North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) is an agreement between Mexico, the United States and Canada. The agreement was signed by US President George H. W. Bush, Canadian Prime Minister Brian Mulroney, and Mexican President Carlos Salinas on December 17, 1992 in San Antonio, Texas, and took effect on January 1, 1994.

Important International Bodies and Agreements

The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)NAFTA is a 1994 agreement to removes taxes on products traded between North American countries (US, Canada and Mexico). Learning Objectives Discuss the goals of ways that the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) serves its members Key Takeaways Key Points NAFTA protects copyright, patents and trademarks between the three countries. It was updated with the North American Agreement on Environmental Cooperation, which helped reduce pollution and set more environmental regulations. Since NAFTA took away taxes between products traded between the US, Canada and Mexico, Mexico has been buying more products from the US. Some say NAFTA has been positive for Mexico, which has seen poverty rates fall and real income rise, while others argue that NAFTA has had negative impacts on farmers in Mexico who saw food prices fall based on cheap imports from the US. Key Termsmaquiladora: Mexican factories that take in imported raw mateirals and produce goods for export.foreign direct investment: Direct investment into production in one country by a company in another country, either by buying a company in the target country or by expanding operations of an existing business in that country

NAFTA: NAFTA is an agreement between the US, Mexico, and Canada, as represented by the 3 flags in its logo. The bill removed taxes on products traded between the three countries. It also protects copyright, patents, and trademarks between those countries. It was updated with the North American Agreement on Environmental Cooperation, which helped reduce pollution and set more environmental regulations. It was also updated with the North American Agreement for Labor Cooperation, which helped people fight for better labor conditions. Effects Since NAFTA took away taxes for products traded between the US, Canada, and Mexico, Mexico has been buying more products from the US. It saved U. S. companies the cost of selling products to Mexico, and saved Mexican companies the cost of buying items from US companies. A benefit of the bill is that labels on products exchanged between the three countries come in French, English and Spanish. That way, Mexicans and Americans who speak Spanish can read the Spanish label, Americans and Canadians can read the English label, and Canadians who speak French can read the French label. NAFTA also encourages more immigration from Mexico to the US. Since small businesses can no longer be protected by tariffs, many small business owners in Mexico cannot compete with the prices of subsidized products from the US. As a result, many Mexicans have gone to the US looking for work. Some believe that NAFTA has been positive for Mexico, which has seen its poverty rates fall and real income rise. Others argue that NAFTA has been beneficial to business owners in all three countries, but has had negative impacts on farmers in Mexico. Mexican farmers have seen food prices fall due to cheap imports from US agribusiness, while US workers in manufacturing and assembly industries have lost jobs. Critics also argue that NAFTA has contributed to the rising levels of inequality in both the US and Mexico. Goals of NAFTANAFTA was created to eliminate barriers to trade and investment between the US, Canada and Mexico. The implementation of NAFTA immediately eliminated tariffs on more than one-half of Mexico’s exports to the US and more than one-third of US. exports to Mexico. Within 10 years of implementation, all US-Mexico tariffs would be eliminated except for some US agricultural exports that were to be phased out within 15 years. NAFTA also seeks to eliminate non-tariff trade barriers and to protect the intellectual property right of the products. In the area of intellectual property, the North American Free Trade Agreement Implementation Act made changes to the copyright law of the US, foreshadowing the Uruguay Round Agreements Act of 1994 by restoring copyright (within NAFTA) on certain motion pictures which had entered the public domain. Trade The agreement opened the door for free trade, ending tariffs on various goods and services, and implementing equality between Canada, the US and Mexico. Since the implementation of NAFTA, the countries involved have been able to do the following: The US had a services trade surplus of $28.3 billion with NAFTA countries in 2009 (the latest data available). Foreign direct investment of Canada and Mexico in the US (stock) was $237.2 billion in 2009, up 16.5% from 2008. Income in the maquiladora sector has increased 15.5% since the implementation of NAFTA in 1994. To alleviate concerns that NAFTA would have negative environmental impacts, in 1994 the Commission for Environmental Cooperation (CEC) was given a mandate to conduct ongoing ex-post environmental assessment of NAFTA. Agriculture is the only section that requires three separate agreements between each pair of parties. The Canada–US agreement contains significant restrictions and tariff quotas on agricultural products, whereas the Mexico–US pact allows for a wider liberalization within a framework of phase-out periods. Mexico has gone from a minor player in the pre-1994 US export market to the 2 nd largest importer of U. S. agricultural products. According to the Department of Homeland Security Yearbook of Immigration Statistics (2006), 73,880 foreign professionals were admitted into the US for temporary employment under NAFTA.

One function of both the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the European Union (EU) is to (1) oppose economic integration (2) promote immigration (3) reduce economic barriers (4) eliminate unemployment

"High School History 5 points

Ask for details Follow Reportby Hodes809 05/28/2015Verified answer What is a Verified Answer? Log in to view the full answer. Unlock Verified Answers and get help from subject experts. Unlock verified answer Answers History Guy Ambitious One function of both the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the European Union (EU) is to "" (3) reduce economic barriers"" and foster friendship. Comments Report5.0 1 vote Thanks 6The Brain Helper Not sure about the answer? See next answers Learn more with Brainly!Having trouble with your homework? Get free help!80% of questions are answered in under 10 minutes Answers come with explanations, so that you can learn Answer quality is ensured by our experts I want a free account! "


stellar lumens price forecast

MUSDOur Investing Haven Stellar Lumens Price Forecast of 4 USD in 2018 is the newest addition to what has been so far our successful series of Cryptocurrency forecasts. We have previously provided forecasts for Ethereum, Bitcoin, Litecoin, Dash, Ripple.

A Stellar Lumens Price Forecast of 4 USD in 2018Taki Tsaklanos 3 months ago Tags: Lumens, XLM, XL

In today’s article, we will be reviewing Stellar Lumens and the factors behind our Stellar Lumens forecast of 4 USD in 2018. To assess the current strength of Cryptocurrencies and their future potential, our Research Team like to look at the following 3 criteria: Scalability and cost for transactions The intrinsic value of the Cryptocurrency and the underlying Technology The leadership and Development Team behind the Cryptocurrency. We will assess Stellar Lumens based on those exact criterias. Stellar Lumens 2018 Forecast: A Fundamental overview Leadership and Development Team Founded by Jed Mc Caleb a respected figure in the Cryptocurrency world and backed since early days by Silicon Valley’s rising star Stripe. Stripe actually announced yesterday plans to phase out Bitcoin and add support for Lumens. Stellar has build a strong network of partnerships as you can see in their partnership page and an impressive yet relevant Board and advisory team. They are also part of the Linux Foundation’s Hyper Ledger Project with IBM to build open source blockchain solutions for cross-border payment infrastructures. But what really stood out to us when looking into Stellar as an organization and Lumens specifically, is the professionalism of the leadership and the development Team. We saw a team that is aware of the current challenges in the Cryptocurrency market, backed by relevant and solid partnerships, focused on finding solutions and at the same time passionate about building something that will deliver value for users and investors. A simple look at Stellar’s roadmap gives a good idea and important information about what this Team is trying to achieve. Scalability and Transaction Cost According to Stellar: Lumens can handle a thousand operations a second. Stellar’s consensus protocol is provably safe. (See Mazières, 2015 —a paper so good it still makes the front page of hackernews .) Our last transaction settled in 4.96 seconds When it comes to speed, Ripple has the Top spot and Lumens is the next in line. When it comes to cost, Lumens has the lowest cost with Ripple next in line. Share this chart Tweet this chart Google+Intrinsic Value When assessing the intrinsic value of a cryptocurrency, we consider the use and volumes as the best reflection of the current and projected intrinsic value. The projects mentioned above are key to spreading the use and adoption of Lumens therefore increasing its value over time. The key for the adoption to continue (and not just peak and free fall) is scalability, speed and cost of transactions. Those are the key factors investors (especially those in for the long HODL) should keep an eye on. Another factor that caught our attention when trying to understand XLM or Lumens intrinsic value is the fact that they support ICOs (while offering low transaction fees and fast settlements) and the planned Lightening Networks integration in 2018. We expect this to be an important success factor for this Cryptocurrency in 2018. As you can see below, the rise in Stellar’s XLM trading volume was simply spectacular and will likely continue because of the factors mentioned above. Mind you figures such as the one below are to be taken with a grain of salt. Although they are absolutely representative of the timeframe underlined, things move so fast in Cryptoland that they do not necessarily guarantee it will continue to look the same. That’s where thorough research and staying up-to date like we are trying to offer our subscribers through our Blockchain research service is key to making sure you know what you are invested in and its potential. Share this chart Tweet this chart Google+Stellar Lumens 2018 Forecast Based on Price Charts The price action for Stellar Lumens is solid. We have a long consolidation followed by a strong upwards movement. As we are writing this article, XLMUSD is breaking out from the Bull flag in the chart below: Share this chart Tweet this chart Google+For a long term perspective, we can see in the following chart that 4 USD is very likely in 2018 provided the Team continues on delivering on their commitments, no major security flaws in their code (watch also the exchanges supporting Lumens) and of course the overall sector performance. And always remember, investing in Cryptocurrency is a high risk high reward investment. They key is to know what you are investing in, score the lowest entries and stick to charts so you don’t panic sell. Share this chart Tweet this chart Google+Investing Haven is the first in the world to offer a Blockchain Stock Investing Research Service which features all blockchain stocks with our proprietary score. Get access now >>A MUST READ for 2018: China’s Stock Market Bullish. 7 High Quality Stock Tips For Long Term Portfolios. Featuring 7 China stocks >>Follow official Ethereum prices in real-time. Read daily Ethereum price news on www.ethereumprice.today >>Investing Haven presents BLOCKCHAIN: TOP TREND OF 2018We respect your privacy ( more info)


prodromal psychosis symptoms in adolescents

Adolescents occasionally present with nonspecific psychotic symptoms, such as odd beliefs, mistrust of others, and magical thinking. These overvalued ideas lead to a decline in interpersonal and school functioning.

Adolescent Psychosis

Adolescent Psychosis October 01, 2008 | Child Adolescent Psychiatry, Comorbidity In Psychiatry, Dissociative Identity Disorder, Mania, Pervasive Developmental Disorder, Psychotic Affective Disorders, Schizoaffective, Schizophrenia By Shermin Imran, MRCPsych and Andrew Clark, FRCPsych Linked Articles Theoretical Models of Health Behavior Cyber Bullying The Differential Diagnosis of Childhood Developmental Disorders Adolescent Psychosis A dolescents who present with symptoms that suggest a psychotic disorder pose a number of diagnostic and treatment challenges. This article attempts to provide a practical guide to the assessment and management of adolescents with severe psychotic illness, including schizophrenia, schizophrenia-like disorders, and bipolar disorder. Epidemiology, differential diagnosis, causes, and predisposing factors will also be covered in the context of a comprehensive framework for assessment and management. Prevalence of psychosis in adolescence Five percent of adults with schizophrenia report onset of psychosis before age 15 years. 1 Despite the lack of precise incidence and prevalence rates from childhood or adolescent population–based studies, it is generally agreed that the prevalence of psychotic disorders increases markedly during adolescence. Gillberg and colleagues 2 estimate the prevalence of psychosis in 13- to 19-year-olds as 0.54%, increasing from 0.9 per 10,000 at age 13 years to 17.6 per 10,000 at age 18 years. 2 Male preponderance has been reported in some studies, but this is not a consistent finding and may be related to lack of robust data. Adult bipolar disorder prevalence is estimated at 1%. However, community studies in adolescents have indicated a prevalence of 0.5% to 1%, which varies with age and diagnostic criteria. Complete ascertainment of cases in this age group remains a concern: many episodes are only recognized in retrospect. 3-6The diagnosis of schizophrenia—early-onset psychosis in adolescents younger than 18 years—is based on the same DSM-IV criteria as for adults. The diagnostic criteria focus on 3 characteristic symptoms 7 :• Reality distortion (hallucinations and delusions). • Disorganization. • Psychomotor poverty (for example, poverty of speech, poor motivation, social withdrawal, and a flat affect). Diagnostic criteria and atypical presentations DSM-IV diagnosis of schizophrenia requires a 6-month period of disturbance that can include both a prodromal period of deterioration before the onset of psychotic symptoms and a residual phase. However, active psychotic symptoms must be present for at least 1 month. One important modification of criteria from those used in adults is that a failure to achieve age-appropriate interpersonal, academic, or occupational progress can substitute for significant deterioration in self-care and social, educational, or occupational functioning below premorbid levels. In episodes lasting between 1 and 6 months, a diagnosis of schizophreniform disorder may be made. Briefer episodes that have a sudden onset and that resolve rapidly to the premorbid level of functioning within a month without evidence of an organic cause are diagnosed as brief psychotic disorders, according to DSM-IV criteria. Because classical schizophrenia may eventually develop in some patients with this diagnosis, ongoing follow-up is required. The presence of a clear stressor is sometimes associated with a brief reactive psychosis, although, without further follow-up, this presumption cannot be used to make a definitive diagnosis. 8Affective disorder in adolescents (whether manic, depressive, or mixed) can present with psychotic symptoms such as delusions, hallucinations, or thought disorder. It may be relatively easy to distinguish affective disorder from schizophrenia when the patient has symptoms that are mood-congruent with affective episodes and no clear negative symptoms. A firm diagnosis of affective disorder may be more difficult to establish in adolescents who present with bizarre and persecutory delusions, mood incongruent hallucinations with lability of mood, or significant functional deterioration. The diagnostic uncertainty in such cases may have to be accepted and shared with parents and/or caregivers while awaiting a clarification as the clinical picture evolves. Pointers to possible schizophrenia might be the insidious onset of affective symptoms with difficulties in premorbid adjustment and functioning, a family history of schizophrenia, and the presence of a significant thought disorder. 9Concurrent presentation of schizophrenic and affective symptoms that meet criteria for schizoaffective disorder appears to carry a short-term clinical course and a longer-term prognosis intermediate between schizophre-nia and affective disorder. Acute psychotic, manic, or hypomanic symptoms may also present in association with substance misuse or with organic conditions that need to be distinguished by a careful history, physical examination, and appropriate investigations. A period of enforced abstinence may be necessary to determine whether symptoms are truly enduring. Induced delusional disorder (folie deux) may be encountered in adolescents in a close or enmeshed emotional relationship with a psychotic parent or caregiver or sibling. In this setting, psychotic beliefs may be shared rather than actually experienced by the adolescent. 10The prodromal phase

Whether this represents the prodromal phase of a severe psychotic disorder is difficult to answer prospectively. However, frank psychosis develops in up to 40% of affected patients within 12 months of symptom onset. 11 A positive family history of psychosis and marked impairment of functioning with evolving psychosis-like symptoms are considered to be risk factors for psychotic illness. Adolescent schizophrenia, in particular, is associated with motor or language developmental delays and premorbid cognitive and social impairments that seem to merge with the onset of an insidious psychotic illness. 12While research in psychological and pharmacological interventions is ongoing, specific clinical management is limited to continued monitoring to identify those who may be at risk for a psychotic episode and to address specific presenting problems with practical and psychotherapeutic support. 8,13 A high index of suspicion should be maintained for adolescents who manifest the risk factors mentioned above so that prompt treatment can be initiated at the onset of a clear psychotic episode. Notwithstanding the ongoing debate about the role of active pharmacological and psychological treatment of prodromal symptoms of schizophrenia, any treatment option at this stage requires an explanation to the patient and his or her parent or caregiver. This should include information about the incomplete evidence base and a detailed discussion of the relative risks and benefits. The goal is to actively involve the patient and his family in making treatment decisions. 11 A conservative approach to treatment at this stage is advised. Psychosocial and other benign options should be employed before antipsychotics. 14Page: 1 2 3Next


is merrimack county part of state of nh

Merrimack is a town in Hillsborough County, New Hampshire, United States. The population was 25,494 at the 2010 census, making it the eighth-largest municipality in New Hampshire. [1] In 2013, Merrimack was named the twenty-third best place to live in the United States by CNN Money Magazine.

Merrimack, New Hampshire

"Merrimack, New Hampshire From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedianavigation search Not to be confused with Merrimack County, New Hampshire. Merrimack, New Hampshire Town Merrimack Premium Outlets shopping center Seal Location in Hillsborough County, New Hampshire Coordinates: 42°51′59″N 71°29′37″WCoordinates: 42°51′59″N 71°29′37″WCountry United States State New Hampshire County Hillsborough Settled 1673Incorporated April 2, 1746Villages Merrimack Reeds Ferry South Merrimack Thorntons Ferry Government• Town council Nancy Harrington, Chair Finlay Rothhaus Dan Dwyer Thomas Koenig William W. Boyd III Jackie Flood Peter Albert• Town Manager Eileen Cabanel Area• Total 33.4 sq mi (86.6 km 2)• Land 32.6 sq mi (84.4 km 2)• Water 0.8 sq mi (2.1 km 2) 2.48%Elevation 180 ft (55 m)Population (2010)• Total 25,494• Density 760/sq mi (290/km 2)Time zone Eastern ( UTC-5)• Summer ( DST) Eastern ( UTC-4)ZIP code 03054Area code (s) 603FIPS code 33-47540GNIS feature ID 0873663Website www .merrimacknh .gov

[2]There are four villages in the town: Merrimack Village (formerly known as Souhegan Village), Thorntons Ferry, Reeds Ferry, and South Merrimack. Contents [ hide ]1 History2 Geography2.1 Areas of Merrimack2.1.1 Thorntons Ferry2.1.2 Reeds Ferry2.1.3 South Merrimack2.1.4 Merrimack Village3 Demographics4 Economy5 Education6 Annual events7 Politics and governance7.1 State and federal7.2 Local8 Notable people9 References10 External links History [ edit]The first known settlers of the area appeared sometime after the last ice age. Merrimack is a Native American term meaning sturgeon, a type of fish. The Pennacook people named the Merrimack River after this fish because of the vast population that once existed there. The Penacooks spelled it Monnomoke or Merramake. ""When the town was incorporated, it took the name of the river and spelled it Merrymac,"" according to the Merrimack Historical Society. [3]The first mention of the territory containing the current town of Merrimack among written records was the petition of Passaconaway to the General Court of Massachusetts for a grant of land to include a part of this region. This was in 1662, and in the autumn of that year the court acceded to the request, and the aged sachem and his associates were granted a strip of country a mile and a half wide on both banks of the Merrimack at this section of the river. Although the boundaries of this grant are not specifically known today, it is probable that the chieftain held at least a portion of the current town of Merrimack. European settlers first came to the area in the late 17th century when the area was still in dispute between the Province of New Hampshire and Massachusetts Bay Colony. The town of Merrimack was originally part of the 1673 Dunstable grant. In 1734, Massachusetts granted the town organization as Naticook, which was made up of Litchfield and part of Merrimack. In 1746 the boundary line between Massachusetts and New Hampshire was revised, and the land which was originally part of Massachusetts became part of New Hampshire. On April 2, 1746, Governor Benning Wentworth signed a charter establishing that the land from Pennichuck Brook to the Souhegan River became the Town of Merrymac. At that time fewer then 50 families lived here. Pawtucket, Nashaway and Pennacook people camped along the banks of the Merrimack and Souhegan rivers. The Pennacooks were greatest in numbers, and their chief, Passaconaway, was the ruler of all the tribes in the Merrimack Valley. On June 5, 1750, the town's charter was ratified, giving the town an additional 3 miles (5 km) to the north. The new portion called ""Souhegan East"" was made up of the land north of the Souhegan River. Matthew Thornton, a signer of the Declaration of Independence, lived and was buried in Merrimack. The Signer's House and Matthew Thornton Cemetery are still located in the town. The original meetinghouse was built at the exact center of town. There were two cemeteries. Turkey Hill on Meetinghouse Road is the first mentioned in the town records, but Thornton Cemetery on Route 3 has the oldest gravestone. The nineteenth century saw much growth in Merrimack. The meetinghouse was too small and too far from what had become the center of town. The church and government became separate and two new churches were built in more convenient locations, one in South Merrimack and one on Baboosic Lake Road. A new town hall was built to replace the meetinghouse. The Boston and Maine Railroad laid tracks through the town in the 19th century, with several stations operating until the mid-20th century, when the advent of the automobile transformed Merrimack from a largely agricultural community to a bedroom community of Boston and nearby cities in New Hampshire. Since 1970 the town has been the home of an Anheuser-Busch brewery, their easternmost, and one of their smallest plants in the United States. It is home to a brewery tour and one of the five stables for the Budweiser Clydesdales. [4]The Merrimack School Board attracted national attention in 1995 when it passed a ""prohibition of alternative lifestyle instruction"" act, which resulted in the removal of a work by William Shakespeare from the school curriculum. [5] The board members who supported the act were voted out in the subsequent board election. [6]Geography [ edit]According to the United States Census Bureau, the town has a total area of 33.4 square miles (87 km 2 ), of which 32.6 sq mi (84 km 2) is land and 0.8 sq mi (2.1 km 2) (2.48%) is water. The highest point in Merrimack is an unnamed hill in the northwestern part of town that reaches 512 feet (156 m) above sea level. Areas of Merrimack [ edit]Shadows of the former villages that now make Merrimack still exist. However, the boundaries and exact definitions are unclear due to the expansion of suburban development in the town during the latter half of the 20th century. Thorntons Ferry [ edit]The area of town near Naticook Lake and Continental Boulevard, the name of this area comes from Matthew Thornton, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence who lived in Merrimack and is now buried in a cemetery near the intersection of Daniel Webster Highway ( U. S. Route 3) and Greeley Street. Thorntons Ferry Elementary School is located on Camp Sargent Road. Reeds Ferry [ edit]The northern portion of the town, Reeds Ferry is centered on the current intersection of Bedford Road and Daniel Webster Highway. The boundaries of the area are unclear, as the northwestern part of town near Baboosic Lake is not traditionally considered a portion of Reeds Ferry. While as a defined village it was located mostly near the Merrimack River, the area near Baboosic Lake may now possibly be seen as part of Reeds Ferry. Reeds Ferry Elementary School is located on Lyons Road. South Merrimack [ edit]Next to the Breezeway at Merrimack Town Hall Centered on Pennichuck Square on Rte. 101A and Continental Boulevard, South Merrimack is usually considered to be the southwestern part of town near Rte. 101A and Boston Post Road. However, the southeastern portion of town near Harris Pond might also be considered part of South Merrimack or Thornton's Ferry. Merrimack Village [ edit]The center of town is not known as ""Merrimack Village"" per se, but constitutes the area between the more defined Reeds Ferry and Thorntons Ferry areas. Largely considered to be located at the Public Library on the corner of Baboosic Lake Road and Daniel Webster Highway, Merrimack Village was built along the Souhegan River that roughly cuts the current town in half. The elementary school in this part of town is named after James Mastricola, [7] who deeded the land to the town upon his death. One of the three elementary schools, the upper elementary school, Merrimack High School, the library, and the current town hall, among other buildings, are all located on the land formerly owned by Mastricola. The ""village"" is considered to extend westward to the Amherst border. This is due in large part to the former Town Meetinghouse, which was located on the corner of Turkey Hill Road and Meetinghouse Road. Demographics [ edit]Historical population Census Pop. %±1790 819 —1800 926 13.1%1810 1,048 13.2%1820 1,162 10.9%1830 1,191 2.5%1840 1,113 −6.5%1850 1,250 12.3%1860 1,119 −10.5%1870 1,066 −4.7%1880 1,042 −2.3%1890 951 −8.7%1900 1,234 29.8%1910 1,039 −15.8%1920 1,022 −1.6%1930 1,084 6.1%1940 1,253 15.6%1950 1,908 52.3%1960 2,989 56.7%1970 8,595 187.6%1980 15,406 79.2%1990 22,156 43.8%2000 25,119 13.4%2010 25,494 1.5%Est. 2015 25,648 [8] 0.6%U. S. Decennial Census [9]For additional demographics on the area of Merrimack east of the Everett Turnpike, see East Merrimack, New Hampshire. As of the census of 2010, there were 25,494 people, 9,503 households, and 7,150 families residing in the town. There were 9,818 housing units, of which 315, or 3.2%, were vacant. The racial makeup of the town was 95.0% white, 0.8% African American, 0.2% Native American, 2.0% Asian, 0.02% Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander, 0.5% some other race, and 1.6% from two or more races. 2.1% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race. [10]Of the 9,503 households, 36.7% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 62.6% were headed by married couples living together, 8.5% had a female householder with no husband present, and 24.8% were non-families. 18.8% of all households were made up of individuals, and 5.7% were someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.67, and the average family size was 3.06. [10]In the town, 24.5% of the population were under the age of 18, 6.7% were from 18 to 24, 25.7% from 25 to 44, 32.7% from 45 to 64, and 10.3% were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 40.7 years. For every 100 females there were 99.0 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 96.4 males. [10]For the period 2011-2015, the estimated median annual income for a household was $90,708, and the median income for a family was $101,786. Male full-time workers had a median income of $69,937 versus $50,184 for females. The per capita income for the town was $39,695. 4.0% of the population and 2.3% of families were below the poverty line. 4.7% of the population under the age of 18 and 4.4% of those 65 or older were living in poverty. [11]Economy [ edit]PC Connection and Brookstone are based in Merrimack. Merrimack Canoe Company was started in Merrimack before being relocated to Tennessee. Other notable employers include Fidelity Investments, Anheuser-Busch, Campers Inn, and BAE Systems. Opened in 2012, the Merrimack Premium Outlets are a 560,000-square-foot (52,000 m 2) retail mall area with 12 buildings, parking lots, and other site improvements located off exit 10 of the Everett Turnpike. [12]Education [ edit]The six public schools in Merrimack are managed by the Merrimack School District and include Thorntons Ferry Elementary School, Reeds Ferry Elementary School, James Mastricola Elementary School, James Mastricola Upper Elementary School, Merrimack Middle School and Merrimack High School. Merrimack High School has won one state championship in baseball (2007), three in softball (1980, 1988, 2001), one in football (1987), two in soccer (1998 girls, 2007 boys), three in indoor track (1999, 2007, 2008), four in outdoor track (2003, 2004, 2006, 2007), one in cross-country (2006), one in girls lacrosse (2012), one in skiing (1979), two in volleyball (2001, 2014), and four in basketball (1967, 2003, 2004, 2012). [13]The Academy for Science and Design was a charter school established for the 2007-08 academic year; it was New Hampshire's first charter school to concentrate on science, math, engineering, and design and is free of tuition fees. [14] The school has since moved to Nashua. [15] In 2014, the Gate City Charter School for the Arts opened its doors to students. Annual events [ edit]The Nashua West Rotary club is responsible for the annual Rock'N Ribfest, proceeds of which benefit many local charities. The Ribfest has been held on the Anheuser-Busch grounds in Merrimack since 2003. This family-oriented event features BBQ, children's games and activities, plus music and other entertainment. The next Ribfest will again be held on Father's Day weekend, Friday June 15 through Sunday, June 17, 2018. Politics and governance [ edit]State and federal [ edit]As a large, suburban community located directly between the state's two largest cities, Manchester and Nashua, Merrimack plays a disproportionate role to its size every four years in the New Hampshire primary; in almost every Fourth of July preceding a presidential election, every presidential candidate will march or have a float in the town's Fourth of July parade. Traditionally, in state and national politics, the town has been dominated by Republicans, who currently hold seven of the town's eight seats in the General Court. The current General Court district of Merrimack is Hillsborough 19. Local [ edit]The town government consists of a 7-member Town Council. This form of government was recently adopted by a ballot measure on May 25, 2006. More information on Merrimack's government can be found at Charter commission website. Each March, the town conducts two deliberative sessions (school and general) to decide what warrant articles will be on the Town General Election ballot in April, one of which is always election of town officers, and another is the budget. If the budget is not approved by the voters, the town's governing council either holds an emergency hearing regarding a new budget or goes forward with the priors years' budget, amended with any time sensitive information pending upon the current year. The Merrimack Village District administers the water system that serves the central area of the town. Notable people [ edit]Walter Kittredge, Civil War-era musician David Lozeau, artist and children's book writer Passaconaway, chieftain in the Pennacook tribe Tim Schaller, NHL player for the Boston Bruins Forrest Sherman, admiral in the United States Navy who served as Chief of Naval Operations Matthew Thornton, signer of the United States Declaration of Independence References [ edit]^ United States Census Bureau, American Fact Finder, 2010 Census figures. Retrieved March 23, 2011.^ [ dead link] Merrimack on CNN Money Archived August 15, 2013, at the Wayback Machine.^ Merrimack Historical Society. History of Merrimack, New Hampshire. Merrimack Historical Society Inc, U. S. A. 1976. p.9^ ""Anheuser-Busch Factory Tour in Merrimack, NH"". factorytour.com. Retrieved July 5, 2010.^ Mark Walsh (February 28, 1996). ""Gay Students' Request Spurs Board To Cut Clubs"". Education Week. Retrieved April 7, 2009.^ Rod Paul (May 15, 1996). ""New England town rejects religious right; Gays, creationism were hot issues in widely watched school election"". The San Francisco Examiner. Retrieved April 7, 2009. [ permanent dead link]^ ""A History of James Mastricola Elementary School"". Mastricola Elementary School. Archived from the original on 2007-09-30. Retrieved 2008-03-13.^ ""Annual Estimates of the Resident Population for Incorporated Places: April 1, 2010 to July 1, 2015"". Archived from the original on June 2, 2016. Retrieved July 2, 2016.^ ""Census of Population and Housing"". Census.gov. Archived from the original on May 12, 2015. Retrieved June 4, 2016.^ a b c ""Profile of General Population and Housing Characteristics: 2010 Census Summary File 1 (DP-1): Merrimack town, Hillsborough County, New Hampshire"". American Factfinder. U. S. Census Bureau. Retrieved November 1, 2017.^ ""Selected Economic Characteristics: 2011-2015 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates (DP03): Merrimack town, Hillsborough County, New Hampshire"". American Factfinder. U. S. Census Bureau. Retrieved November 1, 2017.^ ""Update on Merrimack Premium Outlets"". Town of Merrimack. April 2008. Retrieved December 14, 2011.^ ""NHIAA Champions"" (PDF). New Hampshire Interscholastic Athletic Association. Retrieved 25 February 2010. [ dead link]^ ""New Hampshire May Soon Have a Science and Technology Charter School"", Sheryl Rich-Kern, New Hampshire Public Radio, June 18, 2007^ ""Academy for Science and Design - Contact Us"". asdnh.org. Retrieved 8 April 2016. External links [ edit]Wikivoyage has a travel guide for Merrimack. Official website Merrimack Community Profile from the New Hampshire Economic and Labor Market Information Bureau Merrimack TV [ show]Places adjacent to Merrimack, New Hampshire [ show]v t e Municipalities and communities of Hillsborough County, New Hampshire, United States [ show]v t e Region of Greater Boston [ show]v t e Merrimack River watershed Categories: Towns in Hillsborough County, New Hampshire Populated places established in 1746Merrimack, New Hampshire Towns in New Hampshire Populated places on the Merrimack River "


what is monological illusion

What is monological is the illusion of a textual subject that corresponds to an external person. This monological blindness of the positivist, reductionist kind suits the power of psychiatry. Psychiatry relies upon fictional constructions while demanding objectivity. It must clear up its fictions, promote sceptical readings of corporate biographies and take steps to reduce fictional distance.

"Linguistic Entrapment: Medico-Nursing Biographies as Fictions Paul Crawford Peter Nolan Brown Linguistic Entrapment: Medico-Nursing Biographies as Fictions Abstract: This paper argues that in their trainings health professionals are encouraged to use language naively as if it were a transparent medium of scientific communication. We contend that language use, particularly in the field of mental health care, should be studied in terms of its social functions and attention should be paid to the inevitably constructive nature of language in patients' records, such that a 'fictional distance' opens up between patients and the records which are kept about them. Recent developments in literary theory and narrative analysis can be deployed as theoretical frameworks to understand this process and we suggest that more attention to the use of language should be included in the educational programmes for health care professionals to counteract the risk of 'linguistic entrapment' or 'incarceration'. Linguistic Entrapment: Medico-Nursing Biographies as Fictions Introduction The acquisition of a technical language is frequently seen by health care professionals as an important step in becoming an 'insider'. An `insider' states Tajfel (1982) is one who is familiar with cultural mores of a particular group. Being able to display a range of technical terms and engage in 'scientific discourse' about patients, clients and relatives is regarded as a sign that professionals have access to esoteric and potentially empowering knowledge. Health care professionals in their trainings are introduced to language, concepts and discourse which they are encouraged to believe will enable them to understand the rational scientific basis of mental health care. The assumption on the part of training organisations is that if people are able to acquire and utilise the discipline's nomenclature and appropriate terminologies in verbal and written discourse then they will have an understanding of the meanings embedded in certain words and ideas. In this paper we will argue that there is a need to study the language of health care, in terms of its inadvertent social functions, its assumptions and presuppositions and the impact these can have on the work they do particularly as few opportunities are available to students of any health care discipline to examine the language they use. Nurses acquire a technical language as early as their first clinical placement, primarily as a coping mechanism in an unfamiliar world and as a means of giving the appearance to their professional colleagues that they are more competent then they actually are (Kahn et al, 1994). An examination of the language used by these nurses to construct the patients they came into contact with had three different cultural sources. First was the language they encountered in the Nursing School which was mainly used by teachers and that found in textbooks. Second, was the language used by practising clinical nurses and third was language used in the wider Western Culture. The study identified that there was no unifying theory of meaning utilised by nurses to represent patients and their problems. We shall examine the issue of language in medical and nursing records, drawing on our own interests in mental health care, but we hope our observations will apply to other branches of medicine and the 'caring professions' as a whole. Language as communication or language as power? We would argue that as well as the ostensive functions of language to describe and communicate, the technical language of nursing may also serve to consolidate the power of professionals over their patients. Insofar as the technical vocabulary of nursing is the standard form of language in the health care setting, deviations from this standard vocabulary by clients can serve to place them at a disadvantage (Ng and Bradac, 1993). Moreover, having a rich or diverse lexicon (as health care professionals do) also connotes power (Bradac and Wisegarver, 1984), particularly having a richer one than the patient. In the past some attempts have been made to describe the effect of diagnostic 'labelling' on patients (e.g. Scheff, 1966) but these were relatively easy for sceptics to dismiss (Kimble et al, 1980). We advocate a more thoroughgoing examination of language, reasoning, interaction and record keeping in all fields of health care, but particularly mental health. This involves the patient or client, professionals and their culture, and enduring traces left in the form of medical and nursing records. Making sense of 'symptoms'Just as nurses need to construct their worlds by means of linguistic symbolism, so too do patients. In so doing, patients select what to reveal or not reveal about their realities. How clients and patients articulate their experiences of illness and health care is now proving to be a fruitful but as yet uncritical field of enquiry. So far work has concentrated on the importance of language, narratives and story-telling. For example Epston et al (in Mc Namee & Gergen, 1992) assert that:'...persons' lives are shaped through the storying of experience and through the performance of these stories' (p. 99)and:'Thus with every performance persons are re-authoring their lives and relationships. And every telling encapsulates but is more than the previous telling' (p. 100). In this formulation, the authors liken therapy to giving the client -'...her own 'story telling rights' or to have them restored and be able to tell her own life and become her own author...' (p. 101)Whereas this concern with the narratives of self in therapy is becoming increasingly modish, there is much less concern with how the language of the carers or researchers is constituting the therapeutic process. In work such as the above we are presented with accounts of therapy which are relatively unreflexive about the way that the authors have organised and constructed their narrative of the client's narrative. Following the client's disclosures the nurse has to identify what constitutes a 'problem' or a 'pathology' and interpret it against the particular paradigm of care he or she is using (Garro, 1994). The complexity of this transaction has been overlooked. Previous authors have tended to reduce the therapeutic relationship to a set of techniques, a list of moral imperatives or a statement of bland rhetoric. This version of the helper has him or her:'...armed with theory and technique heroically maintaining interpersonal distance and dispassionate concern as he blandishes a variety of esoteric techniques and a precious lexicon...' (Saleebey, 1994, p. 354)Instead of Saleebey's tongue in cheek characterisation of the naive professional we wish to substitute a more nuanced account which sees therapeutic language as a way of constituting the patient and as a potentially controlling medium (Ng and Bradac, 1993). In therapeutic discourse, in the form of interactions between therapists and clients, for example, Labov and Fanshel (1977) refer to 'challenges' in conversation. Challenges are 'any reference (either by direct reference or more indirect reference) to a situation which if true, would lower the status of the other person' (p. 64), which may be present overtly in statements or may be buried in requests or statements about events. For example making a diagnostic statement makes an implied challenge to the client who has described his or her symptoms, in that it is saying that the events thus described can be accounted for in medical or and nursing terminologies. Diagnosis and the imposition of technical vocabularies on individuals' distress acts rather like the issue of topic change and topic control in conversation. That is, to reconceptualise a reluctance to go shopping on one's own as 'agoraphobia' is to perform a shift in topic which is potentially empowering for the therapist. Moreover it is using what Crow (1983) called a 'topic shading device' in that it accomplishes a linkage between the professional vocabulary and what the therapist implies has been present in the 'patient's' talk. Topic shading devices also function to reduce the uncertainty inherent in the future of the conversation (Berger and Bradac, 1982) impelling the process of interaction towards 'closure', where some alternatives and interpretations are preferred over others. Particularly if the topic change and topic shading devices are done by therapists, this becomes relevant in terms of what linguists sometimes call a 'preference structure'. One utterance tends to imply that certain kinds of answer would be preferred. That is, usually the preference structure prefers agreements and positive responses over negative responses. In everyday talk when we disrupt the preference structure we often do this by means of prefacing our response, delaying, expressing things indirectly and giving an account of why the response is not of the preferred kind (Heritage, 1988). In a sense then, it's much easier to agree. In the sense of therapy, it's much easier to agree with the therapist. As an antidote to the way in which professional language can gloss over the patients' narratives we could suggest that there are two essential characteristics of being human that health care professionals need to be constantly aware of:1) Human beings build themselves into the world by creating their own meanings.2) Culture gives meaning to action by appealing to an interpretive system. (Saleebey, 1994, p. 351)Clinical practice is the intersection where meanings of the world converge. The health worker (theories), the client (stories and narratives) and culture (myths, rituals and themes) all converge in the linguistic interaction. Acknowledging this enables the health care worker not to pathologise or psychologise problems which might better be conceptualised in political or social terms. Doing this has been difficult because until recently much of the work of constructionist practitioners has failed to do two things:1) Establish a link between individual constructions and the larger environment of social institutions and culture2) Examine how any theory of professional practice is also a symbolic construction or `story' (Saleebey 1994, p. 351)In relation to this latter point it is important to note that even scientific accounts of mental or physical illnesses have a 'metaphorical' quality (Sontag, 1979). When people describe symptoms, these descriptions are freighted with other meanings - they are a way of communicating a good deal of other business. This statement might seem a little far-fetched when dealing with apparently scientific categories like alcoholism, agoraphobia or auditory hallucinations, but if we shift the cultural frame of reference only slightly the metaphoric nature of symptoms and disease categories becomes apparent. For example Migliore (1993) describes the way Sicilian-Canadians use the idea of 'nerves' to structure their distress and to 'express feelings of concern and distress over their social situation. They translate social problems into the metaphorical language of psychic and somatic distress' (p. 343). Without an understanding of how language can be used to subjugate patients and their accounts of the world, health care professionals need alerting to the damaging effects of inappropriate use of language. Freire (1973) urged professionals who are largely dependent on language for the delivery of their service to:1) Promote full awareness of the oppressive effects of the dominative knowledge-power institutions.2) Promote the resurrection to consciousness of local knowledge so that it can be acted upon and used to confront those who would oppress us. Perspectives on medical language use To begin to understand the professional construction of illnesses and disorders it is perhaps worth considering the work which is done within the profession to establish the apparent concreteness of diagnostic categories. To begin to excavate this issue let us examine the critical re-reading of Aubrey Lewis's classic work on the concept of paranoia (Lewis, 1970) provided by Harper who argues that Lewis 'depicts the history of paranoia as continuous, scientific, coherent and empirically optimistic' (Harper, 1994 p. 89). The different historical accounts of the topic are selected from, smoothed out and the original authors' idiosyncrasies are glossed over. This does not just happen accidentally but affords the scientific project of psychiatry, to establish the constancy and concreteness of the phenomena it studies. As a result Lewis's psychiatry condenses the diversity of different accounts of paranoia into a 'dominant and essentialist view of history' (Harper, 1994, p. 97). That is, a view is established where there is a single self evident truth at the core of these different accounts. A similar search after truth surrounds the collection of information about patients. This also recollects the 'dominant essentialist view of history' where a single set of events is assumed to underpin the incomplete and sometimes conflicting accounts that are the raw material of psychiatry. Some textbooks explicitly orient to this difficulty in discussing case histories:-'Essential facts of the past history may be missing and the chronology of life events may be muddled; it is also sometimes extraordinarily difficult to elicit accurate information, for example on periods of unemployment or on the reasons for prescribing or changing the dosage of medication or the effects of such changes. It is also well known that obtaining information covering long periods of time from the person concerned or from other informants can be highly problematic, particularly in the 'softer' areas of personal relationships, which are often coloured by subjective opinion; moreover, different informants give conflicting accounts since behaviour fluctuates over time and varies in different situations.' (Ekdawi & Conning, 1994, p. 39). Here, the work which has to be done to establish the dominant version of psychiatric thought is particularly visible in terms of how the picture is filled in. The goal of 'accurate information' is hampered by processes which are accounted for as 'subjective opinion', the fluctuations of patients themselves and the way in which details may be omitted. This 'error accounting' process is very important for the scientific enterprise and has also been observed in studies of biochemists' talk by Mulkay (e.g. 1985; Mulkay and Gilbert, 1985; Gilbert & Mulkay, 1984). If there is a real world of biochemistry, or patients' symptoms we have to explain why different people have arrived at different conclusions. This hovers in the background of many case history accounts. Contradiction is problematic and is explicitly refined by this 'act of meaning' (Bruner, 1990). Patients' records as biographies: Facts or fictions? Once records are being made of the interactions between patients and health care professionals perhaps an instructive way in which to consider them is to compare them with other accounts of people which are found in the more literary genres of biography and autobiography. In the realm of mental health care, professionals are involved in creating biographies of patients. Such 'corporate biographies', are not quite what they appear and are just as much literary accomplishments as other kinds of biographies. Rather than being objective accounts of an individual, they are little more than fictions. We would suggest that such fictional biographies ultimately entrap or linguistically incarcerate many individuals. In effect, the potential toxicity of language has been overlooked. Psychiatry has couched itself in language, yet has been slow to adopt a critical perspective towards it. Therefore let us explore the implications of this view of patients' records a little further, in particular by reference to ideas from literary theory and the social sciences as to what biographies are and how they are constructed. We wish to go beyond the issue of 'labelling' (Scheff, 1966) to suggest that the whole fabric of nursing and medical reports can be viewed as repositories of fiction. Professionals acting as corporate biographers add fictional representations of patients to cumulative records, and may effectively deflect or dislocate meaningful therapeutic interventions based on such written records. The flesh and blood person is lost and replaced by a fictional character. Care interventions therefore, may be directed at fictional characters bearing little resemblance to patients. The potential for patients to be fictionalised into text, and subject to the authority of that text, may lead to entrapment. Written text is often regarded as more authoritative and reliable than the spoken word, and inaccurate, damaging representations may be carried into the future (Goody, 1977; Brown and Yule, 1983; Montgomery, 1986) and an individual's treatment and even liberty may be greatly affected. As such written text is transactional rather than interactional (Stubbs, 1980), and relatively permanent. Therefore the way in which corporate biographies accrete fictions, and are guaranteed a permanent, unchallenged future deserves to be exposed. The linguistic straitjacket of medico-nursing reports needs to be acknowledged and countered. The fictionality of patient files, of rolling amalgams of individual life stories involves a range of fictional distortions in the process of corporate biography. We can speak of fictional distance opening up between the person and his/her biographical representation. The fictionalisation of an individual occurs in several ways. . Firstly we wish to highlight the problematic nature of self and autobiographical self. As Olney (1980) states: ""phenomenologists and existentialists have joined hands with depth psychologists in stressing an idea of self that defines itself from moment to moment amid the buzz and confusion of the external world and as security against the outside whirl."" (ps. 23-24). If this is the case do we not like Julian Barnes's character Geoffrey Braithwaite in Flaubert's Parrot ""demand violently: how can we know anybody?"" (p. 155). Furthermore, an individual's account of him or herself is problematic. Conway (1990) has highlighted the reconstructive nature of autobiographical memory: ""How wrong can an autobiographical memory be before we conclude that it is a fantasy?"" (p. 2). He demonstrates that autobiographical memory is not a Xerox machine of our past experience. Disturbingly, it appears to recreate or fictionalise experiences of the past or even wipe out experiences from consciousness. Maybe the self's life narrative is altered and reconstituted from moment to moment. Autobiographical memories, Conway insists, ""will never be wholly veridical but rather will (usually) be compatible with the beliefs and understanding of the rememberer and preserve only some of the main details of experienced events."" (p. 11). Even Conway however seems reluctant to abandon the notion that there is some sort of essential self underlying autobiographical memory. In psychological thought the idea of a self as something that can indeed be represented, for example in a corporate biography (De Man, 1984, p.71) has been extremely persuasive. Secondly, some authors (e.g. Middleton and Edwards, 1990; Edwards and Potter, 1992) have recently undertaken a more complete questioning of these largely unexamined psychological models and have reconceptualised memories as things that we accomplish collectively in particular social situations. This suggests that the processes going on in diagnostic encounters where patients perform their stories to clinicians, therapeutic interventions, and case conferences are unruly, 'dialogical' activities (Bakhtin, 1984) from which it is difficult to discern a transparent, veridical account of the patient. Detecting a single true nature of the patient's self or problems from these materials is an activity which we might characterise as 'monological'. This is an extremely easy mistake to make, particularly as the alternative, a fully 'dialogical' understanding of memories, seems disturbingly vague. In many ways then, our memories are what we make them. This argument must be taken very seriously by anyone involved in clinical practice or research. In a fundamental and continual way we invent or 'fictionalise' ourselves, so that a 'fictional distance' opens up. Certainly, it is no wonder that Olney (1980) highlights ""an anxiety about the self, an anxiety about the dimness and vulnerability of that entity that no one has ever seen or touched or tasted."" (p. 23). Like the film-maker Bunuel, we might only speak of autobiographical memory as ""wholly mine - with my affirmations, my hesitations, my repetitions and lapses, my truth and my lies."" (Conway, 1990, p. 10). Indeed, like the English Romantic poet John Clare we might consider biography to be a total 'pack of lies' (Foss and Trick, 1989). Thirdly, when autobiographical accounts are consigned to corporate biographies, fictional distance is significantly increased. In the written text, autobiographical and biographical information merges, accretes and essentially becomes a constructed, accomplished representation of the flesh and blood individual, whose integrity of self, is as already noted, in some doubt. Hence a double fiction operates: the fictional representation of past events and experiences in autobiographical memory and the fiction of such representations constructed as text. As Elbaz (1988) indicates:""...through the processes of mediation (by linguistic reality) and suspension (due to the text's lack of finality and completion), autobiography can only be a fiction. Indeed autobiography is fiction and fiction is autobiography: both are narrative arrangements of reality "" (p. 1). The same argument applies to biography, as contemporary literary theory demonstrates. Representations of an individual biographee by multiple biographers, amounting to a corporate biography, is necessarily an amalgam of narrative arrangements of 'reality'. Many literary critics, de Man among them, have highlighted lifewriting as fiction, and propose the contentious view that its interest is ""not that it reveals reliable self-knowledge - it does not - but that it demonstrates in a striking way the impossibility of closure and of totalization (that is, the impossibility of coming into being) of all textual systems made up of tropological substitutions."" (de Man, 1984, p. 71). That is, where a figurative medium like language is used there is an inevitable inability to characterise something completely and exhaustively in terms of what de Man calls a totalization. Olney (1980) mirroring the ideas of Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault, Roland Barthes and Jacques Lacan, states that the autobiographical text""...takes on a life of its own, and the self that was not really in existence in the beginning is in the end merely a matter of text and has nothing whatever to do with an authorising author. The self, then, is a fiction and so is the life, and behind the text of an autobiography lies the text of an 'autobiography': all that is left are characters on a page, and they can be 'deconstructed' to demonstrate the shadowiness of even their existence. Having dissolved the self into text and then out of text into thin air, several critics...have announced the end of autobiography."" (p. 22). What corporate biographies 'achieve' is the construction of an individual's 'face' which "" deprives and disfigures to the precise extent that it restores "" (de Man, 1984, ps. 80 -81). They are an amalgam of perspectives, judgements, opinions, embellishments regarding patients' lives and experiences which are funnelled into a narrative, part fact, part fiction which supervenes over any image of the real flesh and blood person. Treating lifewriting or biography as fiction highlights an area of debate which is relevant to understanding accounts of the self in clinical settings. That is, peoples' accounts of themselves may well be ambiguous, contradictory or ambivalent. In effect they may be asking the fundamental question - who are we? Again, writings by scholars of literature may offer some insight into the problem. Sontag (1982) notes in her introduction how Barthes's autobiography is a ""book of his resistance to his ideas, the dismantling of his own authority"" or what Thody (1977) has called an 'anti-biography'. For Barthes, ""who speaks is not who writes, and who writes is not who is "" (Sontag, 1982). This is a threat to the authority of the corporate biographer. The biographee, the subject of the biographer, in effect, is not resolvable to textual representation. Fourthly, another complication to this picture of a constructed narrative of patients is added when we consider what happens to the records when they are read. Again, this is an area which has been a major area of literary study in the form of reader reception theories, which are concerned with the nature of people's varying interpretations of the same text (Ingarden, 1973; Iser, 1974; 1978; Fish, 1980; Eco, 1981). Future readers of any medico-nursing biography will interpret the text in different ways. The fictional character caught in the text will fragment into multiple fictional 'personalities' with the interpretative activities of individual readers. It is also recognised that readers have a shared network of culturally available understandings which constitute a 'literacy' with that particular medium (Buckingham, 1993a; 1993b). Finally, fictional distance is at its greatest when readers - of any health discipline - re-tell the story of a client/patient to themselves or others. These reconstructions and re-verbalisations can amount to Chinese whispers. Consequently, flesh and blood patients may receive interventions directed at a 'personality' quite unrelated to them - their shadow biographees. For the above reasons, it would be naive to view corporate medico-nursing biographies as transparent representations of individuals. But in psychiatry patient files are naively read as authoritative biographies, not fictions. It is tempting for clinicians to prefer to read case notes in a 'centripetal' fashion as referring to a definite, integrated biological individual, and not to grasp the 'centrifugal', fragmented, multiple picture. Consequently, interventions made with flesh and blood individuals may be tailored to such fictional representations. If this is the case, flesh and blood patients may be subject to inappropriate interventions, or not receive treatment at all. This process lends weight to the notion of patients getting better on their own. It also supports the notion of linguistic entrapment, where fictional representations may incarcerate, compromise liberty or subject an individual to deleterious identification and stigmatisation. A patient who gains access to his or her medico-nursing biography may feel like the protagonist, Jordan in Winterson's Sexing the Cherry: ""I discovered that my own life was written invisibly, was squashed between the facts, was flying without me..."" (Winterson, 1990, p. 10). Records as fictions: Two examples Our concern with the fictionality of the corporate biographies created within psychiatry is partly based on the experience of two of us (PN and PC) in nursing where the peculiarities of record keeping and written communication have aroused some anxieties. No doubt this kind of experience is common to many people in the caring professions. To illustrate our approach let us consider a couple of examples: Some years ago, on the basis of a file entry, I (PC) asked a patient if he had contact with his two sons. He informed me that he only had a daughter. This was ratified on further enquiry. What was disturbing about this event is that even at the most factual level, errors occur in the records. Events like this prompt a range of further concerns about how inferences, opinions, judgements and summaries of an individual are made. What about more deleterious information such as descriptions of 'promiscuity', 'deviousness', 'manipulative', or 'antisocial' behaviour? What about the ideological freight (Althusser, 1971) carried in the words of corporate biographers? Ultimately, we need to ask ourselves how much of the information in corporate biographies is fictional, and counter uncritical readings, or readings along the grain. The above example also highlights the many advantages of spoken text over written text. A further example is provided by the experience of another of us (PN), highlighting the problematic nature of inferences and judgements in communications between health professionals: A General Practitioner requested the help of a CPN [community psychiatric nurse] by sending a short letter stating; `Please see this young prostitute with kids who is inadequate and has a personality problem'. On visiting the lady the CPN was surprised to be met by a delightful and articulate young lady who invited him into a tastefully decorated home. Her two-year old son was happily playing on the carpet with his toys. After some discussion it emerged that the young lady had visited her GP stating that she recently began to feel tired and suspected that her haemoglobin might be low. Her GP, however, was more interested in her social circumstances and was at pains to explore her personal life and values. On learning that her rent was paid for by a male friend and that she was concerned about not being a good mother to her son, the GP interpreted the lady in the light of his moral framework. In the assessment of the CPN the young lady was faring very well indeed and was extremely adequate as a person and as a parent. There was potential here for the person, if she persisted with seeing her GP, to be damaged by the health care system. We would argue that these examples are more than sloppy record keeping or hasty judgement. They are inherent in the system of creating narratives about patients for these necessarily differ from the narratives which will emerge from other kinds of interaction with the same person (Smith, 1994). In particular, this latter example invites issues of gender and men interpreting women's lives. It recollects the concerns of the Personal Narratives Group (1989) and their interest in the often fraught relationship between the narrator and the interpreter of an individual's life. Amidst the 'centrifugality' of fictional accounts of patients lies a 'centripetal' entrapment. The flesh and blood person, like the so-called 'prostitute', evaporates but is simultaneously incarcerated as the living replica of a fictional construction, although she bears no resemblance to it. She may, unless the linguistic incarceration itself is 'treated', be subject to future misinterpretations by professionals. In the Bakhtinian sense, fictionality and non-totalization is attained by gross dialogism - by the multivoiced, multi-biographical amalgam of patient history - and such dialogism serves a monological gesture of entrapment - the patient undefined and indefinable becomes defined.

Conclusions and recommendations The potential for linguistic incarceration is high in corporate biographies and begs the question of how patients can escape entrapment? How can fictional distance be countered or minimised? How can corporate biographers or word-wardens be alerted to the problematic nature of their productions? We cannot of course dispense with language altogether. However, some of the negative effects might be reduced if we attended more to spoken text over written text, because it is the durability of written information and its passage into the future which promotes linguistic incarceration and the preservation of fictional biographies. The flesh and blood individual must be privileged over doubtful biography. We need to focus on the word in its natural, oral habitat (Ong, 1982). Active scepticism about the content of corporate biographies should be encouraged - so-called reading against the grain. Written information should be kept to its most skeletal, relevant, non-judgmental and embellishment should be resisted. Where biographers feel fictional distance has opened up within any text, they should be able to make a written rebuttal of doubtful, ideologically 'loaded' or deleterious information in the form of annotated rejoinders. Rather like Michelle Fine (1994) suggesting that the social sciences need more 'rupturing texts with uppity voices' (p. 75) Asking patients to validate written records may be useful to counter fictional distance and would have profound implications for democratising health care. Professional trainings in all health care disciplines should seek to incorporate linguistic awareness: addressing the problematics of self, autobiographical self, the 'other' created in the art of biography (Denzin, 1989), reader reception and re-verbalisation. An understanding of the power of language, its ideological freight and the consequences of written text appearing 'authoritative' is essential. Since people with mental health problems have more biographers than the most famous of Hollywood stars, we should be even more rigorously sceptical than we are with scandal stories. Psychiatry needs to resist more comprehensively the naive use of transparent and scientific language. Instead, admitting the way that our psychiatric knowledge is informed by the gender, race, class and the sexuality of those who write it may form part of the strategy for preventing it overlaying the voices of people we place in the role of patients. The debates over 'labelling' have deflected psychiatry away from paying sufficient attention to the very fabric of its language base and the dangers of corporate biographies linguistically entrapping individuals. References Althusser, L. (1971) Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays. Brewster, Ben (trans.). London: New Left Books. Bakhtin, M. M. (1984) Problems of Dostoevsky's Poetics. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Barnes, J. (1984) Flaubert's Parrot. London: Picador. Berger, C. R. & Bradac, J. (1982) Language and social knowledge: Uncertainty in interpersonal relations London: Arnold. Bradac, J. J. & Wisegarver, R. (1984) Ascribed status, lexical diversity and accent: Determinants of perceived status, solidarity and control of speech style Journal of Language and Social Psychology, 3, 239-255. Brown, G. and Yule, G. (1983) Discourse Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bruner, J. (1990) Acts of Meaning, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Buckingham, D. (1993a) Children talking television: The making of television literacy, London: Falmer. Buckingham, D. (1993b) (Ed.) Reading audiences: Young people and the media, Manchester: Manchester University Press. Conway, M. A. (1990) Autobiographical Memory: An Introduction, Milton Keynes: Open University Press. Crow, B. K. (1983) Topic shifts in couples' conversations, In Craig, R. T. & Tracy, K. (Eds.) Conversational coherence: Structure and strategy (ps. 136-156) Beverley Hills, CA. : Sage.de Man, P. (1984) Autobiography as de-facement, In The Rhetoric of Romanticism, Columbia: Columbia University Press. Denzin, N. (1989) Interpretive biography, London: Sage Qualitative Research Methods Series no. 17. Eco, U. (1981) The Role of the Reader: Explorations in the Semiotics of Text,. London: Hutchinson. Edwards, D. & Potter, J. (1992) Discursive psychology, London: Sage. Ekdawi, M. Y. & Conning, A. M. (1994) Psychiatric rehabilitation: A practical guide, London: Chapman and Hall. Elbaz, R. (1988) The Changing Nature of Self - A Critical Study of the Autobiographical Discourse, London: Croom Helm. Fine, M. (1994) Working the hyphens: Reinventing self and other in qualitative research, In Denzin, N. & Lincoln, Y. S. (Eds.) Handbook of Qualitative Research, (ps. 70-82) Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Fish, S. (1980) Is there a Text in This Class? The Authority of Interpretative Communities, Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press. Foss, A. & Trick, K. (1989) St. Andrews Hospital Northampton: The first 150 years Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Freire, P. (1973) Pedagogy of the Oppressed, New York: Seabury Press. Garro, L. C. (1994) Narrative Representations of Chronic Illness Experiences: Cultural Models of Illness, Mind, and Body in Stories Concerning the Temporomandibular Joint, Social Science and Medicine, 38, 775 - 788. Gilbert, G. N. & Mulkay, M. (1984) Opening Pandora's box: A sociological analysis of scientists' discourse, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Goody, J. (1977) The Domestication to the Savage Mind, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Harper, D. J. (1994) Histories of suspicion in a time of conspiracy: A reflection on Aubrey Lewis's history of paranoia, History of the Human Sciences, 7, 3, 89-109. Heritage, J. (1988) Explanations as accounts: A conversation analytic perspective, In Anatki, C. (Ed.) Analysing everyday explanation, (ps 95-117) London: Sage. Ingarden, R. (1973) The Literary Work of Art, Evanston, Ill.: University of Illinois Press. Iser, W. (1974) The Implied Reader, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Iser, W. (1978) The Act of Reading, London: Allen Lane. Kahn, D. L., Steeves, R. H. & Benoliel, J. Q. (1994) Nurses' Views of the Coping of Patients, Social Science and Medicine, 38, 1423-1430. Kimble, G. A., Garmezy, N. & Zigler, E. (1980) Principles of general psychology, New York: Wiley. Labov, W. & Fanshel, D. (1977) Therapeutic discourse: Psychotherapy as conversation, New York: Academic Press. Lewis, A. (1970) Paranoia and paranoid: A historical perspective Psychological Medicine, 1 2-12Mc Namee, S. & Gergen, K. J. (1992) Therapy as social construction, London: Sage. Middleton, D. & Edwards, D. (1990) Collective remembering, London: Sage. Migliore. S. (1993) ""Nerves"": The role of metaphor in the cultural framing of experience, Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 22, 3, 331-360. Montgomery, M. (1986) An Introduction to Language and Society, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Mulkay, M. (1985) The word and the world: Explorations in the forms of sociological analysis, London: Allen Unwin. Mulkay, M. & Gilbert, G. N. (1985) Opening Pandora's box: A new approach to the sociological analysis of theory choice, Knowledge and Society, 5, 113-139. Ng, S. H. & Bradac, J. J. (1993) Power in language: Verbal communication and social influence, London: Sage. Olney, J. (1980) Autobiography and the cultural movement: a thematic, historical and bibliographical introduction, In Autobiography: Essays Theoretical and Critical, Princeton: Princeton University Press. Ong, W. J. (1982) Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word, London: Methuen. Personal Narratives Group (1989) Interpreting women's lives: Feminist theory and personal narratives, Bloomington: University of Indiana Press. Saleebey, D. (1994) Culture Theory and Narrative: The Intersection of Meanings in Practice, Social Work, 39, 351 - 359. Scheff. T. (1966) Being mentally ill: A sociological theory, Chicago: Aldine. Smith, L. M. (1994) Biographical method, In Denzin, N. & Lincoln, Y. S. (Eds.) Handbook of qualitative research, (ps. 273-285) Thousand Oaks, CA. : Sage. Sontag, S. (1979) Illness as metaphor, London: Allen Lane. Sontag, S. (Ed.) (1982) A Barthes Reader, London: Jonathan Cape. Stubbs, M. (1980) Language and Literacy: The Sociolinguistics of Reading and Writing, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Tajfel, H. (1982) Social psychology of intergroup relations, Annual Review of Psychology, 33, 1-39. Thody, P. (1977) Roland Barthes: A Conservative Estimate, London: Macmillan. Winterson, J. (1990) Sexing the Cherry, New York: Vintage. "


who sings take this world by storm

us About “Take the World By Storm”“Take the World by Storm” is a song by Danish soul-pop band Lukas Graham from their second studio album, Lukas Graham (Blue Album). The song was released as a digital download on 16 September 2016 by Copenhagen Records, and serves as the album’s fifth single in Scandinavia.

Take the World By Storm

"Take the World By Storm Lyrics [Verse 1] I've always dreamt of travel Why should we die where we were born? (born)Some road are laid with gravel Sometimes you gotta build your own (own) [Pre-Chorus] I wanna tear down boundaries I wanna greet my enemies I wanna see what I haven't seen Cause I know there's more [Chorus] I take the world by storm (storm, storm, storm) I take the world by storm (storm, storm, storm) [Verse 2] I don't have any answers The more know the more I grow (grow) I don't know where I'm going But I'mma search cause I see hope (hope) [Pre-Chorus] I wanna tear down boundaries I wanna greet my enemies I wanna see what I haven't seen Cause i know there's more [Chorus] I take the world by storm (storm, storm, storm) I take the world by storm (storm, storm, storm) [Verse 3] There's got to be more than this Gotta figure out how to jump the wall I wanna live and learn Don't matter if I land or if I fall I know I might return At least I know I'll be walking tall I'm not afraid Cause I take the world by storm (storm, storm, storm) I take the world by storm (storm, storm, storm)More on Geni

""Take the World By Storm"" Track Info Written By Lukas Forchhammer Graham, Morten ""Rissi"" Ristorp, Ross Golan & 1 more Additional Production Pilo Bass Magnús Larsson Vocals Ross Golan & Lukas Forchhammer Graham Piano Morten ""Rissi"" Ristorp Assistant Mix Engineer Hotae Alexander Jang Mixing Steve Rusch Release Date June 16, 2015Lukas Graham (Blue Album)Lukas Graham1. 7 Years2. Take the World By Storm3. Mama Said4. Happy Home5. Hayo6. When I Woke Up... (Interlude)7. Don't You Worry 'Bout Me8. What Happened to Perfect9. Playtime10. Strip No More11. You're Not There12. Funeral "


what is pummelo

2008How to peel a pummelo. If you found this helpful, why not donate 50 cents at Pay Pal: https://www.paypal.com/cgi-bin/webscr... The pummelo is an exotic large citrus fruit that is an ancestor of the common grapefruit. It originated in Asia and is grown in many eastern countries including China, Japan, India, Fiji, Malaysia, and Thailand.

How to peel a pummelo (aka pumelo, pomelo)tacoma5050Subscribe 77Add to Share More200,179 views24551Published on Feb 15,

It is also now grown in the Caribbean and in the United States, in California and Florida. Although it is most commonly known under the name of pummelo, depending on the region where it is grown, it is also called the pamplemousse, pomelo, Bali lemon, Limau besar, and shaddock. Pummelos are produced from the pummelo tree, which is a tree that can grow to heights of up to 50 feet. Additionally, the pummelo tree produces very attractive, fragrant and large white colored flowers. These flowers are often used in Asia to make perfumes. Because the pummelo fruit is related to the grapefruit, it has a taste that is tangy. However, pummelo fruit is sweeter in taste than the grapefruit. You can purchase fresh pummelos through the winter months at some larger supermarket chains and at specialty fruit and vegetable markets. When purchasing a pummelo, select only those that have a fragrant scent and that are firm to the touch. Also look to make sure that the pummelo does not have any bruises or marks on it. Once you have purchased your pummelos, you can safely store them in your home for up to one week provided that the pummelos are kept in your refrigerator. Pummelos have been treasured as a food source in Asia and other regions for many years. Now, the pummelo is finding its way into many culinary cultures. This is because the pummelo has a sweet citrus flavor that makes it appealing as a delicious, quick snack food or as an addition to more elaborate entrees and salads. Pay Pal Donate link: https://www.paypal.com/cgi-bin/webscr... Show more Loading...


cannot delete partition

You cannot delete the system partition, boot partition, or any partition that contains the active paging file or crash dump information. A partition must be selected for this operation to succeed. Use the select partition command to select a partition and shift the focus to it.

Delete partition

Docs Previous Versions Windows Delete partition August 31, 2016 2 minutes to read In this article Syntax Parameters Remarks Examples Additional references Applies To: Windows Vista, Windows Server 2008, Windows 7, Windows Server 2008 R2, Windows Server 2012 R2, Windows Server 2012, Windows 8Deletes the partition with focus. Syntaxdelete partition [noerr] [override]Parameters Parameter Descriptionoverride Enables Disk Part to delete any partition regardless of type. Typically, Disk Part only permits you to delete known data partitions.noerr For scripting only. When an error is encountered, Disk Part continues to process commands as if the error did not occur. Without this parameter, an error causes Disk Part to exit with an error code. Remarks Warning Deleting a partition on a dynamic disk can delete all dynamic volumes on the disk, thus destroying any data and leaving the disk in a corrupt state. To delete a dynamic volume, always use the delete volume command instead. Partitions can be deleted from dynamic disks, but they should not be created. For example, it is possible to delete an unrecognized GUID Partition Table (GPT) partition on a dynamic GPT disk. Deleting such a partition does not cause the resulting free space to become available. This command is intended to allow you to reclame space on a corrupted offline dynamic disk in an emergency situation where the clean command in Disk Part cannot be used.

Examples To delete the partition with focus, type:delete partition Additional references Command-Line Syntax Key Disk Part Commands Share | Theme